An Ontology-based Assembly Sequence Planning System

Hongseok Park,Yongqiang Wang,Jinwoo Park,Myongwoong Park (사)한국CDE학회 2010 한국CAD/CAM학회 국제학술발표 논문집 Vol.2010 No.8

Assembly sequence planning is the most important part of an assembly process planning and researches into this issue have been carrying out in the world wide. However, currently there is no systematic assembly sequence planning method. For this reason, a new approach is required to develop a planning strategy and algorithm to implement the assembly sequence planning system. Firstly, assembly feature is here defined as an information carrier for assembly-specific information. With the aim of enabling efficient and effective development of assembly sequence planning system by making full use of assembly feature, an ontology-based approach to modeling assembly feature is presented. The ontology-based assembly feature models are hierarchically organized. Based on the ontology framework, automatic generation of assembly sequence algorithm is designed to generate all feasible assembly sequences by assembly feature matching. In order to development of the prototype software system, the architecture of assembly sequence planning system is designed. This system is very useful tool for planner to make determination and finish the assembly sequence planning.

집회 부대물의 철거와 공무집행방해에 관한 사례 ― 대법원 2016. 7. 7. 선고 2015도20298 판결 ―

우인성 한국형사판례연구회 2019 刑事判例硏究 Vol.27 No.-

In an assembly, ordinarily, speakers or tables, which are appurtenances to an assembly, are needed for the exercise of the freedom of speech and assembly. These objects can occupy some spot of a pedestrian road without administrative permission, and by this reason the occupying objects can be the subjects of removal through administrative vicarious execution. However, whether the “entire” objects should be the subjects of removal has to be reviewed. Constitution prohibits the permission of an assembly and ‘assembly and demonstration act’ does not ask for the permission to occupy some spot of a road when holding an assembly. To protect the freedom of speech and assembly, the less restrictive means must be sought under the principle of proportionality. So if some spot of a road is supposed to be used by the assembly-holder or the assembly-participants and in that spot some objects, which are necessary and indispensable to exercise the freedom of assembly, are placed and those objects do not make any risk in the public, nevertheless, must the assembly-holder obtain the prior permission from the relevant administrative authority which has jurisdiction over the use of road? If there isn’t any clear and present danger and the objects do not bring about any public risk, such prior permission must not be regarded as necessary. So the removal execution to the “entire” objects, not to the unnecessary objects, even though necessary and indispensable objects do not bring about any public risk, can not be legitimate under the principle of proportionality, and the resistance to the removal execution to the entire objects can not be constituted as an obstruction of official execution.

