스페인어의 이중 보문소 구조에서 나타나는 Sluicing

정원석 고려대학교 스페인 라틴아메리카 연구소 2025 스페인라틴아메리카연구 Vol.18 No.1

이 연구는 스페인어에서 이중 보문소 구조와 생략 구문(sluicing)의 상호작용을 탐구하며, 보문소 que와 의문사 잔재(wh-remnant)가 CP 영역 내에서 공존하는 현상을 분석한다. 대부분의 언어에서는 이러한 구성의 공존이 허용되지 않지만, 스페인어에서는 가능하다는 점에서 기존 통사 이론에 대한 중요한 문제 제기를 야기한다. 본 논문은 이러한 문맥에서 의문사 잔재가 [Spec, CP]에 위치하지 않고 [Spec, FocP]로 이동하며, Foc 핵이 TP 삭제를 가능하게 하는 생략 자질을 가진다는 점을 주장한다. 이러한 분석을 통해 스페인어는 초점 이동을 통해 sluicing이 도출되는 헝가리어와 유사하고, C가 생략을 인허하는 영어와는 차별화된다. 헝가리어 및 루마니아어와의 교차 언어적 비교는 초점 이동 기반 sluicing 분석의 타당성을 뒷받침한다. 또한 본 연구는 Merchant(2001)의 Sluicing-Comp 일반화(Sluicing-Comp Generalization)를 재검토한다. 이 일반화는 sluicing 구성에서 분명한 보문소와 의문사 잔재가 함께 출현하는 것을 금지한다고 예측하지만, 스페인어 자료는 이를 반박한다. 구체적으로 que는 ForceP를 점유하고, 의문사 잔재는 FocP로 이동함으로써 양자가 공존할 수 있게 된다. 이러한 분석은 스페인어 sluicing 구성의 통사적 구조에 대한 새로운 시각을 제시하며, 생략과 초점 이동에 대한 언어 간 변이에 대한 보다 폭넓은 통찰을 제공한다. This study investigates the interaction between doubly filled complementizer constructions and sluicing in Spanish, focusing on the co-occurrence of the complementizer que and wh-remnants within the CP domain. While most languages disallow such configurations, Spanish permits them, raising important questions about standard syntactic analyses. This paper argues that, in these contexts, the wh-remnant does not occupy [Spec, CP], but rather moves to [Spec, FocP], and that the Foc head bears an ellipsis feature that licenses TP-deletion. Under this analysis, Spanish patterns with Hungarian, in which sluicing is derived through focus movement, rather than with English, where ellipsis is licensed by the complementizer head (C). Crosslinguistic comparisons with Hungarian and Romanian further support the focus-based analysis of sluicing. This study also reexamines Merchant’s (2001) Sluicing-Comp Generalization, which predicts the incompatibility of overt complementizers and wh-remnants in sluicing constructions. The Spanish data challenge this generalization, showing that que occupies ForceP and the wh-remnant moves to FocP, allowing both to coexist. These findings offer a novel perspective on the syntactic structure of sluicing in Spanish and contribute to a broader understanding of crosslinguistic variation in ellipsis and focus movement.

수문의 섬과 재생 전략

박보경(Bo Kyeong Park),김정석(Jeong Seok Kim) 현대문법학회 2017 현대문법연구 Vol.95 No.-

This paper investigates the island (in)sensitivity of sluicing. Boeckx (2008) and Wang (2007) analyze sluicing as an instance of TP ellipsis in which a resumptive pronoun occupies the wh-trace position after a sluiced wh-phrase moves to an operator position. Given that the resumptive pronoun is a stranded portion of the moved phrase which it associates with (Boeckx 2003), the resumption approach seems to provide a better account for the island-insensitivity of sluicing, in that the underlying structure of sluicing does not involve any island violation at the outset due to resumption. However, this naive resumption strategy cannot explain why sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing are sensitive to islands. Regarding the island-sensitivity of certain sluicing, we propose that resumption is suppressed in sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing for some reasons. To explain why, we resort to Boeckx s (2003) observation that resumption is restricted to D-linking and clefting. We argue that both sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing are not D-linked and cannot be derived from cleft sentences.

