한나 아렌트와 프랑스혁명

김응종(Kim, Eung-jong) 호서사학회 2016 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.80

한나 아렌트는 『혁명론』(1963)에서 자유(freedom), 빈자(貧者), 행복 · 연민 · 동정 같은 ‘새로운’ 심성 등을 중심으로 미국혁명과 프랑스혁명을 비교하면서 프랑스혁명을 평가하고 있다. 이 글은 정치철학자의 성찰을 역사적으로 검토해 본 것이다. 아렌트에 의하면, 프랑스혁명은 공화국을 수립하면서 진정으로 혁명적인 길에 들어섰으나, 최종적으로는 ‘자유의 독재’, ‘덕의 공포’, 공포정치 같은 불법적인 독재와 전제의 나락으로 떨어지고 말았다. 아렌트는 빈자들이 혁명에 개입하면서 공화주의적 자유(freedom)가 궁핍으로부터의 자유(liberty)에 자리를 물려주었다고 설명한다. 프랑스에 누적된 고질적인 사회문제가 극단적인 사회전쟁을 일으켰고, 최종적으로 프랑스혁명을 좌초시켰다는 것이다. 아렌트는 무엇이 진정한 혁명인지에 대해 묻는다. 프랑스혁명이나 러시아혁명은 정치적인 혁명을 넘어 사회혁명으로 이어졌고, 이러한 이유에서 진정한 혁명의 지위를 누려온 반면 미국혁명은 식민지 지배로부터의 독립에 그쳤을 뿐 혁명으로 진화하지 못했다는 평가를 받아왔다. 아렌트는 사회문제를 해결한 혁명이 진정한 혁명이라는 통념을 거부하고 공화국의 수립을 진정한 혁명이라고 본다. 이러한 기준에서 보면 미국혁명이 진정한 혁명이다. 나아가 아렌트는 프랑스혁명에서 ‘혁명’이라는 지위를 회수한다. 프랑스혁명은 ‘혁명’으로 시작했으나 ‘반란’으로 끝났기 때문이다. 프랑스혁명은 혁명의 모델이 될 수 없는데도 불구하고 러시아혁명은 프랑스혁명을 모델로 삼음으로써 또 다른 재앙으로 끝나고 말았다. 아렌트는 빈민의 개입이라는 하나의 요인을 통해서 혁명기의 복잡한 상황을 명료하게 정리했으나 단순하다는 평을 면하기 어려우며, 혁명가들의 정치적 수사를 순진하게 받아들이는 모습을 자주 보인다. 그러나 프랑스혁명은 실패했고, 프랑스혁명이 없었더라면 오히려 자유와 권리가 더 많이 보장되었을 거라는 도발적인 진술은 프랑스혁명을 “자유, 평등, 형제애”의 위대한 시민혁명으로 보는 고정관념에서 벗어나, 폭력, 학살, 공포정치, 전체주의 같은 혁명의 이면을 바라보라는 요구로 받아들일 수 있다. In her On Revolution(1963), Hannah Arendt judges the French Revolution by comparing it with the American Revolution centering around the concepts such as the freedom, the poors, the happiness, the compassion, the pity. This article aims to examine the political philosopher’s reflections historically. According to Arendt, the French Revolution entered into the real revolutionary stage by establishing the republican regime, but finally fell into the real despotism in the name of the despotism of the liberty, the terror of the virtue. She explains that the republican freedom was replaced by the liberty from the need through the intervention of the poor in the revolution. The long accumulated social problems gave rise to the social war, and led to the failure of the revolution. Arendt asks what the real revolution is. The French Revolution and the Russian Revolution passed from the political revolution to the social revolution, and for this reason, were considered to be the real revolution, while the American Revolution, being suspended in the independence from the colonization, was not considered to evolve toward the stage of the revolution. Arendt criticizes the conventional notions that the social revolution is the real revolution, and argues that the political revolution of the establishment of the republican regime should be the real revolution. Futhermore, Arendt recalls the title of the revolution from the French Revolution, because it begins as the revolution, only to fail as the revolt. The Russian Revolution, by following the model of the French Revolution, turned out to be another disaster. Arendt epitomized the complicated situations of the French Revolution with the help of the notion of the intervention of the poor. Her arguments are too simple to get over the historical analysis. She often appears to be trapped in the rhetorical expressions of the revolutionaries themselves. Nevertheless, her challenging discourses that the French Revolution failed and that the liberty and the equality would have been better accorded without it lead us to look the French Revolution beyond the conventional notions of the “liberty, equality, fraternity”. Now is the time to see the other sides of the French Revolution such as the violence, the massacre, the terror and the totalitarianism.