집회신고에 대한 행정법적 고찰

박균성 한국비교공법학회 2019 공법학연구 Vol.20 No.4

그 동안 집회의 신고에 대한 헌법적 연구는 많았다. 이에 반하여 집회의 신고에 대한행정법적 연구는 있기는 하지만, 충분하지 못했다. 특히 집회신고의 요건, 요건의 심사방식, 법적 성질 및 효력에 대하여 견해의 대립도 있고, 그에 관한 이론적 검토에도 미진한 부분이 적지 않다. 이러한 점에 비추어 이 글에서는 집회신고를 일반 신고이론의기초하에 행정법적 관점에 중점을 두고 연구하는 것으로 한다. 집회신고는 다음과 같은 이유에서 정보제공적 신고로 보는 것이 타당하다. 첫째, 집회신고와 별도로 금지통고제도가 존재하는 것은 집회가 금지된 것이 아니라는 것을 전제로 한다. 둘째, 집회를 금지된 행위로 보는 것은 필요 이상으로 집회의 자유를 제한하는것이다. 집회를 금지된 행위로 전제해야 할 정도의 공익상 필요는 없다. 셋째, 집회신고를 금지해제적 신고로 보는 것은 집회의 자유와 집회허가제 금지를 규정한 헌법 제21조의 취지에 맞지 않는다. 헌법 제21조 제2항의 “허가”는 집회에 대한 일반적 금지와 행정청의 실질적 심사에의한 해제행위를 본질적 요소로 보는 것이 타당하다. 따라서 행정법상 허가뿐만 아니라수리를 요하는 신고로서의 집회신고도 헌법 제21조 제2항의 “허가”로서 금지된다고 보는 것이 타당하다. 자기완결적 금지해제적 집회신고는 헌법 제21조 제2항의 “허가”에는해당하지 않지만, 집회의 자유의 보장이라는 점에 비추어 보면 바람직하지는 않다고 보는 것이 타당하다. 집회신고가 금지해제적 신고가 아니고 정보제공적 신고인 점에 비추어 신고의무불이행에 대해서는 과태료를 부과하는 것이 집회신고의 본질에 합치한다. 또한, 일반적으로정보제공적 신고의무 위반과 같이 행정목적을 간접적으로 침해하는 행위에 대하여는 과태료를 부과하는 것이 타당하다. 집회신고는 자기완결적 신고이므로 집회신고의 요건에 대해서는 실질적 심사가 인정되지 않고, 형식적 심사만 하여야 한다. 금지통고의 요건은 집회신고의 요건이 아니므로경찰관청은 집회신고요건 심사시 금지통고요건에 대해 심사할 권한이 없다. 신고서 기재 사항을 보완하지 아니하였다는 사유 또는 집회 또는 시위의 시간과 장소가 중복되는선신고가 있다는 사유만으로 금지통고를 하는 것은 헌법 제21조 제2항의 사전허가금지에 반할 소지가 있다. 집시법령상의 신고절차에 관한 규정은 행정절차법상의 신고절차규정에 대한 특별규정이다. 따라서, 집시법상 규정되어 있지 않은 신고절차에 대하여는 행정절차법이 적용된다. 이러한 집회신고의 본질을 규명한 후 집회신고의 본질에 합당하게 집시법을 개정하여야 할 것이다. This study aims to examine an assembly report(declaration) based on the general theory of report from an administrative law perspective. It is reasonable to consider an assembly report as an informative report for the following reasons: First, the existence of a ban notification system is based on the premise that assembly are not prohibited. Second, considering assemblies as prohibited acts is to restrict the freedom of assembly more than necessary. Necessity of public interest is not required enough to presuppose that assembly is a prohibited act. Third, considering a assembly report as an injunctive report does not fit the purpose of Article 21 of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea( hereinafter referred to as Constitution), which provides freedom of assembly and the prohibition of assembly permission. The “permission” of Article 21(2) of the Constitution makes sense to regard the general prohibition on assembly and the release by the actual administrative examination as essential elements. It is therefore reasonable to consider that not only administrative permits but also assembly reports as reports requiring acceptances are prohibited as “permissions” under the Article 21(2) of the Constitution. While self-completed and ban-released assembly reports do not fall under the “permission” of article 21, paragraph 2 of the Constitution, it is undesirable in view of the guarantee of freedom of assembly. In view of the fact that the assembly report is not ban-released report but informative report, the imposing administrative penalty for defection to report is consistent with the nature of the assembly report. In addition, it is generally reasonable to impose administrative penalties for acts indirectly infringing on administrative purposes, such as violations of informational reporting obligations. Since the assembly report is self-completed report, the substantial examination for requirements of assembly report is not allowed. But only formal examination for them can be done. The regulations on reporting procedures under the Assembly and Demonstration Act are special provisions on the reporting procedures under the Administrative Procedure Act. Therefore, the Administrative Procedures Act applies to reporting procedures not provided for in the Assembly and Demonstration Act. After identifying the nature of the assembly reports, the Assembly and Demonstration Act should be amended in accordance with the nature of the assembly report.

