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      • KCI등재

        서구적 동아시아 복지국가 담론의 한국에 대한 적용 가능성 연구

        나병균 ( Byong Kyun Na ) 한국사회복지연구회 2010 사회복지연구 Vol.41 No.3

        The objective of this study is to examine the dicourse of East Asian Welfare Models and its applicability to explain the development of the Korean Welfare State(regime). The Confucianist Welfare State, representing East Asian Welfare Models has limitations in explaining the current features and dynamics of east asian welfare states. Compared to the western and northern european welfare states, the Welfare State(Regime) of Korea, one of the east asian countries show the clear differences in terms of its origin, the background of formulation, the orientation of the policy and the actors. Thus, a new approach to examine the East Asian Welfare Model is needed. As a theoretical framework, the origin and the growth of the Korean Welfare State(Regime) can be understood and explained in the boundary of concept and the theoretical framework of the Authoritative Developmental State; Historically, the democratization of the 1980s and the financial crisis of the end of 1990s in Korea contributed to the growth of the welfare policies and institutions in Korea. Japan, Taiwan and other east asian counties, such as Hong Kong and Singapore have many similarities with Korea in terms of welfare policies and institutions. Comparative studies of these countries can create significant and useful results to develop a new concept and model of East Asian Welfare States. Case studies and active academic exchanges among welfare state researchers in these east asian countries are very important to develop a new concept of East Asian Welfare State Models.

      • KCI등재

        동아시아 복지국가 모형 연구동향

        현외성 동의대학교 지방자치연구소 2011 공공정책연구 Vol.28 No.2

        동아시아 국가의 복지국가 모형 연구는 이론적 실천적인 측면에서 서구 사회복지정책의 비교연구 혹은 복지국가의 비교연구에서 1980년대 이후 관심이 증대되어왔다. 특히 에스핑 앤더슨의 복지국가레짐연구 이후 동아시아 복지국가모형연구는 가속화되었는데, 과연 서구와는 차이점이 무엇인가 혹은 유사점이 무엇인지에 대한 연구가 진행되었다. 그 대표적인 연구동향을 본 논문에서는 유교주의 복지국가, 발전주의 혹은 생산주의 복지국가, 그리고 복지국가 레짐유형에 따른 복지국가로 구분하여 각각의 연구동향과 그 비판을 제시하였다. 그리고 향후 동아시아 복지국가 모형연구와 연관한 쟁점과 과제를 몇 가지로 요약하였다. 국가별 복지국가 발달차이, 자료축적과 비교연구방법의 문제, 유형론의 한계, 국가간 비교연구 교류의 진작 등이 과제로 제시되었다. 그리고 190년대와 2000년데 들어와 금융위기 등을 거치면서 새로운 변화를 맞이하면서 변화하고 있는 새로운 동아시아의 복지국가 모형연구가 필요함을 제안하였다. The big concern on the welfare state model of East Asian countries has been increased in western comparative social welfare policy or comparative welfare state of the academic world since the 1980s. Especially after Esping-Andersen's welfare state regime study, the research of the welfare state model of East Asian states were speeded up. 'What is the similarity and difference of East Asian states between traditional west welfare states' was the great important point of every studies in comparative social welfare policy and welfare state. In this paper three the research categories on the welfare state model of east asian countries were presented : Confucian welfare state model, development or productive welfare state model, and welfare state regime model. A few important issues of the future in comparative social welfare policy or comparative welfare state of the academic world were also proposed. Those were as follows ; welfare state developmental difference of each East Asian country, the problems of comparative study method and data accumulation, limitation of typology study, stimulation of comparative study among East Asian countries.

