An Alternative Approach to the Expansion of Paekche during the Hansŏng Period

Junkyu Kim(김준규) 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2019 International Journal of Korean History Vol.24 No.1

한반도 고대국가 중의 하나인 한성기 백제의 확장과정은 그동안 문헌사학 및 고고학의 주요 연구 주제 중 하나였다. 하지만 많은 연구가 문헌에 기록된 한성기 백제의 경계가 실재하였다는 전제를 토대로 진행되었으며, 이와 함께 한성기 백제의 경계 및 영역은 중심부에서 동심원적으로 확장되었다고 인식하였다. 이로 인해 한성기 백제 주변지역의 고고학 자료의 다양성과 그 의미에 대해서는 충분히 설명되지 못하였으며, 한성기 백제의 확장은 주변지역에서 일률적으로 이루어진 것으로 해석되었다. 하지만 고대국가의 경계는 현대 국가와는 달리 유동적이었으며 명확하게 구분할 수 없을 것이라는 점이 지적되어야 한다. 또한 고대국가의 확장과정은 중심지로부터의 물리적인 거리뿐만이 아니라 정치, 지리, 경제적 등 다양한 요인에 의해 지역에 따라 서로 다른 방식으로 영향력을 확장했을 가능성이 고려되어야 한다. 본 연구는 이러한 점을 염두에 두고 중부지역 한성기 백제의 토기의 출토양상을 한강 이남지역과 한강 이북지역으로 나누어 비교함으로써 한성기 백제의 확장과정에 대한 새로운 이해를 시도한다. 그 결과 한성기 백제는 한강 이남지역에서는 영향력을 크게 확대한 반면, 한강 이북지역에서는 일부 거점을 확보하는 수준에 머무른 것으로 생각된다. 이처럼 백제의 확장은 두 지역에서 상이한 확장과정을 보였던 것으로 생각되며, 이는 두 지역이 처한 서로 다른 지정학적인 위치로 설명될 수 있다. The expansion of Paekche, one of the ancient states established on the Korean Peninsula, during the Hansŏng Period was one of the major historical archaeological research topics. Many studies were conducted under the premise that the boundaries of Paekche during the Hansŏng Period as recorded in historical documents had existed in real life, and scholars believed that the boundaries and territory of Paekche at the time spatially expanded in concentric rings around the core. These studies were unable to provide an adequate explanation of the diversity or the significance of archaeological resources acquired from the regions surrounding Paekche during the Hansŏng Period, as the expansion of Paekche was understood to have occurred uniformly throughout the surrounding areas. However, it is important to note that, unlike the boundaries of modern states, boundaries of ancient states were flexible and not clearly defined. In addition, it is necessary to take into consideration the possibility that the expansion of ancient states occurred in different ways throughout different regions due to political, geographical, and economic factors as well as their physical distance from the center. This study takes into account these possibilities and compares the regions to the south and north of the Han River by examining the excavated Paekche pottery from the Hansŏng Period in the central region of the Korean Peninsula to better understand Paekche’s expansion process. It also demonstrates that Paekche expanded its influence in the region south of the Han River during the Hansŏng Period while it only maintained several bases in the region north of the Han River, thereby explaining that the expansion of Paekche differed in the two regions due to the differences in the regions’ geopolitical dynamics.