1686년 쿠룬·벨치르 회맹을 통해 본 17세기 내륙아시아의 會盟禮

김성수 한국몽골학회 2018 몽골학 Vol.0 No.55

The dispute about the throne and the succession for the Jasaghtu Khan of the Right-Wing Khalkha had aroused among the Khalkha Mongols during the middle of the 17th century. For resolving dissension among the Khalkha Mongols, three Khans, Qutughtus and Nobles from Khalkha Mongols held the famous Assembly at Kürün Belchir in 1686. After this event, the conflict between Vacir Tüsheet Khan and Galdan of Junghar Mongols was apparent in Inner Asian politics, but in short time Vacir Tüsheet Khan and the Left-Wing Khalkha Mongols had been destroyed by Galdan of Junghar. It caused the submission of Vacir Tüsheet Khan and the Left-Wing Khalkha Mongols to the Qing court. From that point, Inner Asian politics had been diverted to the other direction managed by the Qing court. So it had been considered that the Assembly at Kürün Belchir in 1686 was the significant historical event during the 17th century. Furthermore as a case study of Inner Asian Rituals for the Assembly, called the Chighulghan in Mongols, in this paper I focused the Assembly at Kürün Belchir in 1686. When the Assembly had convened, Khans, Qutughtus and Nobles from the every corner of Mongols gathered on the specific meeting point. For the Grand Assembly there should be prepared well-organized ritual system avoiding struggles among attendants caused by rituals, like as the gdan-yig by Dalai Lama in 1672. The Assembly at Kürün Belchir in 1686 had been prepared under the Geluk Order represented by the fifth Dalai Lama. From the late of the 16th century the Mongol society accepted the Buddhism from Tibet, and it had been about one century and more. So in the late 17th century Qutughtus and monks dispatched from the Geluk monasteries made an important religio-political role in Inner Asia. But, as the fifth Dalai Lama said, there was the traditional Mongolian ritual system and the rank conscious originated from Qinggis Khan. Sometimes it occurred arguments between rituals from Tibetan buddhism and others from Mongol origin. Finally, it happened that the first Jebcundampa refused to rub his head by Ganden-Chipa, the representative of the fifth Dalai Lama on this Assembly. After this Assembly at Kürün Belchir, Vacir Tüsheet Khan and the Left-Wing Khalkha Mongols confronted with Dalai Lama’s teachings. The new era of the Inner Asian politics occurred when this argument on rituals of the Assembly at Kürün Belchir disturb the existing ritual system directed by Geluk Order. 1686년 쿠룬·벨치르 회맹(Kürün belčir čiγulγan)은 할하 자삭트한의 계승 문제에서 비롯된 할하 내부의 갈등을 해소하기 위해 할하의 여러 귀족과 청조, 겔룩 교단의 대표가 모여 거행한 17세기 후반을 대표하는 회맹이었다. 이 회맹을 기점으로 할하 투셰트한과 준가르 갈단의 대립이 분명하게 드러났고, 준가르에 패배한 투셰트한이 청조에 귀부함으로써 내륙아시아 정세에 큰 변화가 발생했다. 이러한 정치사의 흐름을 차치하고라도 이 회맹이 갖는 의의는 여러 방면에서 조명해 볼 수 있는데 예의의 문제가 그 중 하나이다. 당시 내륙아시아를 구성하는 주요 정치세력이 모두 한자리에 모였다는 점에서 회맹의 진행 과정 곳곳에는 다양한 예의의 문제가 도사리고 있었다. 물론 회맹이 열린 장소가 할하이고 대부분 몽골의 귀족들이 모인 까닭에 몽골적 전통이 우위를 차지하지 않았을까 하는 생각도 해 볼 수 있다. 그러나 이미 불교가 전파된 지 약 한 세기가 지난 시점이었고, 몽골 각지에서는 달라이라마가 파견한 승려, 교단이 지정한 활불 호톡토가 왕성한 활동을 하고 있었다는 점에서 사원에서 행하는 종교적 행위는 물론 보통의 정치적 행사에서도 불교가 갖는 지위는 막중한 것이었다. 1672년 달라이라마가 반포한 “좌석배치 관련 문서, 덴익(gdan yig)”은 라사의 신년기원대법회 묀람을 목적으로 한 것이었으나 교단의 영향력이 커짐에 따라 교단의 의지는 내륙아시아 전역으로 확장될 수 있었다. 결국 이러한 교단의 의지는 회맹을 비롯한 여러 행사에서 겔룩 교단의 승려를 우위에 두는 예의의 형태로 발전해 갔다. 준가르의 갈단이 문제 삼은 摩頂의 시행 여부도 이러한 교단 중심의 질서를 내륙아시아 전체에 관철시킬 수 있는가의 문제와 직결된 것이었다. 5세 달라이라마도 종종 언급했듯이, 17세기 내륙아시아는 몽골적 서열 의식, 몽골적 전통 예의가 지배하는 세계였고, 이를 교단은 부정하지 않았다. 그러면서도 사원과 활불의 관계망을 이용해 불교적 예의를 내륙아시아 전체에 확산시켰고, 이를 바탕으로 교단의 정치적 지향을 펼치고자 하였다. 이렇듯 17세기 몽골적 예의는 티베트 불교의 그것과 혼재하다가 “위대한 5세 달라이라마”의 시대 많은 부분에서 불교적 예의 구조로 재편되었다. 그러나 결국 1686년 쿠룬·벨치르 會盟에서 보이듯이 젭준담바가 간덴·치바의 摩頂을 거부했는가 하면, 연장자로서의 자리를 두고 좌익과 우익의 한이 대결하는 상황이 연출되었다. 겔룩 교단은 몽골의 신앙이었지만, 민족의 정체성일 수는 없었다.