프랑스혁명과 이이티혁명의 역사적 유산, 그리고 프랑스의 식민지 개혁론 - 프랑수아앙드레 이장베르의 정치경력을 통해 본 프랑스의 노예제폐지론 1823-1848

권윤경 한국프랑스사학회 2013 프랑스사연구 Vol.- No.28

This article examines French abolitionism in the first half of the nineteenth-century by excavating its engagement with the antislavery legacies of the French Revolution and the Haitian Revolution. For this purpose, this work focuses on the political career of François-André Isambert, a prominent liberal politician who was a central figure in the postrevolutionary French antislavery movement. At the confluence of liberal politics and antislavery, his career serves as an ideal window by which we can observe the formation and evolution of French abolitionism from the Restoration to the end of the July Monarchy. This article works toward two goals. First, it intends to demonstrate the key role of the legacies of the French and Haitian Revolutions in shaping French antislavery discourse and reveal the interpenetration between French domestic politics and antislavery struggle therein. The revolutionary legacies imposed on French antislavery liberals a crucial mission to overcome the revolutionary stigmas and legitimize abolitionism. Their efforts here struck at the heart of French liberal politics because contestations over revolutionary antislavery were part of the conflict over the interpretations of the French Revolution. This article investigates how French abolitionists mobilized and appropriated the entangled memories of the French and Haitian Revolutions and the controversial state of Haiti as the first post-emancipation society and proof of the equal capability of blacks. Second, this work seeks to rework Michel-Rolph Trouillot’s thesis and grasp the historical process of “silencing the Haitian Revolution,” not reducible to the “unthinkable” or collective trauma. In the shifting political situation from 1814 to 1848, it examines the ways in which French abolitionists and the colonial party contested over the meanings of the Haitian Revolution and Haiti for supporting or obstructing colonial reform. In this process, this article shows how Isambert and French abolitionists installed the French Revolution and its notorious decree of abolition in 1794 as the origin of general liberty, and how the hegemonic narrative of the French Revolution and emancipation eventually “silenced” the Haitian Revolution and Haiti in the grand narrative of French liberty that emerged triumphant in 1848. French abolitionists’ changing perception of the situation of post-independence Haiti played a decisive role in dismissing the Haitian Revolution from the story of emancipation. Cet article examine l’abolitionnisme français dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle, par rapport aux héritages antiesclavagistes de la Révolution française et la Révolution haïtienne. A cet effet, ce travail se concentre sur la carrière politique de François-André Isambert, un éminent politicien libéral qui a été une figure centrale dans le mouvement antiesclavagiste à cette époque. A la jonction de la politique libérale et l’abolitionnisme, sa carrière fournit un site idéal par laquelle nous pouvons observer la formation et l’évolution de l’abolitionnisme français de la Restauration à la fin de la Monarchie de Juillet. Cet article a pour but de prouver deux points principaux. Premièrement, il vise à démontrer le rôle fondamental de l’héritage des deux révolutions dans l’élaboration de discours antiesclavagiste française, en révélant l’interpénétration entre la politique intérieure et les questions coloniales. Après les révolutions, les libéraux français ont une mission cruciale: surmonter les stigmates révolutionnaires et reconstruire la légitimité de l’abolitionnisme. Leur effort a été inclus dans la politique libérale contre la monarchie réactionnaire, parce qu’il fait partie du conflit sur les interprétations de la Révolution française. Cet article examine comment les abolitionnistes français se sont appropriés les héritages intriqués des deux révolutions et la situation controversée d’Haïti après l’indépendance comme le laboratoire de l’émancipation et de la capacité égale des Noirs. Deuxièmement, le but de ce travail est de réviser la thèse de Michel- Rolph Trouillot et saisir le processus historique de “faire silence sur la Révolution haïtienne.” De 1814 à 1848, cet article étudie la façon dont les abolitionnistes français et le parti colonial se disputaient sur ​​les significations de la Révolution haïtienne et Haïti pour ou contre la réforme coloniale. Dans ce processus, cet article montre comment Isambert et abolitionnistes français a installé la Révolution française et le décret d’abolition de l’esclavage de 1794 comme l’origine de la liberté générale, et comment le discours hégémonique de la Révolution française et l’émancipation a occulté la Révolution haïtienne et Haïti dans le grand récit de la liberté française. La perception des abolitionnistes français de la situation d’Haïti après indépendance a joué un rôle décisif en rejetant la Révolution haïtienne de l’histoire et mémoire de l’émancipation

