고려의 조선통보 주조

강병국(Kang, Byeong-Kuk) 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2021 서강인문논총 Vol.- No.60

오늘날 조선통보(朝鮮通寶)는 조선시대에 처음 주조되었으리라는 것이 당연한 상식처럼 받아들여지고 있다. 하지만 정작 이에 대한 조선시대 학자들의 생각은 각각 고조선, 고려, 조선 세종조로 보는 세 가지 견해가 존재했던 것이다. 이를 조선시대에 처음 주조한 것이라고 확정지어 공표한 것은 일제시대 일인학자들의 연구논문에 의한 것이다. 하지만 이들은 이미 조선시대의 많은 학자들이 조선통보에 대해 검토하고 관련 서술을 남겼다는 사실을 알지 못한 채, 자신들이 『조선왕조실록』에서 세종조의 주조기록을 처음 발견한 것으로 생각했을 뿐이다. 그 결과 이 사실 하나만을 근거로 첫 주조시기를 조선시대로 단정했던 것이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 이들의 연구는 초창기에 정식으로 학술지에 공표됨으로써 후대의 학자들에게 결정적 영향을 미쳤고, 이후 더 이상의 연구검토가 이루어지지 않은 채 당연한 상식으로 굳어졌다. 하지만 현전하는 사료와 유물을 종합해서 검토하면 조선통보는 조선이 아니라 고려에서 처음 주조된 동전이다. 『조선왕조실록』의 주조 기록은 첫번째 주조가 아니라 두번째 주조였던 것이다. 그러므로 조선통보의 첫 주조시점에 대한 오해가 그대로 방치될 경우 역사 해석에 왜곡을 초래할 위험이 있다. 조선통보 유물은 지금도 전국각지에서 계속 출토되는데, 이러한 동전 유물의 첫 주조시점은 관련 유물의 상한 연대를 결정짓는 근거로 활용되기 때문이다. 고려시대의 유적이 조선시대의 유적으로 오해될 수 있는 것이다. 이에 본 논문에서는 사료와 유물을 검토함으로써 조선통보가 조선이 아닌 고려에서 처음 주조되었다는 역사적 사실을 밝혔다. 또한 고려왕조의 조선통보와 조선 인조조의 조선통보는 그 전문(錢文)의 서체가 팔분서(八分書)로 동일하지만, 동전의 무게를 통해 양자를 구분할 수 있다는 사실도 아울러 밝혔다. It is a widely accepted fact these days that Chosun-Tongbo coin was first minted during the Chosun Dynasty. However, the scholars from the Chosun Dynasty actually had three different opinions about this, which considered the Old-Chosun(古朝鮮) Dynasty, the Koryeo Dynasty and the Chosun Dynasty. It is the research paper written by Japanese scholars during the Japanese colonial era which confirmed that Chosun-Tongbo had been minted for the first time during the Chosun Dynasty. However, those Japanese scholars did not understand that the scholars from the Chosun Dynasty had already researched and written about Chosun-Tongbo, and supposed that they first discovered records about the mint by the king Sejong(世宗) in Chosunwangjosillok(朝鮮王朝實錄). Based upon this alone, they presumably concluded that it had been minted for the first time during the Chosun Dynasty. Nonetheless, their research was officially presented in a journal , which had a critical influence on other scholars later on, and then became a widely accepted fact without any further review and verification. However, based on the comprehensive review of existing historical archives and artifacts, Chosun-Tongbo was first minted during the Koryeo Dynasty, not the Chosun Dynasty. The records about the mint by the king Sejong in Chosunwangjosillok was about the second mint, not the first one. So, there is a risk of distorting history understanding if the misunderstanding on when Chosun-Tongbo was first minted were left undiscussed. The artifacts of Chosun-Tongbo are still being excavated from all over the country and the timing of the first mint is a critical basis to set the upper limit for the chronology of any related artifacts. Artifacts from the Koryeo Dynasty might be misstated as being from the Chosun Dynasty. Hereupon, this paper verifies through comprehensive study and review of historical records and artifacts that Chosun-Tongbo was first minted during the Koryeo Dynasty, not the Chosun Dynasty. It further affirms that Chosun-Tongbo from the Koryeo Dynasty and that from the Chosun Dynasty"s king Injo(仁祖) period can be distinguished based on their weights even though the calligraphy on the front is identical palbunseo(八分書) on both.

