체육ㆍ스포츠 전공 대학생의 진로타협 선호도 및 유형에 관한 연구

김현석(Kim Hyun-Suk) 한국체육과학회 2011 한국체육과학회지 Vol.20 No.1

This study was intended to investigate the difference in preference and type between position compromise and interest compromise of the college students majoring in physical education and sport in the course of career compromise. For this purpose, the questionnaire research was conducted for 692 male and female college students(male: 317 and female: 312) majoring in physical education and sport at 2-year and 4-year colleges located in Seoul and Kyonggi Province. As a result, it was found that there was not a statistically significant difference in the preference of career compromise according to the school system, gender and both school system and gender. It was found that the male college students who were in upper grades in the 4-year colleges had the high will to compromise in the preference of position compromise, interest compromise and overall career compromise. It was found that there was a significant difference according to school years. and the college students in upper grades showed the high will to compromise in interest compromise and overall career compromise overall. It was found that there was a significant difference in interest compromise between 4-year college students and 2-year college students according to interdisciplinary division. Overall, it was found that the college students in upper grades had the high will to compromise. It was found that the type of career compromise was in orders of te group of overall compromise, the group of no compromise, the group of interest compromise and the group of position compromise in both the 2-year college and the 4-year college.

진로의사결정에서의 타협과정에 관한 국내연구 동향

전현영,손은령 한국진로교육학회 2012 진로교육연구 Vol.25 No.1

The purpose of this study was to review on the domestic research trends of career compromise in career decision. After introducing the Gottfredson's career compromise theory in Korea, lots of research papers were published. We tried to renew the literature review after the paper of Mae-Hang Hwang & Kay-Hyon Kim(2001). We studied 24 papers searched with a search engine “career compromise” along years,theme, objects, factors affecting compromise, and cross analysis were also performed among theme, objects and order of priority in career compromise. For last 10 years many researchers studied with theme of order of priority in career compromise, compromise pattern, compromise factor, compromise procedure,application and reviews. The most frequently researched topic was the order of priority in career compromise. And university students were most frequently sampled as the subjects and high school students, repeaters and office workers were also researched as a subjects. Factors affecting compromise process were personal characteristics, career attitude maturity, self effectiveness, expectation level of parents and cultural differences. This study showed the needs of various subjects and inclusion of more factors affecting career compromise. And methodological expansion like qualitative studies in career compromise process were recommended in future research. Some discussions and implications were addressed. 본 연구는 Gottfredson의 이론(1981)을 토대로 한 진로의사결정에서의 타협과정에 대해 문헌을 고찰한 황매향과 김계현(2001)의 연구 이후 현재까지 밝혀진 내용과 미진한 내용이 무엇인지를 점검함으로써 향후 진로타협 과정의 연구 방향을 정립해보려는 목적으로 수행되었다. 이를 위해 진로타협을 검색어로 하여 선정된 24편의 논문을 연도별, 연구 주제별, 연구 대상 별, 진로타협 영향 변인 별로 분류하여 분석하고 그 결과들을 살펴보았으며, 연구 대상과 연구 주제 그리고 타협 우선순위를 교차 분석하여 살펴보았다. 연구 결과 진로타협 우선순위, 타협 유형화, 타협 요인, 타협 과정 그리고 적용 및 고찰 등을 주제로 하여 지난 10여 년 간 매해 꾸준한 연구가 이루어지고 있었으며, 그중 진로타협 우선순위에 대한 연구가 가장 많이 수행되었다. 대학생을 대상으로 한 논문이 다수이기는 하지만 고등학생, 재수생, 직장인을 포함한 다양한 대상의 진로타협 과정을 검토하려는 시도도 있었다. 진로타협과정에 미치는 영향 요인으로는 개인적 특성 요인, 진로태도성숙, 자기 효능감, 부모기대수준, 문화 간 차이 등이 연구되었다. 최근 10년간의 연구를 바탕으로 향후 연구 대상의 확대가 필요하며, 진로 타협 우선순위에 대해 집중된 연구를 확장하여 진로타협에 영향을 주는 다양한 요인들에 대한 검토가 필요함을 확인할 수 있었고, 양적 연구에서 벗어나 질적 연구를 통해 타협과정을 보다 세밀하게 살펴볼 필요성이 드러났다.