알베르 마티에와 러시아 혁명

박윤덕 한국프랑스사학회 2018 프랑스사연구 Vol.- No.38

This article explores the life and scholarship of the prominent historian of the French Revolution, Albert Mathiez, and investigates how this critical thinker viewed World War I and the Russian Revolution. In doing so, it particularly examines the extent to which Mathiez’s observation of these two important events influenced his own research and interpretation of the French Revolution. As the student of Aulard and director of the Historical Institut of the French Revolution at the Sorbonne, Mathiez first started to study the French Revolution through the lens of the history of religion. Yet the troubles that he had with his advisor later led him to establish the Society of Robespierre Studies and the journal Revolutionary Annales, and to expand his research agenda to the political, socio-economic, and military history of the French Revolution. The intellectual journey of Mathiez was significantly influenced by World War I and the Russian Revolution. He focused on the similarities between the French Revolutionary War and World War I, as well as the convergences between the French Revolution and the Russian Revolution. In fact, Mathiez tried to draw relevant lessons from the French Revolutionary War in a way that would shed light on the unfolding of World War I. This made him very critical of the policies of the French government of the time. In his view, the Russian Revolution was inspired by the French Revolution and learned from it, but fallen into a dictatorial regime that suppressed democracy and freedom with the rise of Stalin. Mathiez ultimately remained an independent historian as he rejected the dogmatic approaches of marxist historical methodology. 이 논문은 저명한 프랑스 혁명사가인 알베르 마티에의 삶과 학문을 살펴보고, 그가 비판적 지식인으로서 제1차 세계대전과 러시아 혁명을 어떻게 바라보았는지, 그리고 자신이 목도한 전쟁과 혁명이 그의 프랑스 혁명사 연구와 해석에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지를 살펴본 것이다. 마티에는 소르본의 프랑스 혁명사 강좌주임인 올라르의 제자로서 혁명의 종교사 연구로 프랑스 혁명사 연구에 입문하였지만, 스승과 불화를 겪으면서 로베스피에르 학회를 설립하고 학술지 『혁명 연보』를 창간하고, 혁명의 정치사, 사회사, 경제사, 군사사로 연구의 지평을 확대하였다. 이러한 마티에의 학문적 여정은 제1차 세계대전과 러시아 혁명이라는 대사건에서 많은 영향을 받았다. 그는 혁명전쟁과 1차 대전, 1789년의 혁명과 러시아 혁명의 유사성에 주목하였다. 프랑스 혁명전쟁의 역사에서 전쟁 수행에 도움이 될 만한 교훈을 찾고자 하였는데, 이는 당시 프랑스 정부의 정책에 대한 신랄한 비판으로 이어졌다. 그가 보기에, 러시아 혁명은 프랑스 혁명에서 교훈을 얻고 영감을 받았지만, 스탈린 체제의 등장과 함께 자유와 민주주의를 억압하는 독재로 전락하였다. 그는 마르크스주의적 역사방법론의 교조적 변형을 거부하면서 독립적인 역사가로 남았다.