      • KCI등재

        동아시아의 발전국가와 사회정책: 한국의 사례를 통한 발전주의 복지체제론의 주장들에 대한 재검토

        김순양 서울대학교 한국행정연구소 2015 行政論叢 Vol.53 No.2

        The purpose of this article is to verify the validity of developmental welfare theorems concerning the relationship between the East Asian development state and its social policy by focusing on the Korean developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s. The following are the theorems advanced by developmental welfare theorists concerning the relationship between the developmental state and social policy. First, social policy is generally underdeveloped or retarded in the developmental state that puts the top priority on economic development. Second, even if social policy is partly developed, it is done at best in order to play an auxiliary role for economic development. Third, the benefits of economic development are shared with social policy through the spillover effect of economic growth. Fourth, the beneficiaries of social policy in the developmental state tend to be restricted to a small number of unprivileged people. Fifth, social policy in the developmental state tends to develop preferentially around social insurance. As the results of empirical analysis of these developmental welfare theorems, the validity of some propositions were confirmed, whereas others were rejected. However, what is important is that even though the validity of some propositions may be accepted, the interpretation of results can differ according to the variables, indices, and data used. The relationship between the developmental state and social policy is not simply defined by the single factor of economics either, as developmental welfare theorists contend, but is influenced by the diverse factors of politics, society, and geography. Accordingly, a more flexible and comprehensive way of thinking is needed for understanding and interpreting the relationship between the developmental state and social policy. The excessive obsession with monistic, teleological, and result-centered interpretation of reality needs to be discarded. 본 연구는 동아시아의 발전국가와 사회정책 간의 관계에 관한 발전주의 복지체제론의 주장들이 어느 정도 타당성이 있는 지를, 대표적 발전국가였던 1960-70년대의 한국의 경우를 사례로 하여 분석해 보려는 것이다. 발전국가와 사회정책 간의 관계에 관하여 발전주의 복지체제론에서 내세우는 주장들은 다음과 같다. ⅰ) 경제성장을 주된 목표로 추구하는 발전국가 하에서 사회정책은 저발전 혹은 지체하게 된다. ⅱ) 발전국가 하에서 사회정책이 일부 발달하더라도 이는 경제정책의 수단으로서 기능을 한다. ⅲ) 경제발전을 하게 되면 이의 과실을 통한 낙루효과를 통해서 사회정책에 구현된다. ⅳ) 발전국가 하의 사회정책의 대상은 보편주의에 입각하는 것이 아니라, 특정계층에 제한되는 경향이 있다. ⅴ) 발전국가 하의 사회정책은 사회보험을 중심으로 발전하는 경향이 강하다. 이러한 주장들에 대한 실증분석의 결과, 일부 주장들은 그 타당성이 인정될 수 있었으나, 일부 주장들은 그러하지 못하였다. 중요한 것은 발전국가와 사회정책 간의 관계에 관한 발전주의 복지체제론의 주장을 일부 타당한 것으로 받아들이더라도, 이는 어떤 변수, 지표, 자료에 입각하여 분석하느냐에 따라서 그 해석은 다를 수 있다는 점이다. 그리고 발전국가와 사회정책 간의 관계를 규정하는 변인들도 발전주의 복제체제론에서 주장하듯이 경제적 요인들만 있는 것이 아니라, 정치적, 사회적, 지정학적 요인 등 다양하며, 이것들이 복합적으로 영향을 미칠 수 있다는 점이다. 따라서 발전국가와 사회정책 간의 관계를 이해하고 해석하는 데서 지나치게 일원론적, 목적론적, 결과론적 해석을 하는 데서 벗어나서, 보다 유연하고 통합적인 사고를 갖는 것이 필요하다.

      • Why Land Reform under Economic Nationalism Promotes Exports: From Egalitarianism to Developmentalism in East Asian Developmental States

        김석동 ( Seokdong Kim ) 한국행정학회 2021 한국행정학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2021 No.-

        My research examines why East Asian developmental states were able to achieve long-term low inequality as well as economic development during the postwar state-building and rapid industrialization periods despite being governed by growth-oriented and labor-repressive regimes. Developmental states’ economic nationalism led to both land reform and export-oriented industrialization (EOI). These two policies contributed to the nation state’s dual goals of developmentalism and egalitarianism, and hence exemplified plan rationality. Under economic nationalism, developmental states initiated progressive land reforms without violence during state building and effectively promoted EOI. EOI is an industrialization policy, not a redistribution policy. But during the industrialization period, EOI indirectly helped developmental states promote distribution and redistribution through employment and educational improvement. My mixed methods approach between game theory, quantitative, and qualitative research examines how causation from egalitarianism under economic nationalism to developmentalism can be generalizable to world cases beyond developmental states.

      • 글로벌 금융위기와 개발협력 -개발 패러다임 이동과 동아시아 개발국가

        강선주 ( Seon Jou Kang ) 서울대학교 국제문제연구소 2011 세계정치 Vol.15 No.-

        A new global power structure emerging in the wake of the global financial crisis is likely to affect the development paradigm which determines how foreign aid is conducted. While in varying degrees, donor countries have used foreign aid for their strategic interests and accordingly competed to establish development paradigms that would justify their behavior in foreign aid. Now paradigm shift is being called for as the Western developed countries have lost legitimacy in development issues and laced difficulties in increasing foreign aid, and as the MDG(s) have produced less than satisfactory results in poverty reduction. A new development paradigm likely to emerge after the crisis may embrace state-led economic growth as being preferred by developing countries. Under that circumstance, the Beijing Consensus in particular is likely to win support although it does not contain specific policy prescriptions but a political message of sovereignty and autonomy over development and state interventionism. A more viable development paradigm would be the developmental state of East Asia. The East Asian developmental state has proven to be an effective institution that promoted neutral planning and implementation, However, it should be noted at the same time that the East Asian development experiences emerged from a set of unique historical circumstances, which would be difficult for contemporary states to replicate and that the East Asian developmental state has been based on non-democratic political regimes. Therefore, it will depend on practical compromise between the Westem developed countries and emerging economies whether or not an effective development paradigm emerges to help those who are in desperate need of development.

