조선 전·중기 역장(逆葬)에 대한 풍수관 연구 - 율곡 가족 묘역을 중심으로 -

황종태 ( Hwang Jong-tae ) 한국사상문화학회 2019 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.97 No.-

본고는 우리 사회에 금기시되고 있는 ‘역장(逆葬)’에 대하여 풍수관으로 조명하였다. 조선 17세기 이후부터 성리학적 유교사상이 내재된 장례문화는 ‘효’사상의 의식화로 저변층까지 확산되었다. 이 문화의 영향으로 선영묘역위에 후손묘소를 천장한 경우 이른바 ‘역장’에 대한 거부감은 현재까지도 지속적으로 나타난다. 한편 조선중기에 명문가를 중심으로 조성된 묘역공간배치를 두고 일반적으로 ‘역장’이라는 인식이 팽배하다. 따라서 윤리관과 풍수관에 대한 이해의 상충되는 부분을 구분하여 살펴볼 필요가 있다. 이 연구에서 현시대에 한정된 영역의 가족묘역공간배치에서 효율적 장례문화의 변화를 모색하고자 하였다. ‘역장’이라 함은 일반적으로 장소적 특성을 강조하는 의미로만 해석하여 전언되었다. 앞서 약술한 바와 같이 ‘역장’을 풍수관으로 해석할 때 의미가 달라질 수 있는 것이며, 현재 일반인들이 알고 있는 ‘역장’은 장소적 위상관계에 치중하여 선대의 묘보다 후대의 묘가 상위에 위치할 때 ‘역장’이 된다고 말한다. 물론 풍수지리관점에서 선영보다 후손의 묘역이 상위에 위치하면 ‘역장’이라고도 볼 수 있다. ‘역장’에 대한 전통 풍수학을 적용하면 ‘역장’에 대한 개념을 새로이 정립할 필요성이 있다. 즉 ‘역장’은 윤리적 관점과 풍수지리 구조적 관점을 이해하고 행하여진 장례문화로 볼 수 있는 것이다. 일반적으로 의식하고 있는 ‘역(逆)’은 과거의 풍습이나 전래한 것에 대하여 반대하는 내용을 담고 있다. 이 ‘역’과 장례문화가 습합하여 ‘역장’이란 개념이 성립하여 현대 사회로 이어졌다. 즉 ‘역장’이란 과거의 전통을 무시 또는 반항하는 역전의 행위를 담고 있으며, 특히 ‘역장’이란 단어에는 장소성만이 강조된 단어로서 그 뜻에는 관심을 두지 않는다. 또한 ‘역장’은 위계질서에 벗어난 행위로 쉽게 받아들이는 용어로서 일반적으로 인식되고 있다. 그러나 ‘역’에 대한 용례를 살펴야만 당대의 상장례 문화를 바르게 이해할 수 있다고 판단된다. ‘역장’에 대한 그 실례로 율곡의 부모 이원수와 사임당 신씨가 합장된 묘역을 풍수관점의 해석과 3축 지자기 측정한 후 족보에서 확인한 후손 수로 보아 ‘역장’에 해당되지 않는 것으로 해석된다. 반면 선영과 후손의 묘지위계와 관계없이 자연적으로 형성되고 혈장에 속한 혈의 증거를 인위적으로 파괴하면서 분묘를 조성하는 것은 풍수관에 의한 ‘역장’에 해당되는 것이다. 한편 풍수관에 대한 율곡 가족묘역 공간 혈상은 ‘유혈(乳穴)’에 해당되고, 소응(昭應)에서는 ‘영화지지(榮華之地)’로 해석된다. 풍수원리의 측면에서 부합하고 혈장의 균형과 안정감이 형성되어 있음을 확인 할 수 있다. 본 연구에서 ‘역장’요인 분석을 위해 풍수관과 자손후손 수, 3축 지자기 측정결과 도출 등 다양한 방법으로 해석하였다. This paper is to demonstrate from the viewpoint of feng shui about‘Upside-Down Funeral’which has been taboo in our society. Funeral culture in which Confucianism has been embedded in the Joseon Dynasty period since the 17th century has been disseminated to the base of the social scale as a ritualized form of filial piety thoughts. Under the influence of this culture, aversion to so-called the upside-down funeral that a family descendant burial ground was located in the higher(upper) place of a family ancestral burial ground would appear consistently to this day. On the other hand, conventional wisdom has it that people consider as the upside-down funeral about the spatial placement of a few tombs which created with noble families as the central figure in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. Therefore it is necessary to review thoroughly the parts which have conflicting understanding between a viewpoint of Confucian morality and the viewpoint of feng shui. This study tried to find efficient change of funeral culture in spatial placement of family tombs within a limited area at the present time to the ultimate. The term called the upside-down funeral has been interpreted and handed down in a sense which emphasizes only the character of place. As mentioned briefly earlier, the sense of the upside-down funeral can vary when it is interpreted from the perspective of feng shui. The concept of the upside-down funeral which the general public are apt to understand usually at present means that the tomb of later generation is located higher than that of earlier generation by focussing on the phase relation of place. Even in the perspective of feng shui, the case that the grave of descendant is located at higher ground than that of ancestors might be naturally considered as the upside-down funeral. However by applying Korean traditional feng shui, new concept of the upside-down funeral needs to be set up. In other words, the upside-down funeral can be considered a kind of funeral cultures which was conducted by understanding both a viewpoint of Confucian morality and the viewpoint of feng shui. The ‘upside-down’ which has generally been recognized contains the contents of objection against past customs or handed-down things. That ‘upside-down’ was combined with funeral culture and so the concept of the upside-down funeral was formed and lasted to modern society. Namely the upside-down funeral includes an act of reversing which passes over or sticks up to the traditions of the past and the term upside-down funeral itself emphasizes only the sense of place while the general public are not very interested in the meaning of itself. In addition, the upside-down funeral is able to be intuitionally accepted as an act of treachery against family hierarchy. But it seems that only if we examine usage examples of‘adverse’is the bier funeral culture of the age allowed to understand correctly. Meanwhile, one of typical situations which have very different opinions about the upside-down funeral is the comon tomb of Yulgok’s parents, Wonsu Lee and Shin Saim-dang. As a result of analyzing the boundaries of the grave in the view of feng shui, measuring with triaxis geomagnetic instrument and confirming the number of decendents, it was concluded that this isn’t the case with the upside-down funeral. On the other hand, if tombs are built up by destructing artificially Plasmic hyeoruijeung, which have formed naturally, this is indeed corresponded to the upside-down funeral. Meanwhile, the spatial acupuncture shape of Yulgok’s family grave boundary according to the view of feng shui is applicable to sauced gaseumhyeol(乳穴) and its situation falls under A glorious land(榮華之地). Therefore it can be confirmed that the family grave boundary coincides with optimal factors of the principle of feng shui and maintains a sense of balance and stability of great location. For analyzing factors related to the upside-down funeral in this study, various ways including the view of feng shui, the number of decendants and triaxial geomagnetic measurement were mobilized.