국회예산정책처의 설립이 국회 예산심의에 미친 영향에 관한 실증적 분석: 국회 일반회계 예산안 수정비율을 중심으로

정종선 국회예산정책처 2017 예산정책연구 Vol.6 No.1

본 논문은 국회예산정책처의 설립이 국회 예산심의의 실질화라는 기대효과를 발휘하고 있는지 검토해보고자 하였다. 국회의 예산심의가 어느 정도 실질적으로 이루어지고 있는지를 측정하기 위한 변수로는 행정부가 제출한 예산안이 국회에서 수정되는 비율을 사용하기로 하고, 국회예산정책처 설립이 국회의 예산안 수정비율에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지 실증적으로 분석해보고자 하였다. 모형의 추정결과를 살펴보면, 국회예산정책처 설립 여부는 종속변수가 일반회계 감액비율과 총수정비율인 경우 유의수준 5%에서 통계적으로 유의하고 계수는 정(+)의 값을 가지는 것으로 추정되었다. 이에 따라 국회예산정책처 설립 이후 감액비율과 총수정비율이 높게 나타날 것이라는 가설을 채택할 수 있었다. 즉 본 연구의 추정결과 국회예산정책처 설립 이후 감액비율과 총수정비율이 높게 나타나는 것으로 분석됨으로써 국회의 일반회계 예산안 수정비율을 기준으로 국회 예산심의의 실질화를 판단해볼 때 국회예산정책처의 설립은 국회 예산심의의 실질화라는 기대효과를 발휘하고 있는 것으로 판단할 수 있다. This study is revising whether the establishment of National Assembly Budget Office (NABO) brings the expected effect that is actualization of the National Assembly budget deliberation. Ratio of amendment of the budget plan by the National Assembly submitted by the Administration Office was used as the variable to measure whether the budget deliberation of the National Assembly is actually realized to certain extent and was to positively analyze what kind of influence the establishment of the NABO gave to the amendment ratio of the budget plan by the establishment of National Assembly. When looking into the assumption result of the model, the whether the NABO was established was assumed to be statistically significant in the significance level of 5 percent and in case of subordination variable to be the general accounting total amendment ratio and general accounting reduction rate, the coefficient had a positive (+) value, and by this the hypothesis of the reduction ratio to increase and total amendment ratio to be high after the establishment of NABO could be selected. In short, as the assumption result of the study, it was analyzed that the reduction ratio was to increase and total amendment ratio to be high after the establishment of NABO, when judging the actualization of the National Assembly budget deliberation based on the amendment ratio on the budget plan of the National Assembly, it is seen that the establishment of the NABO has expected effect of actualization of National Assembly budget deliberation.