정치가의 덕: 타협과 변절 사이에서

한곽희 ( Han Gwak-hee ) 서강대학교 철학연구소 2019 철학논집 Vol.58 No.-

본 논문의 목표는 타협(compromise)이 덕(virtue)이 되기 위해 필요한 조건들이 무엇인가를 밝히는 것이다. 어떤 사람들은 정치적 타협이 정치의 근본적인 요소이며 타협 없이는 정치적 활동이 불가하다고 주장한다. 하지만 어떤 사람들은 정치가의 타협이 자신이 속한 당과 자신을 배신하는 것이며 일종의 변절로서 비판받아 마땅하다고 생각한다. 부정적인 것으로 보는 중요한 원인 중 하나는 타협과 변절을 비슷한 것으로 여기거나 타협이 자기충실성을 위반하게 된다는 것이다. 이에 논자는 우선 변절의 특성에 대해 설명하고 그것에 대한 부정적인 평가가 적절하다고 주장한다. 그 다음에 타협과 변절이 구분될 수 있다고 주장한다. 변절에는 탐욕과 같은 부정적인 동기가 연관되는 반면에 타협은 반드시 그렇지 않으며 변절은 자기충실성을 위반하지만 타협은 그렇지 않을 수 있다는 것을 주장한다. 다음으로 타협의 덕을 위한 조건들을 제시한다. 그것들은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 바람직한 정치적 타협은 나쁜 동기에서 이뤄진 것이어선 안 된다. 둘째, 타협의 결과가 인간을 비인간적으로 잔인하게 다루는 것이어선 안 된다. 셋째, 타협이 정치적 카멜레온이 된 결과로 나온 것이어선 안 된다. 넷째, 바람직한 타협은 상대 당에 대한 존중에서 나온다. 다섯째, 바람직한 정치적 타협은 열린 마음을 가진 상태에서 이뤄진다. 여섯째, 정치적 타협은 신중한 고려에 의한 판단에 기초해야 한다. 일곱째, 정치인은 타협을 자신의 것으로 정체화 혹은 동일시해야(identify) 한다. 마지막으로, 정치적 타협이 자기충실성을 해치는 것이어선 안 된다. My main aim in this article is to suggest the conditions required for one to have the virtue of compromise, if compromise is a virtue. Some think that compromise is a fundamental factor for politics without which politicians cannot achieve their political ends. Some think that compromise is a sign of betrayal and of violating integrity. They hold that compromise is what politicians should avoid in order to be a good politician. The first task in arguing that compromise can be a virtue is to explain the concept of betrayal or treachery. Then, I argue that there are important distinctions between treachery and compromise. I hold that treachery involves bad motives, betraying the party to which one belongs, and violating one’s integrity, while it is not necessary that compromise involves them. Next, I suggest the conditions that qualify compromise as a virtue. First, political compromise should not derive from bad motives. Second, the agreement results from compromise should not treat humans in cruel or humiliating ways. Third, political compromise should not be the consequence of being a political chameleon. Fourth, political compromise should be accompanied by mutual respect. Fifth, politicians who compromise in desirable ways should possess the attitude of being open-minded. Sixth, political compromise should be made after careful consideration of all the relevant factors. Seventh, politicians who make a compromise should identify themselves with the agreement that derives from the compromise. Lastly, political compromise should not be a cause of violating one’s integrity.