魚呂之亂硏究

임상훈 전북사학회 2011 전북사학 Vol.0 No.39

몽원제국시의고려에대한빈번한공녀요구와그와관련된연구는중국의 喜蕾등을비롯한여러학자들에의해이미널리알려져있다. 그에비해조선초의공녀연구상황은원나라때와비교하여볼때그규모나수량에서상당한차이를보여그다지관심을받지못했던상황이다. 그러나,그연구범위와수량은원조의그것과필적할정도로광대하고많다. 14세기말에들이닥친원명교체,한반도에서역시고려와조선의교체,이와관련된친원적성격이강한고려에대한명의경계등등이러한민감한정치적상황에서명나라황제의조선에대한공녀요구원인을어느학자들은정치적인이유즉,화친(和親)이라고보지만,필자는물론정치적인이유도완전히배제할순없지만,그보다더큰이유는명황제의사욕,허영심을채우기위해서였다고본다. 실제로선덕조에그동안명궁궐에남아있던공녀들을보내면서,섭정을하다시피한장황태후가처녀들이온건알고있지만,음식만드는시녀,노래부르는시녀들이들어온건모르고있었다. 이로볼때명황제의조선에대한공녀요구는정치적목적보다는일신의쾌락을위한것이었다고보는것이타당할것이다. 명황제의이러한무리한요구는조선의군신으로하여금유가적도덕관념을위배하면서까지처녀들을준비해진공하게했다. 이당시조선의왕과양반들의고충이이만저만아니었을뿐만아니라,백성들의삶역시큰영향을받았음은의심할여지가없다. 그러나조선의왕과양반,백성들의고충은실제로조공품으로끌려가는공녀들의아픔에비하면비할바가아니었다고생각된다. 당시공녀들의중국을향한진공행렬을지켜보던백성들은그것을산송장(生送葬)이라고까지할정도였으니말이다. 실제로중국궁궐에도달한공녀들은겉으로는화려해보이지만속으로는항상바늘방석에앉은듯한삶을이어갔고,대부분의공녀들은두차례에걸친영락제의대량학살로인해만리타향에서원한을품은채객지의원귀가되었다. 본연구는영락조에발생한두차례의명궁궐내의대학살궁궐비사인 ‘어려지난(魚呂之亂)’에초점을맞추어그발생시기와주모자등에관한몇가지의문점에대한아래와같은해결과연구방향을제시하였다. 먼저,사건의원흉인 呂씨에관한신분을연구해본결과,실제로사건의원흉인呂씨는조선의공녀출신 呂씨가아닌중국 呂씨상인의딸인 “贾吕”로서명궁궐에들어온중국인으로조선과는하등관계가없는인물이었다. 둘째로,본문은 조선왕조실록에대거의존하여어려지난에대해서설명해봤는데,정확한발생시간등 조선왕조실록에기록되지않은내용은명사,명실록,국각등중국사료에약간이나마출현하는기사를통해서간접적으로접근하였고,그결과영락제의 呂씨주살은영락11년(태종13년, 1413년)에발생,어려지난은영락19년(세종3년, 1421년)에발생했다는것을알수있었다. 셋째로,어려지난의또다른주모자어(魚)씨의신분에관한것으로,그어씨의성이 魚가아닌, 喩라는것이다. 두번째연구결과인어려지난의구체적발생시간이틀리지않는다면, 명사,명실록,국각등중국사료에등장하는영락제의후궁 喩씨의사망시간이 조선왕조실록에기록된어려지난의발생시기에자살한시간과거의일치한다는사실을알아냈다. 또,중국어발음에있어서위의두한자는다같이 ‘위’라는발음으로글을쓸줄모르거나,알더라도어떤중국어발음 ‘위’의한자인지모르는김흑이발음하는것을사관이오기했을가능성이커,어려지난의또다른주모자 魚씨가사실은영락 ... This research will focus on ‘Catastrophe of EO-RYEO’(Simple Chinese: 鱼吕之乱, Traditional Chinese 魚呂之亂)’ which is a palace secret history occurred two times in MING during YONGLE dynasty and suggest the solution and research direction about questions regarding the occurrence time and mastermind. First, as a result of studying about status of ‘呂(RYEO)’ who is a main culprit beside the incident, ‘呂(RYEO)’ was turned out as Chinese ‘呂(RYEO)’’s daughter,“贾吕(GORYEO)”, not ‘‘呂(RYEO)’ from women tribute in Chosun dynasty. Therefore, She was Chinese coming to MING palace and had nothing to do with Chosun dynasty. Secondly, this thesis have explained about ‘Catastrophe of EO-RYEO’ based on the Annals of the Chosun Dynasty and approached indirectly the contents, which were not recorded in the Annals of the Chosun Dynasty, through reports in China historical records such as MINGSHI, MING shi-lu, and GUOQUE etc. Consequently, it was found that putting to death of ‘呂(RYEO)’ occurred in 1413and ‘Catastrophe of EO-RYEO’ did in 1421. Third, regarding a status of another main culprit ‘魚 (EO)’ in ‘Catastrophe of EO-RYEO’, the family name of ‘魚 (EO)’ is not ‘魚’ but ‘喩’. If the specific occurrence time which is in second part is not wrong, a death time of ‘喩’ ,who is the YONGLE dynasty’s concubines, corresponds with the suicide time during ‘Catastrophe of EO-RYEO’. Moreover, the pronunciation of above two Chinese letters is the same as ‘YU’, so there might be a possibility that a history writer miswrote ‘Kim Heuk’s pronunciation who couldn’t write or know which letter has a pronunciation ‘YU’. With this result, it was discovered that another main culprit ‘魚 (EO)’ was the YONGLE dynasty’s concubines. However, this research has some problems like below. First, there is a limitation in using a historical records. The main subject,‘Catastrophe of EO-RYEO’, is a palace secret history in MING. It was very difficult to find in China historical records likewise are cord about women tribute. Actually, Ming RENZONG who ascended the throne after Emperor YONGLE death was reluctant to publicize about this incident to the Chosun Dynasty. For that reason, this research have depended on the Annals of the Chosun Dynasty unavoidably. Secondly, For reasons above, it is not certain how much of this historical records is true since relying on the Annals of the Chosun Dynasty. Even though the Annals of the Chosun Dynasty do not have false records, there might be problems such as exaggeration and miswriting for some reasons. ‘Catastrophe of EO-RYEO’ occurred in 1421. ‘Kim Heuk’, who is Han’s nanny, returned to Chosun Dynasty in 1435 and informed about ‘Catastrophe of EO-RYEO’ to Se Jong 15 years later of the incident. Also, there may existed an exaggeration and miswriting as I said above because aged ‘Kim Heuk’ talked about what happened at that time to a history writer. Miswriting the family name of ‘魚 (EO)’ cited as an instance. Third, this research ended in explaining that main culprit “贾吕(GORYEO)” in ‘Catastrophe of EO-RYEO’ was not Chosun people but Chinese ‘呂(RYEO)’’s daughter and come to palace as a court lady by reaching limitation of the writer ability. I consider disclosing her exact status raises a value of this research to a higher level. But there is a sense of frustration about making this research as following-up study project because of writer’s limitation.