‘혁명’의 개념 변화에 관한 고찰

길윤미(Kil, Yoon-Mi),문경자(Moon, Kyung-Ja) 경북대학교 인문학술원 2014 동서인문 Vol.0 No.2

프랑스와 러시아 사회에서 혁명이란 용어는 긴 의미 변화과정을 겪어왔으며 이것이 정치 사회적 혁명이라는 근대적 의미로 정착되는 시기는 프랑스 대혁명을 거치면서이다. 프랑스 대혁명은 러시아 사회에도 강력한 영향을 미쳤다. 프랑스 혁명 이전에는 익숙하지 않았던 혁명이란 용어가 일상 속으로 들어오게 되고, 러시아 지식인들 사이에서 프랑스 혁명을 연구하여 이를 통해 러시아에서 일어나고 있는 사건의 추이를 가늠하고자 하는 시도들도 활발해졌다. 그러나 20세기 이후에는 오히려 러시아 혁명이라는 세계사적 사건이 프랑스 사회에 많은 영향을 미치게 된다. 1920년 프랑스 공산당의 창당이나 앙드레 지드, 사르트르 등 프랑스 지성인들의 사회주의 혁명과 공산주의에 대한 열띤 논의에서 러시아 혁명과 러시아 공산주의의 영향이 강하게 드러난다. 프랑스 혁명에 대한 긍정적 해석은 이것이 세계사에 있어 새 시대의 서막을 알린 대 사건이었으며 민중의 정신을 일깨우고 인간 정신의 진보에 발판을 마련했다는 점에 근거한다. 러시아 혁명 역시 세계 최초의 사회주의 혁명으로서 세계사에 대전환을 가져왔으며 세계 발전의 방향을 정립했다는 측면에서 긍정적 의의를 찾을 수 있다. 그러나 19세기 프랑스 사회와 20세기 러시아 사회에서 혁명의 의의에 대한 의심과 회의도 결코 적지 않았다. 혁명의 폭력성과 혁명 이후에 뒤따르는 공포 정치를 경험한 두 나라의 민중들에게 혁명은 더 이상 절대적 가치로, 신성한 것으로 남을 수 없었던 것이다. 오늘날 혁명의 개념은 더욱 확대되어 정치성과 무관한 곳에서도 폭넓게 사용된다. 모든 종류의 위선과 억압에 맞서 저항하고자 하는 의지, 삶의 혁신을 꿈꾸는 정신의 자유와 열정의 의미가 혁명 정신 이란 말에 집약되면서 혁명의 긍정적 가치가 다시금 되살아나고 있는 듯하다. In French and Russian societies, the term ‘revolution’ has undergone a long process of change in its meaning and the period in which it began to be used as a contemporary meaning of socio-political revolution was through the French Revolution. The French Revolution had a strong influence also to Russian society. As the term ‘revolution’ that was unfamiliar prior to the French Revolution became commonplace, Russian intellectuals actively tried to evaluate the progress of events occurring in Russia by studying the French Revolution. After the 20th century, however, the Russian Revolution rather had significant effects on French society. The Russian Revolution’s influence is prominently revealed in the formation of the French Communist Party in 1920 or the heated discussion on socialist revolution and communism by French intellectuals such as Andre Gide and Sartre. The positive interpretation of the French Revolution is based on the fact that it was a major event as the prelude to a new era in the world history, while contributing to the advancement of human spirit and awakening the spirit of people. The positive significance of the Russian Revolution can be found in the sense that it also brought a major transition to the world history as the world’s first socialist revolution and while establishing the direction of world’s advancement. However, there were also many doubts and skepticism about the significance of revolution in the 19th century French society and the 20th century Russian society. For the people of the two countries that experienced the violence nature of revolution and following reign of terror, revolution could no longer remain as an absolute value and a sacred thing. Today, the concept of revolution has further expanded and used extensively in situations unrelated to politics. As the meaning of the determination to resist against every type of hypocrisy and suppression and the freedom and passion of a spirit dreaming of life’s innovation has integrated into the term ‘revolutionary spirit’, it seems that positive value of revolution is reviving once again.

버크와 페인 - 프랑스혁명에 대한 엇갈린 예언

김응종(Kim, Eung-jong) 호서사학회 2018 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.87