조선시대 소송에서 和解 - 「1583년 義城縣 決折立案」을 중심으로 -

한상권 한국고문서학회 2019 古文書硏究 Vol.55 No.-

「Uisung-Hyun Gyeol-Song-Ip-Ahn(義城縣決訟立案) in 1583」 which is a civil decision in the Joseon Dynasty and rare archive shows the aspect of judicial compromise(裁判上和解). This document contains the details of the process of the compromise in court(訴訟上和解) in the Joseon Dynasty. The details of the content are as below; First, the compromise in court was a verbal settlement(口述和解) in front of the judge in the court which requires the submission of written settlement application in advance. Second, the compromise was based on the principle of adversary system(當事者主義) which means the plaintiff and the defendant make a mutual concession. Third, a lawsuit and relevant procedures were ended with the decision of compromise. Fourth, the decision of compromise would extinguish the party’s right which was compromised, and would cause the effect that counterparty acquired such right due to the compromise. Fifth, given Res judicata(旣判力) is applicable to the decision of compromise, the parties cannot argue the validity of the decision once compromise was established. If the party argued the invalidity of the compromise later, it was punishable for an illegal lawsuit. This is aligned with the principle of unlimited Res judicata in the Civil Procedure Code.

이공계 신입생의 대학타협 유형이 학업중단의도에 미치는 영향

전석진,이인서 충북대학교 교육개발연구소 2023 한국교육논총 Vol.44 No.3

This study aimed to analyze the effect of university compromise types on the dropout intention of freshmen majoring in STEM. To this end, this study utilized data from 782 freshmen in STEM majors at four-year universities from the 7th year of the Korean Educational Longitudinal Study in 2005 and conducted a one-way ANOVA and multiple regression analysis. Conceptually, the types of academic dropout were divided into transfer/re-entry and change of major, and the types of university compromise were defined as no compromise, university compromise, department compromise, and total compromise depending on whether the student compromised with the reputation or preference of the university and department. In summary, the results of this study are as follows: First, there were differences in dropout intentions depending on the type of compromise in university admission. Overall, students who made total compromises were more likely to transfer, re-enter, or change their majors than those who made no compromises. Second, university compromise affected transfer or re-entry, whereas department compromise affected change of major. Third, total compromise, which compromised both the university and department, had a significant impact on transfer, re-entry, and change of majors. Based on these results, implications for fostering STEM talent are suggested.

복직근 유리 피판을 이용한 유방 재건에서 혈관성 이상 소견에 의한 재수술의 시점 및 원인

김지연,장학,민경원 대한성형외과학회 2009 Archives of Plastic Surgery Vol.36 No.5

Purpose: The high success rate of free flap transfers is well documented in previous literature, and is possible due to the early detection of vascular compromise and timely reoperation. We specifically analyzed the operative results of immediate and delayed reconstruction with free transverse rectus abdominis musculocutaneous(TRAM) flap respectively in order to reveal its distinctive features on timing and causes of vascular compromise. Methods: The senior author operated on 158 patients, 161 cases of free TRAM flap for breast reconstruction. 51 patients underwent delayed reconstruction, whilst immediate reconstruction was performed in the other 107 patients. All patients were monitored every 3 hours for the first 3 days. We reviewed medical records of all patients, and tested statistical significance with the Fisher’s test. Results: Reoperation was performed in 20 cases, but the cases include hematoma with bleeding focus and arterial anastomosis site rupture due to abrupt arm abduction. We performed reoperation in 15 cases of suspicious vascular compromise. Flap compromise was noticed mostly within 24 hours, but not longer than 72 hours. Venous compromise was dominant by 11 cases(73.3%). There was difference in the timing of flap compromise between immediate and delayed reconstruction. All the cases of delayed reconstruction did not show signs of vascular compromise after 12 hours postoperatively. On the other hand, cases of vascular compromise were observed until 72 hours postoperatively in cases of immediate reconstruction. Conclusion: Delayed reconstruction showed vascular compromise within 12 hours postoperatively, while immediate reconstruction showed compromised until the 3rd postoperative day. If more aggressive monitoring is maintained during this period, we believe salvage of flaps may be increased with more efficiency.