麗末鮮初 趙胖의 對明외교활동

오수연 (사)한국인물사연구회 2013 한국인물사연구 Vol.20 No.-

The late Goryeo and early Chosun Dynasty was politically sensitive time when bureaucrats' future was decided centering around founding the new dynasty. It is quite important to review political activities of founding contributors among subjects, to research the turning point from Goryeo to Chosun. There are lots of existing researches on Chosun founding contributors, but lack of researches on working-level task force covered by major figures such as Jung Do-jeon and Jo Jun who led the systematical reform and new dynasty. It is Jo Ban who is the most remarkable person in such working-level task force. Jo Ban was named as a founding contributor who played a major role in the relations with Ming Dynasty. Especially, Jo Ban visited Ming total seven times as an envoy, and three of them were related to a major mission related to investiture of King. They were to request the posthumous title of King Kongmin and the succession of King Woo, to inform Ming of King Kongmin's enthronement, and of Lee Seong-gae's enthronement after foundation of Chosun Dynasty. The three trips as an envoy indicate that Jo Ban's diplomatic mission was quite important and serious. To understand the background that Jo Ban performed such diplomatically important duties, this study examined the process of his entrance to government service. He went to Yuan at the age of 12 and stayed at his cousin's as she got married to Yuan's official named Danpyeongjang. During his stay in Yuan, he studied Mongolian and Chinese language and mastered two languages. His remarkable talent made Prime Minister of Yuan named Taltal appoint him as the official interpreter of Jungseosung. After 15-year service in Yuan, he returned to Goryeo in the 17th year of King Kongmin's reign and served as an official. In the 8th and 11th year of King Woo's reign, he visited Ming as an envoy to request the posthumous title of King Kongmin and the succession of King Woo. It was a diplomatically sensitive time when Goryeo got complaints from Ming because of its double diplomacy with Yuan and Ming. In the situation, Jo Ban's diplomatic ability was recognized by getting approvals of the two missions in the 11th year of King Woo's reign. After that, he was selected again as an envoy to inform Ming of new King's enthronement in the 1st year of King Kongyang's reign. For King Woo and Kongmin, Jo Ban's mission was much important to proclaim the legitimacy and appropriateness of their throne externally by getting Ming's approval of enthronement. Jo Ban after his political growth through diplomatic activities formed ties with Lee Seong-gae because of his criminal case in the reign of King Woo. Lee Seong-gae who attained power through Wihwadohwegun learned that he needed Ming's protection for his power, and achieved that through Jo Ban. Jo Ban performed diplomatic activities according to Lee Seong-gae's intension as an envoy to Ming, and returned home in May in the 2nd year of King Kongyang's reign and reported the criminal case of Yoo Yi and Lee Cho, which gave Lee Seong-gae a momentum to remove his political opponents. Like this, Jo Ban helped Lee Seong-gae a lot for the foundation of Chosun Dynasty with his diplomatic ability. He visited Ming just the following day of the foundation of Chosun Dynasty to inform Ming of Lee Seong-gae's enthronement, and returned with Taejo's approval from Ming. It was made in just three months from his leave. This diplomatic achievement was the peak of his diplomatic activities as a member of Lee Seong-gae power. Since then, he continued his diplomatic activities in the reign of King Taejo as an envoy to accompany with Jungan-Gun, Lee Bang-won and to explain Pyojeon case that was a sensitive diplomatic one. As shown above, Jo Ban was an important figure in diplomatic activities in the chaotic period when the dynasty changed in Yuan-Ming, China and in Goryeo-Chosun, Korea based on his fluent foreign languages. Through him, thus, it is possible to understand the period of the late Goryeo and early Chosun and review the relations with Ming Dynasty that time. In addition, we can understand what characteristics were regarded as important for contribution by noticing that he was the one who appointed as a foundation contributor of Chosun Dynasty.