      • Conservative Corporatism of Developmental States: One Common Outcome of Low Inequality Between Conservative and Social Democratic Corporatism

        김석동 ( Seokdong Kim ) 한국행정학회 2022 한국행정학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2022 No.2

        My research provides a conceptualization of conservative corporatism compared to social democratic corporatism and, by extension, proposes a typology of the developmental state compared to the welfare state. Developmental states, such as Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, maintained low inequality in the long term during rapid industrialization despite weak welfare regimes and low social expenditures. Why have both East Asian developmental states and European corporatist states commonly maintained long-term low inequality despite their contrasting ideologies of conservativism versus social democracy respectively? Developmental states have created state-led asymmetric coordination with firms but without labor. Both conservative corporatism and social democratic corporatism differ in the formation of the conservative welfare state and the social democratic welfare state respectively, but both have commonly maintained long-term low inequality. Developmental states’ conservative corporatism maintained egalitarianism with progressive land reforms, near-full employment, and educational improvement despite the absence of institutionalized welfare regimes. Social democratic corporatism can promote the state’s inclusiveness by sustaining a broad consensus between classes and, by extension, provide a roadmap for the inclusive state to realize economic democratization and to overcome inequality caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.

      • The Economic Development of East Asian NICs : State-Centered and World-Systems Theories

        Kim, Sunghoon East West Education Research Institute, Ewha Woman 2007 East west education Vol.24 No.-

        On the basis of the review of some of the important concepts and arguments ofstate-centered and world-systems theories, I have tried to show that both internal andexternal conditions were necessary for the rapid economic development of East AsianNICs, and that these conditions existed in a specific historical context. State-centered theory on the economic development of East Asian NICs cannot beeasily applied to those countries that are trying to enter the core, or already belongto the core, where the character of the relationship between the state and the socialclasses is significantly different. World-systems theory may basically be skeptical aboutthe possibility that East Asian NICs will enter the core because of the zero·sumcharacter of the world·economy.

      • KCI등재

        동아시아와 발전국가와 거버넌스: 정보화 시대 한국과 대만의 산업정책을 중심으로

        임혜란(林惠蘭) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2006 신아세아 Vol.13 No.1

          본 연구의 목적은 동아시아 발전국가와 그 변화과정을 거버넌스 개념을 통해 재이해해 보는데 있다. 세계화 시대 국가중심적 시각은 더 이상 변화된 현실을 설명할 수 없으며, 따라서 다양한 행위자 간의 조정양식인 ‘거버넌스’ 시각이 중요한 분석틀로 제기되었다. 정치경제 영역에서의 거버넌스 개념은 경제주체들 간의 행위를 조율(coordination)하는 정치경제적 과정 또는 제도로 정의된다. 정보화시대의 디지털경제가 네트워크 경제를 발전시키고 있듯이 다양한 행위자간의 자발적인 협력과 조정에 의한 네트워크 거버넌스가 정치경제의 조율양식의 중요한 개념으로 떠오르고 있다. 한국과 대만은 정보화 시대에 이르러 지속적인 산업정책을 추진하여 단기간에 빠른 정보화강국으로 부상할 수 있었지만, 그 추진방식은 서로 다른 조정양식을 보여주고 있다. 한국은 정보화추진과정에서 정통부 중심의 위계적 조정양식을 보여준다. 정보화 정책의 특성상 다양한 정치, 경제행위자의 부상에 따라 갈등 조정을 위한 수평적인 조정양식의 정책네트워크를 형성해야 했지만, 한국 정부내 조정양식은 이에 미치지 못했다. IT산업클러스터 육성에 있어서도 다양한 행위자간의 네트워크 형성, 산학연 협력과 기업간 분업과 상생의 네트워크를 발전시키지 못했다. 대만의 산업정책을 보면 정보화추진체계는 NICI 위원회 구성을 통해 부처간 중복투자 및 정책혼선을 막을 수 있었던 조정양식에 의해 진행되었다. IT 클러스터는 다양한 경제주체 행위자간의 협력 네트워크 건설, 즉 과학공동체, 기업, 연구소, 벤처캐피탈, 대학, 정부와의 긴밀한 협력과 정보교환을 위한 정책네트워크 건설에 의해 진행되었다. 따라서 대만의 산업정책 조정양식은 네트워크 거버넌스의 특색을 반영하며, 한국은 네트워크 거버넌스를 지향하고는 있지만 아직도 과거 발전국가적 유산을 반영하고 있다고 할 수 있다.   This study is designed to revisit the process of transformation of East Asian Developmental state with a new perspective of governance. The phenomenon of globalization, democratization, and informatization have made the state-centric approach inappropriate, due to the rising role of diverse actors such as NGOs, etc. The perspective of "governance," which is the mode of coordination in political economy, consequently becomes important in understanding changes of developmental state. The network governance includes the intra-state policy network of coordination as well as outside-state network with diverse social/economic actors for economic innovation. Korea and Taiwan have succeeded in promoting IT industry and application. However, they have shown some differences in modes of governance in promoting IT industry and application. Korea has developed the vertically-coordinated mode of governance, which reflects the legacy of developmental state. Also Korea has not succeeded in establishing the voluntary and cooperative network among actors such as government, research institute, university, and industry in IT cluster. However, Taiwan has developed flexible mechanisms to enhance intra-state policy coordination for promoting IT industry and application. Taiwan has established the cooperative network governance in IT cluster such as Hsinchu science park.