국회 청원제도를 통한 보건의료 입법사례 연구: 13–20대 보건복지위원회 청원을 중심으로

류창욱 한국보건행정학회 2019 보건행정학회지 Vol.29 No.4

The right to petition is a classical right of the people in constitutional states, and in Korea, it is a statutory right in the Constitution, the National Assembly Law, the Petition Law, and the Local Autonomy Act. The healthcare community first made a successful petition to the National Assembly when it achieved the amendment of the Government Organization Act through a petition to the National Assembly for the independence of the Ministry of Health, and this achievement served as the basis for further petitions. Since then, the healthcare community has successfully achieved the enactment and amendment of related occupational laws through National Assembly petitions, such as the amendment of Article 41, Paragraph 7 of the former Medical Insurance Act (Korean Medical Association, 14th Assembly), enactment of the Dental Health Act (Korean Dental Association, 15th Assembly), and amendment of the Health Functional Foods Act (Korea Pharmaceutical Association, 16th Assembly). Its petition accomplishment rate is higher than the total petition accomplishment rate of the Health and Welfare Committee of the National Assembly. However, along with the overall decrease in the number of National Assembly petitions, the Korean Medical Association and Korea Pharmaceutical Association have not achieved any results through petitioning since the 16th Assembly (June 2000), and the Korean Hospital Association and Korean Nurses Association have not achieved any results through petitioning since the 17th Assembly (April 2004). Furthermore, no National Assembly petitions have been made at all for 5 years (2014–2018). The Korean Medical Association and Korea Pharmaceutical Association previously showed a high petition accomplishment rate through their accumulated experience with National Assembly petitions and vigorous policy assistance from doctors/pharmacists/nurses turned lawmakers. More specifically, healthcare organizations have achieved results by actively conducting organized activities with the National Assembly, as implemented by a national assembly director and employees, and in case of petitions for legislation, each group has established infrastructure for reviewing the relevant laws by appointing a legislative director, as well as a legal advisor and advisory counsel. Although the organization that has submitted the most petitions to the National Assembly is the Korean Hospital Association, the group with the highest petition success rate is the Korean Medical Association, which may be linked to the relatively high proportion of doctors who have become lawmakers. Furthermore, the fact that other healthcare organizations were highly interested in petitioning the National Assembly has had major implications for the petition activities of healthcare organizations.

교단 총회 본부 조직문화의 발전방안

양영태 한국실천신학회 2022 신학과 실천 Vol.- No.81

This paper investigated and analyzed the form of the organizational culture of the General Assembly headquarters of the denomination, and presented a plan for the development of the organizational culture of the General Assembly headquarters. 141 members of the administrative organization of the headquarters of the religious body were surveyed and analyzed. The main subjects of the survey were the Hapdong General Assembly, the Tonghab General Assembly, the Goshin General Assembly, the Baekseok General Assembly, the korea methodist church General Assembly, the Pure Gospel General Assembly, the Yesung General Assembly, and the Kisung General Assembly. The organizational culture of the General Assembly headquarters was investigated into four categories: collective culture, innovative culture, hierarchical culture, and rational culture, using the classification method by Kimberly & Quinn (1984). As a result of the study, 61.5% of the positive responses to hierarchical culture were found to be the most prominent in the organizational culture of the General Assembly headquarters. It can be seen that the organizational culture of the General Assembly headquarters emphasizes authoritarianism and hierarchy based on strict hierarchy, formal procedures, regulations, customary work processing, authority and hierarchy, rather than achieving creative culture or goals or productivity-oriented tasks. How should the General Assembly proceed in a rapidly changing modern society due to the 4th Industrial Revolution and COVID-19? In order to break away from the framework of the church's own collective consciousness in a situation where the church is the subject of criticism recently, if it does not change anew from the general meeting, it will inevitably be eliminated in the world. The General Assembly should break away from the passive and instructive organizational culture of the hierarchical organizational culture through accurate diagnosis of the internal and external environment and be transformed into an organizational culture that can pursue creativity and novelty centered on God. Only then will it serve as a general meeting that leads and changes the world. We hope that it will not be complacent and transform itself into an institution that reforms, innovates, and leads the times. 본 논문은 교단 총회 본부의 조직문화가 어떠한 형태를 취하고 있는지 조사 및 분석하여 총회 본부의 조직문화의 발전방안을 제시하였다. 교단 총회 본부의 행정조직 구성원 141명을 설문하여 분석하였다. 주요 조사 대상으로 합동총회, 통합총회, 고신총회, 백석총회, 기감총회, 순복음총회, 예성총회, 기성총회를 대상으로 하였다. 조직문화 분류 유형으로 일반적으로 가장 많이 사용되는 킴벌리 앤 퀸(Kimberly & Quinn, 1984)에 의한 분류 방법을 사용하여 총회 본부의 조직문화를 집단문화, 혁신문화, 위계문화, 합리문화라는 네 가지로 조사하였다. 연구의 결과 총회 본부의 조직문화는 위계문화에 대한 긍정적 응답이 61.5%로 가장 두드러지게 나타났다. 이는 총회 본부 조직문화가 협력관계나 새로움을 추구하는 창의적인 문화 혹은 목표나 생산성 위주의 과업 달성보다는 위계적 질서인 공식절차와 규정, 관습화된 업무처리, 직권과 서열 의식 특성이 강하게 나타나고 있으며, 엄격한 서열 의식을 바탕으로 하는 권위주의와 위계질서를 강조하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 제4차 산업혁명과 코로나19로 인해 급변하는 현대사회 속에서 총회는 어떻게 나아가야 할까? 최근 교회가 질타의 대상이 되는 상황에서 교회 자신의 집단의식의 테두리에서 벗어나기 위해서 총회부터 새롭게 바뀌지 않으면 세상 속에서 도태될 수밖에 없다. 총회는 내외적 환경에 대한 정확한 진단을 통하여 위계 조직문화의 수동적이고 지시적인 조직문화를 탈피하여 하나님 중심으로 한 창조적이며 새로움을 추구할 수 있는 조직문화로 바뀌어야 한다. 그때 비로소 세상을 이끌어가며 변화시키는 총회의 역할을 다할 것이다. 현재에 안주하지 말고 스스로 개혁하고 혁신하며 시대를 이끌어가는 기관으로 탈바꿈하기를 기대해 본다.