조선시대의 치안정책과 조직에 관한 연구

김창윤 한국공안행정학회 2014 한국공안행정학회보 Vol.23 No.4

본 연구는 500년이 넘는 긴 역사를 자랑하던 조선시대 경찰의 성리학적 유교이념에 의한 치안정책과 특징 그리고 조직체계를 분석함으로써 다원화된 조선시대 치안체제를 이해하고 그 역할을 고찰하는데 목적이 있다. 조선전기의 통치철학은 외교면에서는 친명정책(親明政策)을 표방하고, 정치사회적인 면에서는 신진사대부를 중심으로 고려의 문벌귀족사회를 타파하였으며, 경제적인 면에서는 전제개혁(田制改革)을 단행하고, 사상면에서는 숭유억불(崇儒抑仏) 정책을 추진하였다. 이러한 통치철학에 따라서 조선전기의 치안정책은 다원적 경찰권 행사에 의한 방도금란 정책과 예방적 순찰정책이었다. 조선후기의 통치철학은 변화된 사회질서를 성리학적 원리에 따라 재정립하기 위해 정통유학인 정주학(程朱學)과 예학(禮學)이 발전하면서 중앙집권적인 붕당정치가 발달되었다. 18세기에는 유교의 근대지향과 조선중화주의를 통치철학으로 강조하였다. 조선후기의 치안정책은 혼란한 시대상황을 반영하여 매우 다양한 방도금란 및 순찰 정책과 체제유지 정책을 수행하였다. 즉, 붕괴된 사회질서를 회복하기 위해서 훈련도감과 삼군문과 같은 군사조직과 기존의 포도청 조직을 모두 활용하여 치안유지에 노력하였다. 기존의 오위(五衛)와 순청(巡廳), 의금부(義禁府), 삼군문(三軍門) 그리고 전문경찰기관인 좌·우포도청(左捕·右盜廳)이 조선후기 수도치안을 맡게 되었다. 즉, 임진왜란을 계기로 오위(五衛)가 군사조직으로 쓸모없게 되면서 훈련도감(訓練都監)과 삼군문(三軍門) 그리고 포도청에서 그 임무를 담당하였다. This article is a primarily study on Police Policies and Police Organization in Chosun Dynasty. It is argued that Podocheung(Police Bureau of Chosun Dynasty) is the unique Police in Chosun Dynasty. But there are many police forec in Chosun Dynasty. This study attempts to analyze the characters of Police policies and their effects on the Police systems in Chosun Dynasty. For the purpose of this study, it uses a historical Method on the Police policies and Police organization in Chosun Dynasty. The conclusions of this study are summarized as follows. Firstly, the police policies of the early days of the Chosun Dynasy (1392-1592) are the crime prevention and proactive patrol policy. These policies have been effected on an pursue-confucianism and oppressingbuddhism. Secondly, the police policies of the latter part of the Chosun Dynasy (1592-1876) are the crime prevention, proactive patrol policy and maintenance of a system. These policies have been effected on the modern inclination and a successor of Chinese civilization. In Choson Dynasty, the policies of crime prevention and proactive patrol had contributed to stabilize the national system. The diversified police forces of Chosun Dynasty had played the principal role in setting up and building the government of Choson Dynasty.

조선시대 전자문화지도 Dataset 구현 방안

권순회 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 한국문학연구소 2003 民族文化硏究 Vol.38 No.-

본 논문은 조선시대 전자문화지도 Dataset의 Data Scheme 설계 및 구현 방안을 제시하였다. 조선시대 전자문화지도 데이터 세트는 다양한 주제와 형태로 구축된 데이터들을 유기적으로 결합하고, 활용할 수 있도록 하는 가장 기초적인 틀이라 할 수 있다. DB의 소통성과 재활용성을 높이기 위해서는 표준에 근거한 Data Scheme이 반드시 정의되어야 한다. 또한 설정한 목표에 맞게 정보를 체계적으로 구조화하여 시스템을 구축하는 데에도 통일된 지침과 설계를 기술한 Data Scheme이 매우 중요하다. II장에서는 조선시대 전자문화지도 DB 구성에 대해 소개하였다. 조선시대 전자문화지도 데이터베이스는 크게 1)GIS DB, 2)주제별 DB, 3)참조 DB로 구성된다. GIS DB는 Base-map과 주제별 DB의 내용을 Base map에 표현한 주제도로 구성된다. III장에서는 조선시대 전자문화지도 Data Scheme을 정의하였다. 주제별 DB의 Data Scheme은 ‘Header(ID, Index), Data, Link, Comment’의 이 4개 영역으로 구성된다. 참조DB에 주제별 DB에서 원전이나 보다 자세한 내용을 확인할 필요가 있을 때 활용할 목적으로 구축되는데, 원전텍스트, 이미지, 동영상, 사운드 인명DB, 지명DB (Gazeteer)로 구성된다. 본 논문에서 실제 전자문화지도 구축에 활용할 수 있도록 세밀한 표준적 지침을 제시하였다. IV장에서는 메타데이터(Metadata) 작성 방안을 제시하였다. 메타데이터는 ‘데이터에 대한 데이터’, 혹은 ‘전자 자원을 기술하는 데 필요한 데이터 요소’로서 자원의 위치 파악과 획득에 필요한 데이터 요소의 집합이다. 정보의 공유체계를 확보하고 활용도를 높이기 위해서는 메타데이터 작성이 필요하다. 먼저 ECAI(Eletronic Culture Altras Initiative)가 메타데이터의 표준적 방안으로 채택한 Doublin Core에 대해 검토하고, ECAI 메타데이터 표준안을 검토하였다. 그 결과 이들만으로는 조선시대 문화적 특성을 포괄할 수 없다고 보고 조선시대 문화의 다양한 주제 영역과 존재 양태를 포괄하면서 네트워크 환경에 적합한 호환성과 국제적 소통성을 확보할 수 있는 방향에서 조선시대 전자문화지도 메타데이터 표준안을 설계하였다. 조선시대 전자문화지도 메타데이터 표준안은 더블린코어와 ECAI 표준안을 근간으로, ‘조선시대 문화 분류 체계’, 사부분류법(四部分類法)’, ‘조선시대 행정구역의 군현 코드표’ 등을 반영함으로써 조선시대 문화적 특성을 반영하도록 하였다. In this paper, I proposed plan to materialize the dataset of the Electric Cultural Atlas of Chosun Dynasty. I also presented a design for the data scheme and its materialization plan. The dataset of the Electric Cultural Atlas of Chosun Dynasty would be the most fundamental frame to organically combine and utilize diverse electric data, which are differently arranged by diverse subjects and forms. To circulate and utilize a DB actively, there must be a standard data scheme. A data scheme having unified principle and design is required to meet this need. In chapter II, I introduced the DB’s structure of the Electric Cultural Atlas of Chosun Dynasty. The atlas is composed of three parts of the DB: the GIS DB, the cultural subject parts’ DB and the reference DB. The GIS DB is again composed of two parts: the Base-map and the several maps of subjects which are drawing the contents of the cultural subject parts’ DB on the Base-map. In chapter III, I made a definition for the data scheme of the Electric Cultural Atlas of Chosun Dynasty. The data scheme of cultural subject parts’ DB is composed of four parts: the header including ID and index, data, links, and the comments. This scheme is made for the use of finding more concrete facts or original sources in the reference DB beside the cultural subject parts’ DB, thus it includes the original texts, Image, moving pictures, sounds, and the DB of personal names and the gazetter. I presented detailed standards to utilize the electric culture altras practically. Chapter IV is about making metadata. Metadata means the data about data. It is the data needed for describing electric sources, thus metadata is the collection of data necessary to find the location of the sources. Making metadata is necessary to confirm the information communizing system and to actively utilize the system. In chapter Ⅳ, I examined the Doublin Core which ECAI, the Electronic Culture Altras Initiative, takes as its standard program of metadata, and I investigated the standard devices of metadata of ECAI. As a result, I found out that the characteristics of Chosun Dynasty Culture cannot be comprehensively captured only by the standard devices of metadata of ECAI, thus I designed a new device of metadata of the Electric Cultural Atlas of Chosun Dynasty. This new devise can interact throughout the network effectively and accomplish international interaction. The new devise also can comprehensively capture diverse facts and various subject parts of Chosun Dynasty Culture. The standard devise of metadata of the Electric Cultural Atlas of Chosun Dynasty is based on the Doublin Core and the standard devise of ECAI. On the basis of it. The new devise includes classification system of Chosun Dynasty Culture, four-parts-assorting-methods(四部分類法), and the code list of the administrative regions Chosun Dynasty(조선시대 행정구역 코드표), thus the devise is expected to fit better for the characteristics of Chosun Dynasty Culture.