버크와 페인은 혁명의 탈선을 목격한 역사의 증인이다. 버크는 유구한 역사와 전통으로 빛나는 프랑스의 왕정 체제가 혁명에 의해 붕괴되는 것을 보고 대중독재와 전쟁, 그리고 장군의 지배를 예견했다. 버크의 예언은 정확했다. 페인은 아메리카에서 일어난 공화주의 혁명을 프랑스를 넘어 전 유럽에 확산시키려한 이상주의자였다. 그러나 그는 프랑스혁명이, 한나 아렌트가 말했듯이, 정치혁명에서 사회혁명으로 비화되어 파국을 맞이할 것임을 내다보지 못했다. 혁명은 로베스피에르의 전제정으로 전락했고, 공화주의자 페인은 감옥에 갇혔다. 버크가 혁명에 반대한 것은 프랑스가 왕정 체제를 유지하면서 의회를 구성하고 의회에서 법을 만드는 영국식 입헌군주정 체제로 발전할 수 있다고 보았기 때문이다. 버크 자신이 휘그당 하원의원이었으며 의회제를 옹호했음을 기억할 필요가 있다. 1791년 9월 공포된 프랑스 최초의 헌법은 입헌군주정을 채택하여 버크의 기대에 부응하는 듯했으나 프랑스혁명이 이 단계에서 끝나는 것은 불가능했다. 아메리카혁명과 달리 프랑스혁명은 사회혁명과 반혁명 그리고 전쟁의 공격을 받았기 때문에 과격해지지 않을 수 없었다. 페인은 아메리카혁명과 프랑스혁명에 직접 참여한 혁명가이며, 인민의 자유와 평화를 위해 헌신했다. 그러나 그의 고귀한 이념은 프랑스에서는 실현되지 못했다. 프랑스혁명은 대중독재와 공포정치로 전락하고 말았다. 또한 프랑스혁명은 전 유럽적인 혁명으로 확산되어 평화를 구축할 수 있을 것이라는 희망도 무산되었다. 혁명전쟁은 정복전쟁으로 변질되어 유럽을 고난에 빠뜨렸기 때문이다. 이 글에서는 버크와 페인이라는 두 역사적 증인, 두 ‘예언가’를 통해 혁명의 실상을 살펴보았다. 혁명은 버크가 예언한 대로 공포정치와 군사 독재로 막을 내렸다. 페인은 버크가 예견한 바로 그것 때문에 고초를 겪었고 좌절했다. 페인의 공화주의 예언은 단기적으로는 아니었지만 장기적으로는 실현되었다. 역설적이지만, 페인을 절망의 구렁텅이로 몰아넣은 인물은 공화주의자 로베스피에르였다. 페인이 보기에 혁명을 파괴한 인물은 로베스피에르였다. 혁명을 사회혁명의 단계로 진화시킨 혁명가, 청렴한 혁명가, 덕(virtue)의 혁명가 등과 같은 아름다운 수식어는 공포정치가 로베스피에르에게는 어울리지 않는다. Burke and Paine are historical witnesses of the deviation of the Revolution. Burke predicted mass dictatorship, war, and general dictatorship when he saw the collapse of the ancient French monarchy and its long-lasting traditions. Burke"s prediction was correct. Paine was an idealist who tried to spread the Republican revolution of America across France and across Europe. However, he didn"t expect the French Revolution, as Hannah Arendt said, to be shattered into a social revolution. The Revolution degenerated into dictatorship of Robespierre, and republican Paine was put in jail. Burke opposed the Revolution because he believed that France could develop into a British constitutional monarchy that would maintain the monarchy, form parliament and make laws in parliament. We need to remember that Burke himself was a Whig Member of Parliament and he defended the parliamentary system. France"s first constitution, which was proclaimed in September 1791, seemed to live up to Burke"s expectations by adopting a constitutional monarchy, but it was impossible for the French Revolution to end at this stage. Unlike the American Revolution, the French Revolution had to become violent because it was attacked by a social revolution, a counter-revolution, and a war. Paine was a revolutionist who directly participated in the American and French Revolutions, and he devoted himself to liberty and peace of the people. But his lofty ideology did not materialize in France. The French Revolution turned into a mass dictatorship and the Terror. The hope that the French Revolution spread to all European revolutions and establish peace there was also lost. This is because the revolutionary war turned into a war of conquest and made Europe difficult. This article, through two historical witnesses, Burke and Paine, two “prophets”, looked at the reality of the revolution. As Burke predicted, the revolution ended with the Terror and military dictatorship. Paine was troubled and frustrated by exactly what Burke predicted. Paine"s republican prediction came true in the long run, not in the short term. Ironically, it was republican Robespierre who drove Paine into the depths of despair. In Paine"s view, it was Robespierre who destroyed the revolution. Sublime reputations such as the revolutionist who evolved a revolution into a stage of social revolution, the pure revolutionist, and the virtuous revolutionist are not suitable for the Terrorist politician Robespierre.