Multiple Sluicing in English and Its Implication for the Unconstrained Pseudosluicing Hypothesis

Jong Un Park 현대문법학회 2015 현대문법연구 Vol.86 No.-

The goal of this paper is double-folded. First, it is argued that the hybrid approach to multiple sluicing (Chang and Kim (2013)) makes better predictions than the leftward movement approach (Takahashi (1994), Richards (1997, 2001), Merchant (2001), Park and Kang (2007), Park (2014)); and the paper attempts to provide a possible solution to some of the empirical data, which Richards (2001) and Park and Kang (2007) report are challenging to the gapping approach (Nishigauchi (1998), Lasnik (2007, 2011)), the precursor of the hybrid approach. In doing so, this paper suggests updating Chang and Kim’s hybrid approach by extending Weir’s (2014) analysis of embedded sluicing (and fragment answers) in English. According to Weir, embedded sluicing is possible only when there are two CPs selected by bridging verbs and a limited set of non-bridging verbs, and this paper argues that multiple sluicing is an additional case that supports the existence of two CPs in embedded sluicing. Secondly, it is demonstrated that multiple sluicing in English is an empirical case that is not correctly predicted by Barros’s (2014) Unconstrained Pseudosluicing Hypothesis—namely that the sluicing of a cleft or a copular clause whose antecedent is not a cleft or a copular clause is another case of sluicing.

한국어 유사 수문구문에 대한 재고

이숙희 한국생성문법학회 2019 생성문법연구 Vol.29 No.1

This paper aims to claim that there is no canonical sluicing construction in Korean as far as merger type sluicing is concerned. The paper puts its first focus on investigating full-fledged sets of sluicing-like data, revealing their morphosyntactic and sometimes pragmatic characteristics. Then it deals with main issues actively discussed in previous research on sluicing; e.g., multiple wh-questions, island effects, postposition stranding, and case drop. Through scrutinizing empirical data and syntactic-semantic properties of sluicing, this paper finally concludes that the Korean sluicing-like construction of merger type is in fact a copular wh-question construction. The paper also provides an account for what the structure of this construction is like, why the construction shows such properties as previously discussed, and how the proposal is supported by further data from other languages.

Cleft Sources for the Sluice and Identity in Ellipsis

박명관 한국언어학회 2015 언어 Vol.40 No.1

Park, Myung-Kwan. 2015. Cleft Sources for the Sluice and Identity in Ellipsis. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 40-1, 87-106. This paper investigates the controversial issue of developing a cleft structure analysis for the sluice that derives from Sluicing or TP ellipsis. We show that there are some constructions that require positing different types of cleft clause as the underlying structure of the sluice. Specifically, Sluicing/TP ellipsis in the p ∨ q construction of English is shown to apply to the inferential cleft clause. In Spanish or Polish, P-stranding is fed by Sluicing, which now applies to the truncated cleft clause. In English, Sluicing also applies after a preposition pied-piping wh-phrase moves out of a reduced cleft clause. Although all these three cases involve cleft clause for the sluice and non-cleft, declarative clause for its antecedent, we show that the clause type mismatch between cleft sluice and non-cleft antecedent clauses does not impinge on the identity condition on ellipsis, because the two elements, found additionally only in the cleft sluice clauses, such as the subject pronoun it and the inflected form of be, can be analyzed as a clausal anaphor referring to the antecedent of the sluiced clause, or a semantically-vacuous element. (Dongguk University)

Cleft Sources for the Sluice and Identity in Ellipsis

Myung-Kwan Park 한국언어학회 2015 언어 Vol.40 No.1

This paper investigates the controversial issue of developing a cleft structure analysis for the sluice that derives from Sluicing or TP ellipsis. We show that there are some constructions that require positing different types of cleft clause as the underlying structure of the sluice. Specifically, Sluicing/TP ellipsis in the p ∨ q construction of English is shown to apply to the inferential cleft clause. In Spanish or Polish, P-stranding is fed by Sluicing, which now applies to the truncated cleft clause. In English, Sluicing also applies after a preposition pied-piping wh-phrase moves out of a reduced cleft clause. Although all these three cases involve cleft clause for the sluice and non-cleft, declarative clause for its antecedent, we show that the clause type mismatch between cleft sluice and non-cleft antecedent clauses does not impinge on the identity condition on ellipsis, because the two elements, found additionally only in the cleft sluice clauses, such as the subject pronoun it and the inflected form of be, can be analyzed as a clausal anaphor referring to the antecedent of the sluiced clause, or a semantically-vacuous element.