朝鮮申錫愚與淸人筆談考述

천금매 대동한문학회 (구.교남한문학회) 2016 大東漢文學 Vol.46 No.-

This article do a textual research on the content and features of written discussions between Sin Xiyu from Chosun dynasty and the literati of Qing dynasty. Sin Xiyu went to Qing with the identity of winter solstice ambassador in October 1860. He met a number of the literati in Qing Dynasty and left a great number of materilas, such as Yeon Heng Rok, letters, written discussions, poetries and so on. However, there were only four written discussions with six people including Lee Wenyuan, Shen Bincheng, Xie Zeng, Chen Gongshou, Song Shuxing and Song Shuxun. The contents of written discussions between Sin Xiyu and Lee Wenyuan were mianly about the family friendship between Sin Xiyu and Lee Boheng, bemoaning for Lee Boheng and enquiries related issues of Taiping movement. The contents of written discussions among Shen Xiyu, Shen Binchengand Xie Zeng were mainly about introduction to each other and making an appointment to catch up at Zhongheju on the 3rd of the first month of lunar year. The written discussions between Sin Xiyu and Chen gongshou were mainly about the admiration for Chen Gongshou, the return date of the emperor, contemporary issues about Taiping movement and the Nian army, and introduction of and Evaluation on famous painter Kin zhenxi and Zhao xilong who come from Chosun. The discussions between Sin Xiyu and Song Shuxing, Song Shuxun were mianly about what he saw and heard in Songjiazhuang on the way to Beijing. Song family was rich and built barriers to protect themselves from Qing’s entry. Many Chosun Dynasty ambassadors knew this story and they all visited Song. Sin XiYu mainly visited the building in songjiazhuang and inquired about their ancestors’ stories, related text materials and the issues for ritual and dressed. From the written discussions between Sin Xiyuan and literati in Qing Dynasty we can see that Sin Xiyu actively communicated with literati in Qing Dynasty, who have communicated with Chosun Dynasty, and new friends in Qing Dynasty. Furthermore, he also actively inquired the contemporary issues in Qing Dynasty. Although the written discussions are not long, it has rich contents. The written discussion between Sin Xiyuan and liberati in Qing Dynasty is signficiant to investigate literati communication between Qing and Chosun Dynasty in 19th century, to enrich communication between Qing and Chosun Dynasty, and to explore the truth and the details for social history at that time, with evidence. Therefore, they are of great literature value in studies about literati relationship History between China and Korea. 本文考述了朝鮮文人申錫愚與淸朝文士的筆談內容及特點。申錫愚曾在1860年十月以冬至正使的身份岀使淸朝,結識了眾多淸朝人士,留下了燕行錄、尺牘、筆談、詩文等眾多資料,但是筆談資料卻只有4篇,筆談人物只有6人,分別爲李文源、沈秉成、謝增、程恭壽、宋舒惺與宋舒恂。 申錫愚與李文源的筆談內容主要談到申錫愚與李伯衡的世交以及對李伯衡的哀吊、探問太平天國運動相關問題。與沈秉成和謝增兩人的筆談,主要是相互通姓名,并約新正初三日再于中和局相見會談。與程恭壽的筆談主要涉及對程恭壽的欽慕之情,詢問皇帝回鑾時期以及太平天國與捻軍等時局情況,介紹很評價朝鮮著名書畫家金正喜與趙熙龍等內容。與宋舒惺、宋舒恂的筆談是在進入北京的途中經過宋家莊,宋氏家富豪築城壘,自保於淸人入關之時,朝鮮使臣多聞知其事跡,光顧者很多。申錫愚主要觀看了宋家莊舍城樓,并詢問其宋氏祖先事跡和相關文字資料、以及祭祀是的衣冠问题。 申錫愚與淸人的筆談中我們可以看到申錫愚積極結交與朝鮮人士有交情的淸人,主動結交新的淸朝友人,積極探詢淸朝時局情勢,雖然篇幅不長,但內容豐富等的筆談特點。申錫愚與淸人的筆談對於了解19世紀末中朝兩國文人的交流,豐富兩國文人交流內容,以及了解當時社會歷史真相與細節,有很好的補充和見證意義,因此對於中韓文人關係史研究具有寶貴的文獻價值。