프랑스 혁명의 이행 원리: 평등

권혁남 ( Hyeok Nam Kwon ) 아시아문화학술원 2016 인문사회 21 Vol.7 No.1

본 연구는 프랑스 혁명이 발발하게 된 배경과 혁명의 전개 과정, 결과를 개괄함으로써 혁명 정신으로서 작용한 ``평등``의 이념을 살펴보았다. 혁명이 추구한 ``평등``의 이념이 우연과 우발성이 개입된 프랑스 혁명의 전체 과정에서 궁극적으로 의도한 바를 충분히 달성하였는지를 평가하고, 이를 토대로 프랑스 혁명의 진정한 의의를 재고해 보는 것이 본 글의 목적이다. 이를 위해 우선 혁명이 구(舊)체제(Ancien Regime)를 개혁한 역사적 사실과 그 전개 과정을 살펴보고, 프랑스 혁명의 근본정신인 ``평등``의 정신이 혁명 과정에 어떤 작용을 낳았으며 혁명의 상황과 결과는 평등의 정신과 얼마나 부합하였는지를 순차적으로 검토해 보았다. 프랑스 혁명은 결코 부르주아 계급만의 계급투쟁이 아니었으며, 광범위한 계층이 참여한 ``민중의 혁명``이자 ``농민의 혁명``이었다. 여기에서 프랑스 혁명의 중대한 의의를 발견할 수 있는데, 바로 이 사건으로 말미암아 민중과 대중이 처음으로 역사의 주역으로 등장했다는 점이다. 다양한 혁명 주체가 거의 동등한 수준의 영향력을 발휘하여 혁명의 업적을 이루어냈다는 점에서 프랑스 혁명은 가히 ``평등의 혁명``이라 할만하다. 특히 평등은 사회의 일부 계층에 부와 권력 등이 다시 귀속되거나 불균형적으로 분배되는 것을 막기 위하여 사용되는 도구적 성향이 있다고 할 수 있다. 프랑스 혁명은 귀족의 특권을 타도하였다는 면에서, 그리고 ``인간의 평등``이라는 정신에 바탕을 두고 있었다는 면에서 완전한 평등화를 이룩하지 못하였다 하더라도 평등의 역사에서 가장 중요한 혁명의 하나라고 할 수 있다. 또한 프랑스 혁명은 정치적 권리의 주체를 다양화하고 평등의 원리를 명문화했다는 점에서 뿐만 아니라, 인간에게는 자신의 운명과 사회와 역사를 개척해 나갈 능력이 있음을 확인하는 계기로 작용하였다는 점에서 세계 역사에 큰 획을 그은 사건이었다. This study, by dealing with the background of the French Revolution, its progress, and results, examined the ideal of ``equality`` which worked as the spirit of the revolution. The purpose of this study is to evaluate whether the ideal of ``equality`` pursued by revolutionaries was ultimately realized fully in the whole process of the revolution where various chances and contingencies were intervened, and, based on it, to revisit the true significance of the revolution. To achieve the research purpose, this study, first, examined the historical facts in which the revolution overturned the ancien regime and it unfolded further, and, investigated how the spirit of ``equality`` served in the revolutionary progress, and how much the revolutionary situations and results matched the spirit of equality. The French Revolution was not simply the class struggle only for bourgeois class, but ``the people`s revolution`` and ``peasants`` revolution` where a wide range of classes participated in. We can find a significance of the French Revolution in this respect, that is, grassroots and mass emerged as the main actors of history for the first time in history. In the respect that various groups of people influenced the success of the revolution to almost equal extents, the French Revolution can safely be called as ``revolution of equality``. In particular, equality served as an instrument to prevent wealth and power from returning to a small number of people again, and being distributed unequally. In the respects that the revolution overthrew privileges of aristocrats, and that it was based on the spirit of ``human equality``, it is one of the most important revolutions in history of equality, even if the revolution did not realize equality perfectly. In addition, the revolution was an epochal event because it served as an opportunity to prove that humans are capable of exploring their destinies, society, and history, as well as expanding the groups of those who had political rights, and stipulated the equality principle.

미슐레의 공화주의 프랑스혁명사

김응종(Kim, Eung-jong) 호서사학회 2019 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.91