이성적 불일치 문제에 대한 절충안 모색과 인테그러티의 문제 - 실천윤리적 문제의 정책결정 -

최경석 한국환경철학회 2008 환경철학 Vol.0 No.7

We are often faced with sharp conflicts of opinions when we discuss policies about various bioethical issues and environmental ones. It is very hard to find a societal solution to this kind of issues. One reason is that there is no objective evidence favoring either of conflicting opinions. The other is that these conflicts come from different and often conflicting views of life, world, and values. These difficulties are based on "the burdens of judgment" John Rawls mentioned. I consider these conflicts of opinions to be reasonable disagreement. Although lots of issues in bioethics and environmental ethics may be such reasonable disagreement, we often have to make a decision of policy. What can we do in this circumstance? I argue that we have to make a compromise. In most cases, however, there is a discrepancy between a personal beliefs and compromise as a group belief. Some wonder if this discrepancy harms the integrity of a person who makes a compromise. For those who follows wide reflective equilibrium, compromise may not harm a personal integrity because they should take into account the role of committee, the sources of reasonable disagreement, the necessity of toleration, and the understanding of compromise. Rather, we may say in this circumstance that the attitude denying any kind of compromise is unreasonable because it does not take into account other's purpose or perspective. In addition, wide reflective equilibrium requires that compromise cohere a belief system of a group. Thus, compromise does not harm an integrity of a society, either. 생명의료윤리의 문제들을 비롯하여 환경 문제 등에 대한 다양한 정책적 결정의 문제들에 직면하여 우리는 첨예한 의견 대립을 자주 목격한다. 이러한 문제들에 대한 해결책 마련이 어려운 이유는 어느 한 쪽의 의견에 손을 들어 줄 만한 객관적인 증거가 부족한 경우도 많지만, 상이한 인생관, 세계관 등의 가치관이 대립하는 경우도 많다. 필자는 이와 같은 어려움이 존 롤즈(John Rawls)가 지적하였던 판단의 부담(the burdens of judgment)에 근거하며, 따라서 이러한 이견을 이성적 불일치(reasonable disagreement)라고 이해한다. 그러나 이와 같은 이성적 불일치를 인정한다 하더라도 우리는 사회적 차원의 어떤 정책적 결정을 할 수밖에 없는 상황들이 존재한다. 이와 같은 상황 에서 우리가 할 수 있는 것은 무엇인가? 그것은 절충안의 모색이다. 그러나 많은 경우, 절충안에 합의한 사람들의 개인적 믿음과 절충안이란 그룹의 믿음 사이에는 괴리가 존재한다. 그리고 이러한 괴리는 개인의 인테그러티(integrity)를 해치는 것은 아닌가 하는 의문을 갖게 한다. 그러나 넓은 반성적 평형의 방법을 따르는 사람들에게는, 위원들으로서의 역할과, 이성적 불일치의 발생 근거, 관용의 필요성, 그리고 절충안의 성격에 대한 이해 등을 바탕으로 절충안의 모색이 개인의 인테그러티를 침해하는 것이 아니다. 오히려 이와 같은 상황에서 어떠한 절충도 배척하는 태도는 타인의 목적이나 관점을 고려하지 않는 비이성적 태도라고 할 수 있다. 나아가, 넓은 반성적 평형의 방법을 그룹의 추론 방법으로 채택하는 경우, 절충안은 그룹의 믿음 체계에도 정합적이어야 한다. 따라서 절충안은 한 사회의 인테그러티도 침해하지 않아야 한다.