朝鮮申錫愚與淸人筆談考述

千金梅(Qian Jinmei) 대동한문학회 2016 大東漢文學 Vol.46 No.-

本文考述了朝鮮文人申錫愚與淸朝文士的筆談內容及特點。申錫愚 曾在1860年十月以冬至正使的身份岀使淸朝,結識了眾多淸朝人士,留下了燕行錄、尺牘、筆談、詩文等眾多資料,但是筆談資料卻只有4篇,筆談人物只有6人,分別爲李文源、沈秉成、謝增、程恭壽、宋舒惺與宋 舒恂。 申錫愚與李文源的筆談內容主要談到申錫愚與李伯衡的世交以及對 李伯衡的哀吊、探問太平天國運動相關問題。與沈秉成和謝增兩人的筆 談,主要是相互通姓名,并約新正初三日再于中和局相見會談。與程恭 壽的筆談主要涉及對程恭壽的欽慕之情,詢問皇帝回鑾時期以及太平天 國與捻軍等時局情況,介紹很評價朝鮮著名書畫家金正喜與趙熙龍等內容。與宋舒惺、宋舒恂的筆談是在進入北京的途中經過宋家莊,宋氏家 富豪築城壘,自保於淸人入關之時,朝鮮使臣多聞知其事跡,光顧者很 多。申錫愚主要觀看了宋家莊舍城樓,并詢問其宋氏祖先事跡和相關文 字資料、以及祭祀是的衣冠问题。 申錫愚與淸人的筆談中我們可以看到申錫愚積極結交與朝鮮人士有 交情的淸人,主動結交新的淸朝友人,積極探詢淸朝時局情勢,雖然篇 幅不長,但內容豐富等的筆談特點。申錫愚與淸人的筆談對於了解19世 紀末中朝兩國文人的交流,豐富兩國文人交流內容,以及了解當時社會 歷史真相與細節,有很好的補充和見證意義,因此對於中韓文人關係史 研究具有寶貴的文獻價值。 This article do a textual research on the content and features of written discussions between Sin Xiyu from Chosun dynasty and the literati of Qing dynasty. Sin Xiyu went to Qing with the identity of winter solstice ambassador in October 1860. He met a number of the literati in Qing Dynasty and left a great number of materilas, such as Yeon Heng Rok, letters, written discussions, poetries and so on. However, there were only four written discussions with six people including Lee Wenyuan, Shen Bincheng, Xie Zeng, Chen Gongshou, Song Shuxing and Song Shuxun. The contents of written discussions between Sin Xiyu and Lee Wenyuan were mianly about the family friendship between Sin Xiyu and Lee Boheng, bemoaning for Lee Boheng and enquiries related issues of Taiping movement. The contents of written discussions among Shen Xiyu, Shen Binchengand Xie Zeng were mainly about introduction to each other and making an appointment to catch up at Zhongheju on the 3rd of the first month of lunar year. The written discussions between Sin Xiyu and Chen gongshou were mainly about the admiration for Chen Gongshou, the return date of the emperor, contemporary issues about Taiping movement and the Nian army, and introduction of and Evaluation on famous painter Kin zhenxi and Zhao xilong who come from Chosun. The discussions between Sin Xiyu and Song Shuxing, Song Shuxun were mianly about what he saw and heard in Songjiazhuang on the way to Beijing. Song family was rich and built barriers to protect themselves from Qing’s entry. Many Chosun Dynasty ambassadors knew this story and they all visited Song. Sin XiYu mainly visited the building in songjiazhuang and inquired about their ancestors’ stories, related text materials and the issues for ritual and dressed. From the written discussions between Sin Xiyuan and literati in Qing Dynasty we can see that Sin Xiyu actively communicated with literati in Qing Dynasty, who have communicated with Chosun Dynasty, and new friends in Qing Dynasty. Furthermore, he also actively inquired the contemporary issues in Qing Dynasty. Although the written discussions are not long, it has rich contents. The written discussion between Sin Xiyuan and liberati in Qing Dynasty is signficiant to investigate literati communication between Qing and Chosun Dynasty in 19th century, to enrich communication between Qing and Chosun Dynasty, and to explore the truth and the details for social history at that time, with evidence. Therefore, they are of great literature value in studies about literati relationship History between China and Korea.