미슐레가 시도한 공화주의 프랑스혁명사의 주인공은 민중이다. 민중이 주권자이기 때문이다. 미슐레의 혁명사가 나오기 전에는 아돌프티에르와 프랑수아 오귀스트 미녜만이 체계적인 혁명사 연구서를 발표했는데, 이들은 사회적 측면이나 경제적 측면은 무시했고 혁명을 부르주아지의 위업으로 파악했다. 미슐레는 부르주아지에서 민중으로 주인공을 이동했다는 점에서 사학사적 평가를 받을 수 있다. 미슐레는 민중이 혁명 전선에서 물러나고 엘리트 혁명가들이 혁명을 주도하면서 혁명이 탈선했다고 본다. 미슐레에게 있어서 로베스피에르가 주도하는 공포정치 시기는 혁명이 정치적 민주주의에서 사회적 민주주의로 심화되는 시기가 아니다. 미슐레가 그리는 로베스피에르는 민중의 염원을 실천하는 민중의 벗이 아니라 “군주”, “신”, “우상”과 다르지 않았다. 혁명과 전쟁이라는 위급한 상황에서 불안해하고, 의심하고, 고발하고, 감시하고, 처벌하는 인물이었다. “청렴자”요 ‘덕’의 정치가라기보다는 내적 정화에만 사로잡힌 중세의 이단재판관과 같은 인물일 뿐이었다. 미슐레에게 있어서 공포정치는 위기에 빠진 조국을 구하기 위한 비상조치이기는 했으나 ‘상황’의 산물인 동시에 자코뱅적 광신의 소산이었으며, 승리의 수단이었다기보다는 오히려 적을 만들어내었고 최종적으로는 혁명을 파괴하였다는 점에서 반혁명적이었다. 유명한 반교권주의자인 미슐레는 중세 가톨릭교회와 마찬가지로 선악이분법에 사로 잡혀 있었다. 혁명은 선이었고 반혁명은 악이었다. 미슐레는 가톨릭교회가 반혁명의 온상이었다고 비판할 뿐 그 가톨릭교회가 ‘인간과 시민의 권리선언’에서 보장한 재산권을 빼앗겼으며 세속 권력의 가혹한 탄압을 받았다는 사실을 인정하지 않았다. 미슐레는 방데의 농민들이 가톨릭 근왕군을 결성하여 반혁명에 나선 것에 대해서도 그들이 광신적인 신부들의 선전에 넘어가 야만적인 폭력을 행사한 무지몽매한 사람들이라는 점을 강조할 뿐 그들의 행동에 대해서 충분한 배려를 하고 있지 않다. It is the people who is the protagonist in the Michelet’s republican history of the French Revolution. This is because the people is sovereign. Before Michelet’s republican history of the French Revolution came out, Adolphe Thiers and François-Auguste Mignet published a systematic study about the French Revolution, which neglected the social and economic aspects and identified the Revolution as a bourgeois feat. Michelet could be evaluated in historical terms for moving the protagonist of the French Revolution from the bourgeois to the people. Michelet maintains that the revolution has derailed as the people have stepped down from the revolutionary front and elite revolutionaries have led the revolution. For Michelet, the reign of the Terror led by Robespierre is not a time when revolutions escalate from political democracy to social democracy. Robespierre, described by Michelet, was not a friend of the people who practices the people’s aspirations and he was no other than “monarch,” “God,” and “idol.” Robespierre was a person who was anxious, suspicious, charged, watched and punished in the critical situation of the revolution and the revolutionary war. Rather than being a “integrity” and “good” politician, he was just a medieval heretic judge obsessed with internal cleansing. For Michelet, the reign of the Terror was an emergency measure to save his country from crisis, but it was also a product of “the situation” and a product of Jacobin fanaticism, creating enemies rather than a means of victory and ultimately destroying the revolution. Michelet, a famous anticlericalist, was obsessed with good and evil dichotomy, as was the case with the medieval Catholic Church. The revolution was good and the counter-revolution was evil. Michelet criticized the Catholic Church for being a hotbed of counter-revolution, but refused to acknowledge that the Catholic Church was deprived of the property rights guaranteed by the Declaration of Human and Civil Rights and that it was severely oppressed by secular power. Michelet did not give full consideration to the actions of peasants in Vendée anti-revolution, only stressing that they are ignorant people who used barbaric violence following fanatic priests" propaganda.