학림도(鶴林島)의 장례 운영과 상계(喪契)의 기능

이혜연 ( Hye Yeon Yi ) 한국도서(섬)학회 2015 韓國島嶼硏究 Vol.27 No.1

The subject of this study is Sang-Gye(喪契) in the Haklimdo, and the purpose of this research is to examine the function of Sang-Gye in detail. How did the people of fishing village conduct a funeral and how is it related to Sang-Gye. What kind of organization is Sang-Gye? In order to reveal such questions, research on handed down documents of the fishing village was conducted. Haklimdo is an area 0.724㎢, and Haklim village is located in Tongyeong, Gyeongsangnamdo, and there are twelve Sang-Gye documents in total. Traditionally, when ceremonies took place at home, some from the same town, and others from some distance came to join. Thus, meals had to be prepared to them and this meant a lot of rice was in need. In the past, rice was not so easy to get. Thus, people usually ate barley and rice was only used expecially in ceremonial occasions. In Haklimdo, ``Ssal-Gye’was there to prepare the rice for ceremonial occasions, and ``Bap-Gye`` for cooking. Sang-Gye is a mutual-aid organization specialized for the funeral. It’s main obligation is to carry the bier, and to offer a bier(quite expensive) in funeral for the family in mourning. In the Haklim-Island, Sang-Gye is called ‘Sangyeo-Gye’, and has four organizations, the ‘Sangyeo-Gye’, ``Ssal-Gye``, ``Bap-Gye’ and ``Fhuheng-Gye``.

<물고기의 축제>에 나타난 인물의 역할과 활용

박미리 ( Mi Ri Park ) 한국연극학회 2009 한국연극학 Vol.0 No.37

The purpose of this study is to explore the theory of dramatherapy for establishing relations between characters and dramatic plot and also to find a way of dramatherapeutic practices in use of the plays. For this, the study analyzed with Role model Theory of Robert J. Landy, characters of a drama, <The Funeral of a Fish>, written by Mi-Ri Yoo. Landy categorized 84 role types of characters in Western dramatic literature based on six domains named Somatic, Cognitive, Affective, Social, Spiritual and Aesthetic. By applying this categorization, the role types of two characters in <The Funeral of a Fish> can be described as follows. Sadako: Wife, Mother, Victim, Seducer, Adulterer, Parasite and Zombie Huyuo: Victim, Rebel, Dreamer, Hothead, Avenger, Tyrant, Worker, Killer and Suicide In the drama, the `Zombie` role of Sadako and Huyuo`s `Rebel Son and the Tyrant` role have effects on each other. These two roles, `Rebel` and `Zombie`, drove two characters, as time went by, to both extremes resulted in Huyuo`s suicide. Thus, Huyuo, who killed himself, could be an abnormal and antisocial character. Huyuo`s dramatic change from `Victim` to `Tyrant and Killer` was resulted from the fact that he didn`t have a `guide` and he did not know the benefits of balance from coexistence of roles. Landy`s role model theory not only provides new viewpoints for analyzing characters in a drama but also enables drama therapy to be a practical remedy based on a drama. For the dramatherapy, we distinguished social role from dramatic role in relation to the actor: the latter on the fictitious stage, the former in a real world. The very important thing is the fact that the actor plays many social roles by means of aesthetic distance. And this also applies to the process of dramatherapy; the client not only acknowledges his roles in the society by playing various roles on a stage, but also he can acquire the ability of maintaining balance between himself with his own eyes and himself with others` view. In order to develope dramatherapy, one of various fields derived from drama, we need to pay more attention to drama itself as well as to apply other tools, such as sociology and psychology, for relating drama, fictious stage and society, real world.