壬辰亂 後 朝鮮 對明 認識의 變化

劉寶全(Liu Baoquan) 가천대학교 아시아문화연구소 2006 아시아문화연구 Vol.11 No.-

After the war of Imjin Waeran, the Chosun Dynasty got a further understanding to Ming Dynasty. As the army of Ming Dynasty played a decisive role in fighting against Japanese, the bureaucrats and intelligentsias of Korea naturally looked Ming Dynasty as the savior of saving them from crisis. The consciousness of the Benefaction of Nation's Reconstruction came into existence after the great victory in Pyongyang. Out of gratitude, after the Imjin Waeran, Chosun Dynasty made the relation of submission to Ming Dynasty further deepen and consolidate. Granting that before the Imjin Waeran, Korea only looked Ming Dynastyas a Nation that they should pay tribute, then after the war, the Nation became their benefactor for nation's reconstruction. Taking this war as the turning point, the foreign policy of Chosun Dynasty changed from submission to Ming Dynasty to the conception of obligations based on the consciousness of the Benefaction of Nation's Reconstruction. This conception brought a significant impact in dealing with the relationship between Chosun Dynasty and Later Jin-Qing Dynasty. As the principle of repaying an obligation, in the war between Ming and Later Jin Dynasty. Korea can't help but assist to fighting, although it was averse to do that. It also became an important reason of Turki Insurgence. The worship to Ming Dynasty even became the ideology of Ming Worship while Against the Qing Dynasty after the perdition of Ming. The foreign policy sticking to the conception of obligations brought a negative impact to Korean politics and diplomacy in a long time.

조선 시대의 번역 표기에 대한 연구

서민정(Seo, Min-jeong) 부산대학교 인문학연구소 2012 코기토 Vol.- No.72

이 연구는 조선시대 훈민정음 창제(1446) 이후 이루어진 번역에 대해서 표기를 중심으로 고찰하고자 한다. 지금까지 번역 텍스트의 표기의 문제는 번역과 관련된 논의에서 많이 다루어지지 않았다. 그것은 한국의 경우에 한정해서 보면, 근대 이후 언어의 표준화와 규범화를 통해 ‘한국어’가 국가어로 확정되고, ‘한글’이 국가어의 표기로 규정되어 있으므로, 번역은 당연히 ‘한국어’로 하며 ‘한글’로 표기된 것임을 전제하고 있는 것이었다. 그래서 번역텍스트에서 표기의 문제는 크게 중요한 문제가 아니었다. 그러나 조선시대로 가면 그러한 양상은 달라질 수밖에 없다. 즉 공용어와 일상어가 다르고, 표기방식도 한자, 이두, 구결, 훈민정음 등으로 다양한 형식으로 나타나고 있다. 그런데 지금까지 조선의 ‘번역’에 대해서는 ‘언해’를 중심으로 논의되어 왔다. 이것은 근대 이후의 언어에 대한 인식 즉, 한국어와 한글로 규정된 언어의 틀 안에서 조선시대 번역텍스트의 표기를 이해하려 했기 때문이다. 조선시대의 경우는 ‘훈민정음’이 창제되면서-창제의 목적이 무엇이든 간에-당시까지 번역 표기로 사용되던 이두나 구결과 같은 기존의 문자와 충돌하거나, 병행하는 등 다양한 양상을 포함하고 있다. 이 연구는 이러한 조선시대 번역텍스트에서 이루어진 ‘표기’의 양상에 주목한다. 지금까지 조선시대 번역에 대한 논의들은 주로 ‘언해’를 전제로 하는 것이어서 조선시대의 번역 표기는 ‘정음(언문)’에 한정되어 있었다. 그러면서 이두나 구결은 번역 표기의 범위에 적극적으로 포함하지는 않은 채 ‘표기체계’ 가운데 차자표기라는 다른 기준으로 설명되었다. 이 연구는 이러한 입장에 대해 의문을 가지고, 조선시대 번역텍스트에서 사용된 번역 표기에 대해 고찰하고자 한다. The objective of this study is to mainly consider the marks used for the translating process which has been carried out since the invention of Hunminjeongeum in the period of Chosun Dynasty. Until now, all the problems caused by the marks involved in the translating texts have been dealt mostly in terms of the discussions related to the translating process. In case of Korea, "Korean" has been determined as the national language through the standardizing and normalizing process after the modern times. Also, "Hangeul" or the Korean characters have been specified as the marks for the Korean language. As a result, the translating process has been naturally based on the means of "Korean" and "Hangul". Therefore, regarding the translating texts, the problems caused by the marks have not been considered as being serious. However, during the period of Chosun Dynasty, the situation was quite different. In other words, the official language and the one used in everyday life were different. Also, the way of indicating marks varied greatly through such means as the Chinese characters, Idu, Gugyeol and Hunminjeongeum. However, the translating process during the period of Chosun Dynasty has been mainly carried out in terms of the Korean annotation of Chinese classics because the marks related to the translating texts during the period of Chosun Dynasty have been understood within the frame of the specified language consisting of "Korean" and "Hangul" regarding the recognition of the language in the modern times. In case of the period of Chosun Dynasty, as "Hunminjeongeum" was invented (regardless of the objective of the invention), there was a conflict in terms of the translating process since it had a different structure compared to Idu or Gugyeol which had been used as the main means of translating marks. There were various trends caused by such a conflict. This study focuses on the trends related to the "marks" in terms of the translating texts during the period of Chosun Dynasty. Until now, the discussions related to the translating process during the period of Chosun Dynasty have been carried out mainly based on the Korean annotation of Chinese classics. As a result, the translating process of marks during the period of Chosun Dynasty has been limited to "the Korean alphabets". Also, Idu or Gugyeol has not been actively included in the range of the translating process of the related marks. Instead, they have been explained based on the standard of "the Second Marks" among the marking systems. This study provides questions regarding the situation and considers the translating process of the marks used in the translating process during the period of Chosun Dynasty.

