수문의 섬과 재생 전략

박보경(Bo Kyeong Park),김정석(Jeong Seok Kim) 현대문법학회 2017 현대문법연구 Vol.95 No.-

This paper investigates the island (in)sensitivity of sluicing. Boeckx (2008) and Wang (2007) analyze sluicing as an instance of TP ellipsis in which a resumptive pronoun occupies the wh-trace position after a sluiced wh-phrase moves to an operator position. Given that the resumptive pronoun is a stranded portion of the moved phrase which it associates with (Boeckx 2003), the resumption approach seems to provide a better account for the island-insensitivity of sluicing, in that the underlying structure of sluicing does not involve any island violation at the outset due to resumption. However, this naive resumption strategy cannot explain why sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing are sensitive to islands. Regarding the island-sensitivity of certain sluicing, we propose that resumption is suppressed in sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing for some reasons. To explain why, we resort to Boeckx s (2003) observation that resumption is restricted to D-linking and clefting. We argue that both sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing are not D-linked and cannot be derived from cleft sentences.

Multiple Sluicing in English and Its Implication for the Unconstrained Pseudosluicing Hypothesis

Jong Un Park 현대문법학회 2015 현대문법연구 Vol.86 No.-

The goal of this paper is double-folded. First, it is argued that the hybrid approach to multiple sluicing (Chang and Kim (2013)) makes better predictions than the leftward movement approach (Takahashi (1994), Richards (1997, 2001), Merchant (2001), Park and Kang (2007), Park (2014)); and the paper attempts to provide a possible solution to some of the empirical data, which Richards (2001) and Park and Kang (2007) report are challenging to the gapping approach (Nishigauchi (1998), Lasnik (2007, 2011)), the precursor of the hybrid approach. In doing so, this paper suggests updating Chang and Kim’s hybrid approach by extending Weir’s (2014) analysis of embedded sluicing (and fragment answers) in English. According to Weir, embedded sluicing is possible only when there are two CPs selected by bridging verbs and a limited set of non-bridging verbs, and this paper argues that multiple sluicing is an additional case that supports the existence of two CPs in embedded sluicing. Secondly, it is demonstrated that multiple sluicing in English is an empirical case that is not correctly predicted by Barros’s (2014) Unconstrained Pseudosluicing Hypothesis—namely that the sluicing of a cleft or a copular clause whose antecedent is not a cleft or a copular clause is another case of sluicing.

Cleft Sources for the Sluice and Identity in Ellipsis

Myung-Kwan Park 한국언어학회 2015 언어 Vol.40 No.1

Park, Myung-Kwan. 2015. Cleft Sources for the Sluice and Identity in Ellipsis. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 40-1, 87-106. This paper investigates the controversial issue of developing a cleft structure analysis for the sluice that derives from Sluicing or TP ellipsis. We show that there are some constructions that require positing different types of cleft clause as the underlying structure of the sluice. Specifically, Sluicing/TP ellipsis in the p ∨ q construction of English is shown to apply to the inferential cleft clause. In Spanish or Polish, P-stranding is fed by Sluicing, which now applies to the truncated cleft clause. In English, Sluicing also applies after a preposition pied-piping wh-phrase moves out of a reduced cleft clause. Although all these three cases involve cleft clause for the sluice and non-cleft, declarative clause for its antecedent, we show that the clause type mismatch between cleft sluice and non-cleft antecedent clauses does not impinge on the identity condition on ellipsis, because the two elements, found additionally only in the cleft sluice clauses, such as the subject pronoun it and the inflected form of be, can be analyzed as a clausal anaphor referring to the antecedent of the sluiced clause, or a semantically-vacuous element. (Dongguk University)

Cleft Sources for the Sluice and Identity in Ellipsis

박명관 한국언어학회 2015 언어 Vol.40 No.1

Park, Myung-Kwan. 2015. Cleft Sources for the Sluice and Identity in Ellipsis. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 40-1, 87-106. This paper investigates the controversial issue of developing a cleft structure analysis for the sluice that derives from Sluicing or TP ellipsis. We show that there are some constructions that require positing different types of cleft clause as the underlying structure of the sluice. Specifically, Sluicing/TP ellipsis in the p ∨ q construction of English is shown to apply to the inferential cleft clause. In Spanish or Polish, P-stranding is fed by Sluicing, which now applies to the truncated cleft clause. In English, Sluicing also applies after a preposition pied-piping wh-phrase moves out of a reduced cleft clause. Although all these three cases involve cleft clause for the sluice and non-cleft, declarative clause for its antecedent, we show that the clause type mismatch between cleft sluice and non-cleft antecedent clauses does not impinge on the identity condition on ellipsis, because the two elements, found additionally only in the cleft sluice clauses, such as the subject pronoun it and the inflected form of be, can be analyzed as a clausal anaphor referring to the antecedent of the sluiced clause, or a semantically-vacuous element. (Dongguk University)

E-type anaphora will do

Soo-Yeon Kim 한국생성문법학회 2006 생성문법연구 Vol.16 No.4

Assuming that the elided part of sluicing has an internal structure, this paper argues that various aspects of sluicing can be accounted for if we employ the Cooper style analysis of E-type anaphora. Legitimate putative sources for sluicing with E-type anaphoric expressions enable us to abandon both a heterogeneous theory of Merchant (2001) and unnecessary complication of sentence derivation of Lasnik (2001, 2005), violation and the undoing of the violation in sluicing. After introducing cases where employing E-type pronouns is the only way to retrieve putative sources for the elided portion in sluicing, this paper extends the E-type anaphora approach to others to show that it is not only necessary but sufficient for interpretations of sluicing.