어떤 유권자들이 정치적 타협을 거부하는가?:디지털 미디어의 영향과 정치적 타협에 대한 태도

송정민 한국의회발전연구회 2024 의정연구 Vol.30 No.2

지난 제22대 총선 결과를 통해 윤석열 정부는 5년 내내 여소야대의 상황에서 국정을 운영하게 되었다. 집권 이후 과반수의 의석을 가진 야당은 법안을 단독으로 통과시켰고, 그에 정부는 거부권 행사나 시행령 통과를 통해 대응하여 왔다. 현재의 대통령-야당 간의 대립 구도를 해소하고 국정 운영의 효율성을 높이기 위해, 서로의 정치적 입장에서 조금씩 벗어나 정치적 타협을 이루려는 노력이 필요하다. 본 연구에서는 정치적 타협에 대한 기존의 논의를 검토하고, 설문조사 데이터를 활용하여 현재의 정치 양극화 상황에서 어떤 시민들이 정치적 타협을 지지하거나 혹은 거부하는지 분석한다. 분석 결과, 우려와 달리 한국의 다수의 유권자들은 여전히 정치적 타협의 가치를 긍정적으로 평가하고 있으며, 이는 무당파와 당파 집단 모두에서 일관되게 나타났다. 그러나 유튜브와 소셜미디어를 통한 정치적 콘텐츠 소비가 증가할수록 정치적 타협에 대한 부정적 태도가 강화되는 경향이 발견되었고, 이는 디지털 미디어의 역할이 정치적 타협의 가치를 약화시키는 데 기여하고 있음을 시사한다. 반면, 정치적으로 다양한 관점에 스스로를 노출시키려는 유권자일수록 정치적 타협에 대해 긍정적인 태도를 보였는데, 이는 필터버블에서 벗어나려는 미디어 소비 습관이 정치적 타협의 가치를 회복하는 데 중요한 역할을 할 수 있음을 보여주었다. The results of the 22nd general election have led to a situation where the Yoon Suk-yeol administration must operate under a divided government for the entirety of its five-year term, with the opposition party holding a majority of seats. Since coming to power, the opposition party has passed bills unilaterally, while the government has responded by exercising veto power or passing executive orders. To resolve the current standoff between the president and the opposition party and to improve the efficiency of governance, efforts to move away from strict political stances and achieve political compromise are necessary. This study reviews existing discussions on political compromise and analyzes which citizens support or reject political compromise in the current context of political polarization. The analysis reveals that, contrary to concerns, a majority of Korean voters still positively value political compromise, and this sentiment is consistent across both nonpartisan and partisan groups. However, it was found that as political content consumption through YouTube and social media increases, negative attitudes toward political compromise tend to be reinforced, suggesting that digital media may play a role in undermining the value of political compromise. On the other hand, voters who actively expose themselves to diverse political perspectives show more positive attitudes toward political compromise, indicating that media consumption habits that seek to break out of filter bubbles can play a crucial role in restoring the value of political compromise.

공익사업을 위한 토지 등의 취득과 그 손실보상에 있어 행정형 대체적 분쟁해결제도 연구

정기상 ( Ki Sang Jung ) 한양대학교 법학연구소 2012 법학논총 Vol.29 No.4

『Act on the Acquisition of Land etc. for Public Works and the Compensation』stipulates the confirmation of reaching agreements and the recommendation of compromise by the land commission as ‘administrative’ alternative dispute resolutions in the acquisition of land etc. for public works and the compensation. But the confirmation of reaching agreements and the recommendation of compromise are not widely used on account of ambiguous provisions related to each resolution. If the business operator, landowners and the parties concerned accept the recommendation of compromise, the land commission makes the compromise protocol. Ambiguous provisions related to the legal effects of the compromise protocol arouse the controversy about the practical benefit of the recommendation of compromise. It is necessary to amend the provisions related to the confirmation of reaching agreements and the recommendation of compromise to make plain the procedures and the legal effects. Especially, I suggest to give landowners and the parties concerned the rights to request the confirmation of reaching agreements. I don`t think there is any substantial reason to invest only business operators with the rights to request the confirmation. It is reasonable to let the land commission itself(not a subcommittee) recommend compromise to the business operator, landowners and the parties concerned. And the confirmation of reaching agreements and the recommendation of compromise are used after the notification of the public utility authorization. It is necessary to adopt administrative alternative dispute resolutions before the notification of the public utility authorization, such as arbitration and conciliation. Through this research, I hope the discussions on the related issues would be more active.