‘국회선진화법’ 법안처리 관련규정(국회법 제85조, 제85조의2 등)에 대한 헌법적 검토

최정인(Jeongin CHOI) 한국헌법학회 2016 憲法學硏究 Vol.22 No.2

‘국회선진화법’은 2012년 5월 2일 국회 본회의에서 가결되어 2012년 5월 25일 개정된 일련의 국회법 조항을 총칭한다. ‘국회선진화법’은 국회의 물리적 충돌을 방지하고 대화와 타협을 증진하고자 하였다. 그러나 개정 국회법이 제19대 국회 교착상태의 원인으로 지목되면서 경색 국면마다 국회법에 대한 비판이 등장하였고, 국회법에 새로이 도입된 가중다수결 규정이 헌법상 다수결 원칙의 본질에 반 하는 것으로서 위헌이라는 주장도 거듭 제기되었다. ‘국회선진화법’에 대한 거듭 되는 비판은 합의제 국회 운영이라는 관행 하에서 국회의장의 직권상정이라는 극단적 돌파구가 사라졌다는 것에 기인한다. 2015년 1월 30일 새누리당 소속 국회의원 19인은 국회의장을 상대로 ‘국회선 진화법’ 규정에 따른 직권상정 거부 등 의사진행행위가 국회의원의 심의ㆍ표결권한을 침해하였다는 이유로 권한쟁의심판을 청구하였고, 헌법재판소는 위 권한쟁의심판청구에 대하여 제19대 국회 임기만료 직전인 2016년 5월 26일 각하 결정 (5인 각하, 2인 기각, 2인 인용)을 선고하였다. 국회 의사결정원리로서 헌법 제49조의 다수결 원리는 모든 안건의 결정에 있어 절대다수결이 적용되어야 한다거나 국회의원 재적 과반수의 의사가 항상 관철되어야 한다는 의미로 해석될 수 없다. 국회의원의 심의ㆍ표결권 역시 모든 법 안에 대해 본회의에서 표결할 기회를 가져야 한다는 의미는 될 수 없다. 특히, ‘국회선진화법’ 상의 가중다수결 규정은 입법절차에서 원칙적 의사절차를 생략하거나 단축함으로써 심의ㆍ표결권을 제한하는 예외적 의사절차를 정당화하기 위한 가중요건으로서 헌법적으로 타당하며, 국회의 의사자율권이라는 측면에서도 허용가능하다. “National Assembly Advancement Act” refers to the set of National Assembly Act's new articles which were passed on May 2nd, 2012 during the plenary session of the National Assembly and amended on May 25th, 2012. The purpose of “National Assembly Advancement Act” was to prevent physical conflict and to facilitate conversation and compromise. However, as the amendment had been blamed for the stalemate, criticism against the legislation started to arise for every deadlock phase. Moreover, it had been repeatedly argued that qualified majority voting regulation is unconstitutional according to the majority rule of the constitutional law. Repetitive criticism against the “National Assembly Advancement Act” originated from the fact that dramatic measures such as discharging power of the speaker has been disabled in the practice of representative system of the National Assembly. On January 30th, 2015, 19 lawmakers from the ruling Saenuri Party filed against the speaker of the National Assembly an adjudication on jurisdiction disputes, reasoning that the act of progress of proceedings infringes on lawmakers' rights to debate and to vote on legislation. Right before the termination of the 19th National Assembly, the Constitutional Court dismissed the petition (5 dismissals, 2 rejects, 2 acceptances) on May 26th, 2016, regarding the above case of adjudication on jurisdiction disputes. In regards to decision-making principle, the principle of majority decision of the Korean Constitution Article 49 does not imply that absolute majority decision has to be applied for every decision being made nor the goal of the majority of lawmakers enrolled has to be accomplished. Also, lawmakers' deliberation vote does not require every bill to be put up for ballot. In particular, qualified majority voting regulation in the “National Assembly Advancement Act” is constitutionally valid in that by omitting or shortening general procedure during the process of legislation it serves as a prerequisite for justifying the regulations on deliberation vote. It is also acceptable in terms of proceedings autonomy of the National Assembly.