한국어 유사 수문구문에 대한 재고

이숙희 한국생성문법학회 2019 생성문법연구 Vol.29 No.1

This paper aims to claim that there is no canonical sluicing construction in Korean as far as merger type sluicing is concerned. The paper puts its first focus on investigating full-fledged sets of sluicing-like data, revealing their morphosyntactic and sometimes pragmatic characteristics. Then it deals with main issues actively discussed in previous research on sluicing; e.g., multiple wh-questions, island effects, postposition stranding, and case drop. Through scrutinizing empirical data and syntactic-semantic properties of sluicing, this paper finally concludes that the Korean sluicing-like construction of merger type is in fact a copular wh-question construction. The paper also provides an account for what the structure of this construction is like, why the construction shows such properties as previously discussed, and how the proposal is supported by further data from other languages.

The Korean Sluicing: As a Family of Constructions

Jong-Bok Kim 한국생성문법학회 2013 생성문법연구 Vol.23 No.1

The Korean sluicing construction has recently been a main topic of research on the mismatch between form and meaning, in the sense that the wh-remnant phrase is interpreted as an interrogative phrase. The construction also shares some properties with pseudocleft as well as copula constructions, but at the same time bears distinctive properties from these two. This paper argues that the idiosyncrasies of the construction make it implausible to derive sluicing from any of the two and further shows that the construction belongs to a family of constructions including all the three: copula, pseudo-cleft, and sluicing. The 'constructional view' of the Korean sluicing allows us to capture the generalizations of the Korean sluicing in a holistic way.

Sentential Polarity under Ellipsis

Myung-Kwan Park,Wooseung Lee 한국영어학회 2023 영어학 Vol.23 No.-

This paper sheds light on a relatively under-studied phenomenon observed in an elliptical construction – polarity reversal under Sluicing. Specifically, we look into a Sluicing construction in which the unstated proposition in the elliptical site bears inverse polarity to the presumable antecedent. After reviewing Kroll’s (2019) latest work among the relevant literature and presenting an array of intriguing empirical facts, we make the following three generalizations and proposals: [1] In exclusive disjunction contexts, in which verum focus does not play a grammatical role, polarity reversal under Sluicing is readily observed. In line with Rudin’s (2019) syntactic condition, we propose that functional categories such as sentential polarity as well as aspect, modal, tense, and complementizer enter syntax without being specified concerning their lexico-syntactic features. Crucially, we propose that identity in ellipsis be computed before such features are determined at LF. Then, it is only the vP that counts in the calculation of identity for the license of ellipsis. [2] In other non-exclusive disjunction contexts, in which verum focus plays a crucial role in yielding relevant interpretations, polarity reversal under Sluicing is not allowed. This suggests that what is involved in so-called Neg-‘raising’ and implicative verb contexts is, in fact, not polarity reversal but polarity concord under Sluicing. [3] Unlike English, Korean allows polarity reversal under (pseudo-)Sluicing relatively freely in non-exclusive disjunction contexts, which is attributed to the fact that it does not require phonological realization of verum focus. This contrastive property is conjectured to be due to the fact that verum focus is given to an auxiliary verb in English while it is attracted to a Wh-XP in Korean.

Predictive Structural Building in the Processing of Sluicing with Reflexive Resolution by Korean L2 English Learners: An ERP Study

정원일,박명관 한국영어학회 2017 영어학 Vol.17 No.1

Chung, Wonil, and Park, Myung-Kwan. 2017. Predictive Structural Building in the Processing of Sluicing with Reflexive Resolution by Korean L2 English Learners: An ERP Study. Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics, 17-1, 27-58. In this paper we conduct an event-related potential (ERP) study of Korean English leaners’ processing of sluicing/TP-ellipsis to examine whether the L2 sentence parser can engage in predictive structural building in the course of sentence processing, especially focusing on whether the L2 parser preempts sluicing/TP-ellipsis structure when both sluicing and non-sluicing are potentially prospective structures. Our findings suggest that, unlike L1 speakers investigated in Yoshida, Dickey, and Sturt’s (2012) behavioral study, L2 learners are not sufficiently alert online to the structural details of the sluicing/non-sluicing environment to predictively build hierarchical clause structure for the sluiced TP. Nor are they aware of Binding Principle A that should regulate the relation between a reflexive and its antecedent to be established online during sentence building. We will also consider the rationale behind L2 learners’ deficiency in predictive structure building and Binding Principle A.

An Evasion Analysis of Korean Sluicing

Seungwan Ha 한국생성문법학회 2017 생성문법연구 Vol.27 No.1

It is well-known that the derivation of Korean sluicing differs from that of English counterpart. Researchers have proposed a variety of analyses in generative grammar and the standard assumption is that Korean sluicing is derived out of(pseudo-)cleft. However, Kim (2015) poses challenges to the pseudo-cleft analysis, in that it faces empirical problems, both of which involve asymmetries between (pseudo-)clefts and sluicing. This indicates that (pseudo)-cleft cannot be the source of sluicing in Korean. In this paper I adopt Barros, Elliott, and Thoms’ (2014) evasion approach that makes non-isomorphic sources possible for the ellipsis site along with an isomorphic source. Under the evasion approach, PF deletion from the full-fledged structure is just one of the options available for sluicing. Sluicing can also be derived from other sources, such as short sources, (pseudo)-clefts, and predicational sentences. On the assumption that such non-isomorphic sources are all available as long as Question-under-Discussion is satisfied, I will argue that the challenges posed in the previous literature can be resolved.