조선시대 민사소송에서 당사자의 불출석

손경찬 한국법사학회 2018 法史學硏究 Vol.57 No.-

This study is intended to examine how a court trial was progressed for a civil case when a person concerned didn’t appear during Chosun Dynasty Era. The articles 148 & 150 of the current Civil Procedure Act of ROK specify that a non-appearance is considered as ‘Confession’ and ‘Testimony’ respectively. But the article 268 of the same Act considers a non-appearance as the ‘Cancellation of a Lawsuit’. This means not a default judgment(缺席判 決), but a judgment of the accused with the accusor(對席判決) and specifies the effect of a non-appearance of a person concerned. On the other hand, in case that a person concerned did not appear for a civil suit during Chosun Dynasty Era, if a certain period of time passed away, it was judged that the person concerned lost the lawsuit. Therefore, it can be said that the legal system of Chosun Dynasty was similar to a Default Judgment System. A legal provision, so called, ‘Chin-Chak-Geol-Jeol-Beop’ (親着決折法) of Chosun Dynasty was applied when a person concerned didn’t appear. The provision, ‘Chin-Chak-Geol-Jeol-Beop’ was enacted for the first time in a law book, “Gyeongguk Daejeon(經國大典)”. Since then, there were some discussions on a revision of the provision during the era of the prince, ‘Yeonsan’, but there has been no revision. After that, during the era of the King, ‘Myeongjong’, there were some arguments on whether the other person concerned should appear or not for 30 days or not in case that a person concerned does not appear for 21days. After many times of discussions, it was concluded that the other person concerned shall have to appear for 30days in case that a person concerned didn’t appear for 21 days. After that, the provision was reflected in the “Dae-Jeon-Hu-Sok-Rok (大典後續錄)” and the provision, ‘Chin-Chak-Geol-Jeol-Beop’ (親着決折法)’ used to be modified several times via the announcement of a Royal Order (受敎). After that, the provision, ‘Chin-Chak-Geol-Jeol-Beop’ (親着決折法)’ has been arranged and incorporated into a law book, ‘Sok-Dae-Jeon(續大典)’ of late Chosun Dynasty. And the provision, ‘Chin-Chak-Geol-Jeol-Beop’ (親着決折法)’ introduced into the law book was also applied fully to a civil case judgment paper, ‘Geol-Song-Ip-Ahn(決訟立案)’. There were some examples, such as, the ‘Geol-Song-Ip-Ahn’ of Gyeongju-bu in 1578 and that of Yeongil-hyeon in 1689. The accused of a judgment paper of Gyeongju-bu didn’t appear in a court for 23days and that of Yeongil-hyeon didn’t for 28days. Therefore, both defendants lost each lawsuit in accordance with the provision, ‘Chin-Chak-Geol-Jeol-Beop’ (親着決折法)’. So, it can be seen that the provision, ‘Chin-Chak-Geol-Jeol-Beop’ (親着決折法)’ that was enacted by the central government was applied fully for a civil lawsuit of a local area by using the contents of the ‘Geol-Song-Ip-Ahn’. The discussions on the non-appearance of a person concerned of a civil case during Chosun Dynasty are not simple descriptions on the facts of the past. Through that, it was found that the actual procedure of the enaction process of a legal provision during Chosun Dynasty and there existed some legal hermeneutics during Chosun Dynasty, too. It means that a statue law was applied to the practices of civil trials. 이 연구의 목적은 조선시대의 민사소송에서 당사자가 불출석한 경우 어떻게 재판을 하였는지를 알아보는 것이다. 현행 민사소송법은 변론기일에 당사자가 불출석한 경우 제148조․제150조에서 자백간주 및 진술간주를 규정하고 있으며, 제268조에서 소의 취하를 간주한다. 이는 결석판결이 아니라 대석판결을 하는 것이며, 당사자의 결석의 효과를 규정한 것이다. 반면 조선시대 민사소송에서는 당사자가 불출석한 경우 일정한 기간이 도과하면 바로 패소판결을 내렸다. 그러므로 조선시대는 결석판결제도에 가까웠다 볼 수 있다. 조선시대의 親 着決折法은 당사자가 불출석한 경우에 적용되는 법조문이었다. ≪經國大典≫에서 처음으로친착결절법이 제정되었다. 이후 해당 조문에 대한 연산군 대에 개정논의가 있었으나 개정하지는 않았다. 이후 명종 대에는 당사자 한쪽이 21일 불출석한 경우 다른 당사자가 30일을출석해야 할 것인지 아닌지를 두고 논쟁이 있었다. 여러 차례의 논의 끝에 일방 당사자의 불출석이 21일인 경우 상대방 당사자는 30일을 출석해야 하는 것으로 논의가 정리되었다. 이후 이 규정은 ≪大典後續錄≫에 반영되었으며, 친착결절법은 몇 차례 ≪受敎≫의 공포에 의해다시 수정되었다. 이후 친착결절법은 ≪續大典≫에 정리되어 편입되었다. 그리고 법전에 도입된 친착결절법은 조선시대의 민사판결서인 決訟立案에서 충실히 적용되었다. 1578년 경주부 결송입안과 1689년 영일현 결송입안이 그 예이다. 경주부 입안의원고는 23일 동안 재판정에 불출석하였으며, 영일현 입안의 피고는 28일 동안 불출석하였다. 따라서 양자 모두 친착결절법에 의해 패소하였다. 결송입안의 내용을 통해 중앙 정부에서 제정된 친착결절법이 지방의 민사소송실무에서도 제대로 준용되었음을 알 수 있다. 조선시대 민사소송에서 당사자의 불출석에 관한 논의는 과거의 사실에 대한 단순한 기술이 아니다. 이를 통해 조선조의 법조문 제정과정의 실태를 알 수 있으며, 조선조에도 법해석학이 있었음을 알 수 있으며, 제정법이 민사재판실무에 반영되었음을 보여주는 것이다.