Tolerance Analysis in Selective Assembly of Multiple Component Features to Control Assembly Variation using Matrix Model and Genetic Algorithm

A. K. Jeevanantham,S. V. Chaitanya,A. Rajeshkannan 한국정밀공학회 2019 International Journal of Precision Engineering and Vol.20 No.10

A product may consist of two or more components being assembled together. The geometrical and dimensional tolerances (GDT) present in each feature of the components influence the performance of the assembly. Their accumulation and propagation on assembly fit can be investigated by tolerance analysis. However, during the high precision assembly manufacturing, especially in the selective assembly process, only the dimensional deviations of mating components are considered to evaluate the assembly fit. In this paper, the assembly fits in selective assembly due to GDT of an individual feature of components, is modelled by the matrix method of tolerance analysis. Based on the principles of Technologically and Topologically Related Surfaces and Minimum Geometric Datum Elements, a worst case tolerance analysis is applied into the selective assembly. The conventional method of dividing the components into groups (bins) by dimensional deviation is replaced by integrated GDT. The best combination of components to obtain minimum assembly variation is achieved through a genetic algorithm. The proposed method is demonstrated using a two-dimensional valvetrain assembly that consists of camshaft, tappet, and valve-stem. The effect of considering and annulling the GDT in selective assembly is verified up to 20 numbers of group size.

국회선진화법을 고려한 제20대 국회 초선의원의 특성 및 역할기대

임동욱 한국교통대학교 2016 한국교통대학교 논문집 Vol.51 No.-

This paper aims at examining characteristics and role expectation of the Freshmen in the 20th National Assembly in according to the National Assembly Advancement Law. The National Assembly Advancement Law makes it difficult to compromise than the past. Because of the existence of the law, the Freshmen are more importanat in addition to the fact that they always hold a majority in the National Assembly, which means that they can play a decisive role in decision-making. This study find the fact that the Freshmen in the 20th National Assembly tend to be most liberal since the 16th National Assembly. The ideology distribution of the three major parties’ Freshmen is very similar to their affiliated party’. In addition, the ideological difference between the ruling party and the two opposition's Freshmen is much greater than ever. It is expected that the conflict between the ruling and the oppositions parties in the National Assembly will be more intensified than before. Accordingly, public distrust on the National Assembly will be growing. Therefore, the Freshmen in the 20th National Assembly should take the role of reducing the gaps and conflicts of ideology.