      • Post-developmental States’ Increasing Inequality: The Impacts of Weak Welfare Regimes and Institutional Inefficiencies

        ( Seokdong Kim ) 한국행정학회 2020 한국행정학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2020 No.4

        Why do post-developmental states, such as Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, suffer from increasing inequality after the 1990s, although they maintained long-term low inequality under the slogan of “economic growth first, distribution later” during rapid industrialization period? My path analysis examines why incomplete redistribution mechanisms of the developmental state model maintained long-term low inequality despite weak welfare regimes with low social expenditures in rapid industrialization period until the early 1990s, and why they led to increasing inequality after that period. It highlights that developmental states’ narrow, asymmetric alliance with firms but without labor will not promote institutional efficiency in resource allocation in the stage of developed economies. This institutional inefficiency occurs because the exclusion of labor makes developmental states’ redistribution mechanisms incomplete and because the collusion between the state and large firms distorts resource allocations for the potential of economic growth. I argue that developmental states’ complete formula of (re)distribution must include not only the provision of public land-ownership, employment, and public education but also the institutionalization of welfare regimes.

      • KCI등재

        전후 일본교육개혁의 정치학: 동아시아교육발전모델의 실천적 측면

        이윤미 한국교육정치학회 2017 敎育政治學硏究 Vol.24 No.1

        이 논문은 전후 일본교육개혁의 성격을 분석하고, 동아시아교육발전모델의 관점에서 그 시사점을 논의한다. 압축근대화 논리에 기반한 발전국가의 교육관에 기초하여 생산주의적 효율성, 정치적 권위주의, 입시를 중심으로 한 학력경쟁, 높은 사교육의존도가 나타나는 양상은 동아시아국가들에서 공통적인 교육적 특징들이다. 이 논문에서는 이러한 특징에 기반한 동아시아교육모델이 소위 발전국가론이 쇠퇴하는 1990년대 이후에는 어떤 양상으로 나타나고 있으며 시민사회적 역학관계를 어떻게 반영하는가라는 문제의식에 기초하고 있다. 이를 위해 동아시아모델의 대표적 사례인 일본사회에서 1990년대를 전후로 전개된 교육개혁과정의 역동적 맥락을 살펴봄으로써 일본을 통해서 나타난 동아시아교육발전모델의 ‘실천적 측면’에 대해 논의하고 있다. The purpose of this study is to examine the politics of postwar educational reform in Japan, known as the central case in the East Asian model of education. The so-called "East Asian model" has emerged since the 1980s in social science literature which focused mainly on the extraordinary economic success of Japan and the subsequent development in societies such as Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore and Hong Kong, or the Four Asian Tigers. Among these societies some crucial differences appear especially with regard to the relation between the state and civil society. This study examines the politics of Japanese postwar education, especially focusing on the major changes in the state and civil society around the 1990s, after the implementation of the so-called "Third (Great) Educational Reform" under the Nakasone Cabinet. It discusses whether some of the fundamental aspects of the East Asian model have been changed with regard to the neo-liberal reform measures that were targeted at challenging the strategies of the developmental state, and concludes that a considerable discontinuity as well as continuity can be found in relation to the shifting conjunction of politics over the state.

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