Sentential Polarity under Ellipsis

Myung-Kwan Park,Wooseung Lee 한국영어학회 2023 영어학 Vol.23 No.-

This paper sheds light on a relatively under-studied phenomenon observed in an elliptical construction – polarity reversal under Sluicing. Specifically, we look into a Sluicing construction in which the unstated proposition in the elliptical site bears inverse polarity to the presumable antecedent. After reviewing Kroll’s (2019) latest work among the relevant literature and presenting an array of intriguing empirical facts, we make the following three generalizations and proposals: [1] In exclusive disjunction contexts, in which verum focus does not play a grammatical role, polarity reversal under Sluicing is readily observed. In line with Rudin’s (2019) syntactic condition, we propose that functional categories such as sentential polarity as well as aspect, modal, tense, and complementizer enter syntax without being specified concerning their lexico-syntactic features. Crucially, we propose that identity in ellipsis be computed before such features are determined at LF. Then, it is only the vP that counts in the calculation of identity for the license of ellipsis. [2] In other non-exclusive disjunction contexts, in which verum focus plays a crucial role in yielding relevant interpretations, polarity reversal under Sluicing is not allowed. This suggests that what is involved in so-called Neg-‘raising’ and implicative verb contexts is, in fact, not polarity reversal but polarity concord under Sluicing. [3] Unlike English, Korean allows polarity reversal under (pseudo-)Sluicing relatively freely in non-exclusive disjunction contexts, which is attributed to the fact that it does not require phonological realization of verum focus. This contrastive property is conjectured to be due to the fact that verum focus is given to an auxiliary verb in English while it is attracted to a Wh-XP in Korean.

Predictive Structural Building in the Processing of Sluicing with Reflexive Resolution by Korean L2 English Learners: An ERP Study

정원일,박명관 한국영어학회 2017 영어학 Vol.17 No.1

Chung, Wonil, and Park, Myung-Kwan. 2017. Predictive Structural Building in the Processing of Sluicing with Reflexive Resolution by Korean L2 English Learners: An ERP Study. Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics, 17-1, 27-58. In this paper we conduct an event-related potential (ERP) study of Korean English leaners’ processing of sluicing/TP-ellipsis to examine whether the L2 sentence parser can engage in predictive structural building in the course of sentence processing, especially focusing on whether the L2 parser preempts sluicing/TP-ellipsis structure when both sluicing and non-sluicing are potentially prospective structures. Our findings suggest that, unlike L1 speakers investigated in Yoshida, Dickey, and Sturt’s (2012) behavioral study, L2 learners are not sufficiently alert online to the structural details of the sluicing/non-sluicing environment to predictively build hierarchical clause structure for the sluiced TP. Nor are they aware of Binding Principle A that should regulate the relation between a reflexive and its antecedent to be established online during sentence building. We will also consider the rationale behind L2 learners’ deficiency in predictive structure building and Binding Principle A.

Predictive Structural Building in the Processing of Sluicing with Reflexive Resolution by Korean L2 English Learners

Wonil Chung,Myung-Kwan Park 한국영어학회 2017 영어학 Vol.17 No.1

In this paper we conduct an event-related potential (ERP) study of Korean English leaners’ processing of sluicing/TP-ellipsis to examine whether the L2 sentence parser can engage in predictive structural building in the course of sentence processing, especially focusing on whether the L2 parser preempts sluicing/TP-ellipsis structure when both sluicing and non-sluicing are potentially prospective structures. Our findings suggest that, unlike L1 speakers investigated in Yoshida, Dickey, and Sturt’s (2012) behavioral study, L2 learners are not sufficiently alert online to the structural details of the sluicing/non-sluicing environment to predictively build hierarchical clause structure for the sluiced TP. Nor are they aware of Binding Principle A that should regulate the relation between a reflexive and its antecedent to be established online during sentence building. We will also consider the rationale behind L2 learners’ deficiency in predictive structure building and Binding Principle A.

An Evasion Analysis of Korean Sluicing

하승완 한국생성문법학회 2017 생성문법연구 Vol.27 No.1

It is well-known that the derivation of Korean sluicing differs from that of English counterpart. Researchers have proposed a variety of analyses in generative grammar and the standard assumption is that Korean sluicing is derived out of (pseudo-)cleft. However, Kim (2015) poses challenges to the pseudo-cleft analysis, in that it faces empirical problems, both of which involve asymmetries between (pseudo-)clefts and sluicing. This indicates that (pseudo)-cleft cannot be the source of sluicing in Korean. In this paper I adopt Barros, Elliott, and Thoms’ (2014) evasion approach that makes non-isomorphic sources possible for the ellipsis site along with an isomorphic source. Under the evasion approach, PF deletion from the full-fledged structure is just one of the options available for sluicing. Sluicing can also be derived from other sources, such as short sources, (pseudo)-clefts, and predicational sentences. On the assumption that such non-isomorphic sources are all available as long as Question-under-Discussion is satisfied, I will argue that the challenges posed in the previous literature can be resolved.