우리민족의 이동 흔적(2): 알류산열도에서 캐나다 서해안까지

손성태 배재대학교 한국-시베리아센터 2016 한국시베리아연구 Vol.20 No.1

In the present paper I presented evidences that the Korean ancestors went across the Aleutian Islands to Alaska and continued their movement to the south along the west coast of Canada. The evidences that I found consist of relics, customs, religious belief and languages. The relics that Korean ancestors left in the Aleutian Islands are separable fishing hooks, semi-lunar stone knives, stone lamps, and Ondo-the Korean traditional heating system. Above all the Aleutian had the same custom as the Korean in that they used to put lamps in a small space in the walls of their dugout huts. And they had the same religions and funeral customs of the Korean’s. The evidences that the Korean ancestors passed through the west coast of Canada consist of relics, customs, religion and language. The indians that inhabited the coast of Canada used semi-lunar stone knives. Men wore a topknot and women put on rouges on the cheeks. They had the same funeral customs as the korean’s in that they used to sing manca, a sad song for funerals. The most important evidence that their ancestors were Koreans is that they called ‘Kooteeyaa’ the Totem poles, their traditional monuments made of wood and that they called ‘kopi’ the ropes made of twisted bark of trees or reeds. Kooteeyaa and Kopi are Korean words. The last evidence that the Koreans went across the route ‘the Kamchatka peninsula-the Aleutian Islands- Canaca’ is iron relics used between the 3rd century the 10th century in those regions. 본 연구에서는 ‘우리민족의 이동-아무르에서 캄차카반도까지’라는 제목하의 손성태(2015) 연구에 이어, 알류산열도에서 캐나다 서해안으로 이어지는 우리민족의 이동루트에, 우리민족 고유의 어떤 흔적이 남았는가를 다루었다. 이를 위하여, 먼저 알류산열도를 중심으로 양쪽 대륙 연안에 해당하는 춥지(축치)-캄차카반도와 알래스카에 기원후 3세기에서 10세기 사이에 사용된 철기유물을 다루었다. 이 철기 유물은 종래의 인류학이 아메리카 인디언의 기원으로 기원전 1만 5천 년 전의 빙하기에 베링해를 건넜다는 설이 잘못되었고, 그 시대뿐 아니라 삼국시대 우리민족도 아메리카로 건너갔다는 종래의 필자의 주장을 더욱 뒷받침해주는 증거이다. 알류산열도를 통하여 우리민족이 태평양을 건넜다는 증거를 유물, 신앙, 풍습, 언어로 나누어 제시했다. 유물로는 온돌을 비롯하여, 결합식 낚시바늘, 반달형 돌칼, 등잔을 제시하였고, 신앙으로는 태양신 신앙, 풍습으로는 문신과 실뜨기 놀이, 그리고 거실장을 다루었다. 또 언어적 증거로, 알류산열도의 섬 명칭이나 마을 명칭이 우리말로 해석된다는 사실도 밝혔다. 캐나다 서해안에 남은 우리민족의 흔적으로, 유물, 풍습, 언어를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 유물로는 반달형 칼과 토템폴, 꼬아서 만든 새끼줄 등을 제시했다. 특히 토템폴을 ‘굿대야’라고 했다는 사실은, 언어는 우연히 일치하는 법이 없다는 진리하에 고려할 때, 우리민족의 가장 뚜렷한 흔적 가운데 하나일 것이다. 캐나다 서해안 인디언들은 19세기 말까지도 남자는 상투를 했고, 여자는 볼에 붉은 볼연지를 했다. 그들의 장례식은 매우 길어 조문객들이 이제 그만하라고 말리기까지 했는데, 이는 「삼국지」위지동이전에 기록된 우리의 부여 풍속과 같다. 특히 캐나다와 미국 서해안의 인디언들이 20세기 초까지도 장례식 노래 ‘만가(輓歌)’를 불렀는데, 이것은 삼국시대부터 우리민족 장례식의 매우 두드러진 특징이다. 종교적으로도 무당의 굿하는 모습이나 저주하는 방법 등을 다루어, 종교적 가치관과 정신세계까지 인디언들과 우리민족이 같았다는 사실을 밝혔다.