도미에 작품에서의 혁명 이미지 연구

정금희 전남대학교 5.18연구소 2007 민주주의와 인권 Vol.7 No.1

This study aims to examine the French artist, Honore Daumier's works that deal with the French Revolution among other subjects that tell about his philosophy of art. As it is widely known, the French Revolution, which was intended to realize liberty, equality and fraternity, paved the way for establishment and development of democracy not only in French history but also world history. Modern artists in Europe created various works based on the French Revolution. Among them Daumier was famous for keen criticism on those days during the French Revolution. Also he was one of the artists who were actually engaged in the French Revolution. Based on his experience he created many satirical caricatures. This study is intended to describe who the artist, Daumier really are and examine the close relation between social and political issues and art by studying his works. Especially, it focused on how political accidents were reflected and expressed in his works during the French Revolution. We can think over the influence that the French revolution has upon today's Korean society by studying his philosophy of art. It is definitely great outcome to find out the similarity between public paintings in Korean modern art and his works while investigating his satirical works. Figuring out the relationship between the significance of Gwangju Democratic Uprising and establishment of democracy in Korea by examining Daumier's works based on the French Revolution can be compared to finding one of the theories in human history.

프랑스혁명과 기업가들

金炫一(Kim Hyun-Il) 역사교육연구회 2001 역사교육 Vol.80 No.-

Historians have disagreed on the effects of the French Revolution on economy and development of the industrial capitalism. Recently, the negative effects have been stressed. In this perspective, the Revolution and revolutionary war are considered very unfavorable for the industrial and commercial activities. And the transfer of the advanced technology of England was made more difficult. As a historian argued, the French Revolution might have been a national catastrophe in the sense that it enlarged the economic gap between France and England. But as F. Crouzet said, the long-term effects are as much important as the short-term effects. It is undeniable that the Revolution should have played some positive roles. First, it helped the cotton-spinning industry to be established. A number of years before the Revolution, the newly invented machines of England, concretely Arkwright"s water-frame and Watt"s steam-engine, were already introduced Some cotton industrialists erected the cotton mills after the English model. The Revolution gave them a number of monastic buildings which had been confiscated as national property ("biens nationaux"). They could buy them cheap and transform it into good cotton-spinning mills. The "biens nationaux" brought profound change in the composition of ironworks owners as well. The percentage of the bourgeois iron industrialists increased. Secondly, the protectionist trade policies adopted by revolutionary government, in particular Napoleonic government, were very favorable for the industrialists. In a sense, the Revolution afforded some handsome opportunities to make fortune to the industrial capitalists. But there were some threats that they had to face. The most serious came from the popular movement at the period of the Terror. Some parisian bankers were thrown in prison. Nevertheless, they could pass the most terrible period preserving their lives and properties. Furthermore, some of them increased their fortunes by speculation on the "biens nationaux". After the storm passed, the parisian leading bankers ("haute banque") reestablished their banks, the "Caisse des comptes courants" and the "Banque de France". The Banque de France was to be a pillar of bourgeois France of the century to come. Leading bankers collaborated with Napoleon from the coup d"Etat. In this regard, the bankers" good fortune contrasts with the misfortune of the "financiers". The latter were too much attached to the "ancien regime". In sum, the French Revolution helped the industrialists to develop their enterprises. The cotton industry was the most favored industry at that time. Its development stimulated the machine construction. At the Napoleonic period, the cotton industry came to be established as a national industry. The cotton industry laid the basis for the industrial revolution. In contrast, the metallurgy, another important industry at the time, could not succeed in the technical innovation as a model ironworks, "Le Creusot" showed.

프랑스혁명에 의한 스코틀랜드인의 정치의식과 여론 대립구도의 변화

김영국 ( Kim¸ Youngkook ) 대구사학회 2021 대구사학 Vol.144 No.-

The French Revolution had exerted its massive influence in entire Europe. Different and opposing opinions about the Revolution, which led to their confrontations, emerged in each and every country. What happened in Scotland was no different. A series of happenings that had occurred in France since 1789 made British and Scottish elites and presses to dispute with each other due to their conflicting views. These disputes were continued even among the general public. As the Revolution went to extreme with radical changes, the arguments in Scotland had also been deepen. The reformers called for the same reformation that had happened in France. On the contrary, those who were loyal to the government tried their best to stop it. Also, accordingly, British government itself started to intervene in the hostility and suppressed the reformers. However, the war and the threat of French invasion unified the Scottish general opinion as anti-French. The Scottish diminished its internal opposition and hostility, and solidified against the external enemy. As the French Revolution was in transition, the public opinion and its conflict in Scotland have also changed accordingly. Furthermore the opposition of the public opinion has awaken the political awareness of the Scottish people. This article analyzes the process of how the popular political awareness and the confrontational composition of the public opinion in Scotland have altered according to the course of the French Revolution, and therefore implies the importance of numerous specific discourses that existed in each and every country in Europe during the period.