영국 명예혁명(1688-89)과 한국의 민주화(1987-97)의 비교역사학적 연구(1): 타협민주화의 비교사적 고찰

김용직 한국정치외교사학회 2017 한국정치외교사논총 Vol.38 No.2

This is a comparative research of Britain’s Glorious Revolution(1688-9) and Korea’s 1987 Democratization. Striking similarities indicate that these belong to the same category of democratization by compromise. First, there are two distinct political forces that recognized historical mission of making political compromise. Challenge groups that have evolved into a coherent threat to authoritarian system staged new level of struggles. Whigs emerged as a strong enemy of royal power in the late 1680s. Then in 1688 key compromise was made between Tories and Whigs. Compromise is a major aspect that defined Korea’s case as well. Korea’s democratization in 1987 was launched first by the initiative of democratic movement forces. In June 29, a grand scheme of compromise was declared by government leader Rho. Second, the two historical cases of democratization are great success stories that created lasting constitutional system. The 1987 Korean constitution has been molded by democratization and served as keystone of Korean Democracy. British during the Glorious Revolution agreed to launch a King-in-parliament. Compromise by major political parties in Korea could establish a balanced political system of democracy with single term presidential rule, which has lasted three decades 본 연구는 17세기 국의 명예혁명과 20세기 한민국의 민주화를 타협민 주화라는 민주화의 이론적 모델을 비교역사학적으로 적용하여 고찰하다. 필자는17세기국과20세기한국두나라의정치적격변사례를타협민주화 라는관점에서비교사적연구를시도하다. 두나라의혁명과민주화의사례 가 공간적으로 유럽과 동아시아, 그리고 시간적으로 3세기 간의 격차가 존재 함에도불구하고타협민주화라는점에서매우유사성이특징적으로나타났고 다음의결론들을도출하다. 첫째, 양국의민주화의중심에는두개의이질적이지만타협을중시하는정 치세력의 등장과 이들 사이의 갈등뿐 아니라 정치적 타협이 존재한다는 점이 다. 국의 17세기 명예혁명은 이전 시기 정변의 계승적 성격을 갖는데 이에 는 장기적인 왕권에 한 의회세력의 도전이 작용하다. 1688년 국의 토 리와휘그는타협하고그결과오렌지공윌리엄에한비서한을보내국 왕 제임스에 한 의회의 투쟁전선에 지원세력으로 가담시켰다. 무엇보다 토 리와휘그와의초당적타협이위력을발하고국왕과의회의타협도큰몫을 한 것이다. 한국은 87년민주화에서는 야권내의 민주화운동세력이 등장한 6,10 항쟁이초기민주화전개의절정을이루었고직후에권위주의정부내온 건개혁파를 변하는 노태우의 6.29선언이 중기 타협정치의 성공에 크게 공 헌하다. 둘째, 두 나라의 정치적 사건들은 양국의 장기적으로 지속되는 헌정체제를 탄생시키고발전과번을가져다준위한성공의사례이며그중심에는두 정치세력의 협력과 타협이 중요했다. 국의 명예혁명 사건은 국왕과 의회와 의갈등사이에서결국양자사이의타협적거버넌스체제를도출하게되었고 그것이 이후 30년 동안“의회내 국왕제”라는 특이한 입헌군주체제로 나타났 다. 반면, 한국의87년민주화는운동권과야당의연합에의한민주화요구로 시작되었고5공정부내의노태우를중심으로한온건파의응과협력으로성 취될수있었다. 이후한국의민주화는여야간의정치적타협으로이어져 5년담임통령에 의한 87년헌정체제의 수립으로 귀결되었고 지난 30년 동안 한국의 민주주의 를이끌어왔다.