『三國遺事』 「卞韓百濟條」에 投影된 百濟史 認識

박현숙 충남대학교 백제연구소 2013 百濟硏究 Vol.57 No.-

The Samgukyusa is one of the most important historical texts in ancient Korean history and therefore its value cannot be overestimated. However, unfortunately, one can find, here and there, inaccurate accounts in the quotations of the book. What is interesting as regards the history of Paekche is that the book establishes a connection between Byeonhan and Paekche in the Byeonhan-Paekche article. This, now, naturally seems in correct given that the dominant view is that Paekche was in succession to Mahan. But the inaccuracy was due to neither the author’s ignorance nor some sort of fabrication. Rather it was the result of the replacement of the idea of Mahan-Paekche by that of Byeonhan-Paekche. Although the Chinese records written before the Samguksagi and the Samgukyusa about Paekche succeeding Mahan, the two books accepted Chi-Won Choi’s view that appears in his Sangdaesasijungjang. This is because their selection of historical materials was strongly influenced by both the so-called ‘Samhandoctrine,’ which was dominant during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the authors’ view of the Samhan. The Byeonhan-Paekche line, namely the‘Samhan-Samguk’link seen in the Samgukyusa traces its origins back to the Samguksagi or even further back to the attitude of Chi-Won Choi from the Unified Silla period. The understanding of the intellectuals of the Goryeo Dynasty on the Three Kingdoms was based on the connection between the Samhan and the Three Kingdoms and originally came from the members of the ruling class of the Unified Silla like Chi-Won Choi. Several parts of both the Samguksagi and the Samgukyusa suggest that Silla, after having brought Goguryeo and Paekche to the irknees, rewrote their histories according to the ‘SamhanIltong’ doctrine. It seems that Chi-Won Choi’s writings established the Samhan-Samguk line, which was based on the ‘Iltong’ doctrine and had little do to with historical facts, as orthodoxy. And it was later disseminated within the circle of the intellectuals of the Unified Silla. This sort of historical understanding, in replacement of the true history of Paekche, was passed on to the Goryeo Dynasty by the Samguksagi and the Samgukyusa and consequently contributedt ocreating an incorrect and distorted understanding of the history of Paekche. 『삼국유사』는 한국고대사의 체계를 수립하는데 있어 핵심적인 역할을 담당하는 사서라고 말해도 손색이 없을 정도의 사료적 가치를 지닌다. 그런데 아쉽게도 『삼국유사』의 인용문 가운데에는 부정확한 서술들이 엿 보인다. 백제사와 관련하여 주목되는 것은 『삼국유사』 「변한백제조」에서 변한과 백제를 대응시켜 보고 있다는 것이다. 마한-백제로 이어지는 역사적 계승성에 대한 이해를 가지고 있는 현재의 상황에서 이는 당연히 부정확한 서술이라고 말할 수 있다. 그러나 이것은 『삼국유사』 찬자의 無知에서 비롯된 부정확함이나 고의적인 改變이 아니라, ‘마한-백제’ 인식에 대신해서 자리 잡은 ‘변한-백제’ 인식의 연장선에서 일어난 것이라고 할 수 있다. 『삼국사기』와 『삼국유사』가 쓰여지기 전에 중국의 기록에서는 ‘마한-백제’의 계승성을 서술했었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 최치원의 「上太師侍中狀」의 내용으로 대표되는 통일신라시대 지배층의 견해가 『삼국사기』나 『삼국유사』에 받아들여진 점은 고려시대의 삼한 의식과 『삼국사기』 찬자의 삼한관에 따른 사료의 선택이 이루어졌기 때문이다. 『삼국유사』의 ‘변한-백제’ 인식, 즉 ‘삼한-삼국 연계론’은 『삼국사기』의 내용을 따른 것이며, 더 올라간다면 통일신라시대의 역사 서술을 따른 것이 된다. 고려시대 지식인들의 삼국관은 삼한과 삼국의 연계 의식에 토대하고 있었으며, 그것은 최치원과 같은 통일신라시대의 지식인 또는 지배층에게서 비롯되었다고 할 수 있다. 고구려와 백제를 멸망시킨 후, 신라가 ‘一統三韓’ 의식을 바탕으로 고구려와 백제의 역사를 정리하였을 개연성은 『삼국유사』 「변한백제조」를 통해서 찾아볼 수 있었다. 역사적 사실과는 별개로 통일신라시대의 ‘一統’ 의식에 기반한 ‘삼한=삼국관’이 최치원의 글을 비롯한 통일신라시대 사서들에 정착되고, 이것이 지식인들에게 유포되었을 것이다. 이미 멸망하여 사라진 백제의 역사를 대신하여 이러한 인식이 고려시대의 『삼국사기』와『삼국유사』 등의 저서에 기억됨으로써 잘못된 백제 역사상을 형성하게 된 것으로 보인다.

전통시대의 백제인식—백제의 흥망에 대한 인식을 중심으로—

박인호 역사교육학회 2011 역사교육논집 Vol.46 No.-

This article aims to examine that many of writings during traditional ages showed the different cognitions of Paekche dynasty. There was a cognition that Goguryeo and Silla dynasties regarded Paekche as a rival dynasty but both of them had realized that Paekche had to be unified into each dynasty. Both of them left a kind of bitter interpretations about Paekche dynasty. People of those days issued the critical views about some difficulties of the inside and outside situations that Paekche dynasty confronted then. In the <Hunyo> of Taejo, the first King of Goryeo dynasty, it showed the discriminating cognitions about Paekche dynasty. Many of records in the age of Goryeo showed a cognition that Paekche was destined to defeat from competition of Samguk and it was the poorest backward state among three states. Samguksagi, Samgukyusa and Jewangungi published in the age of Goryeo coherently indicated causes of the dawnfall as the mistakes of flunkeyism and the king, Uija's misgovernment. Those showed a cognition that Byeonhan leaded to Paekche relating to the connection between Samhan and Samguk. It brought into some views of lacking in the understanding of Paekche history. This cognition of Paekche was succeed to the early Choson. In the early Choson, since Kwon geun displayed a cognition that he understood of Silla dynasty as a central axis in relations of Samguk and the followings offered many of severe comments to Paekche. There was not any differentiation among records written by Kim Bu-Sik and Kwon Geun and Samguksajeolyo. In the Dongguktonggam, it was added that a view of moralism and a principles of righteousness stressed that some factors like a luxurious lives and arrogant pride, King's disability and faulty policies brought into the downfall of Paekche dynasty. In the mean times, records written by official authorities were interested in the connection between SamHan and Paekche. In many of historical records and geographies including Sejongsillokjiriji, there was a cognition that those had accepted Jiksan as a captal of the early Paekche dynasty. But this view leaded to the underestimating view of growth of the early Paekche. By the way, the private historical records showed respective cognitions about the rising and falling of Paekche dynasty. Those contained some changes but those still accepted generally a cognition of Paekche originating from Donguktonggam. Since researchers of historical geography had approached to observe Paekche dynasty with academic interests in the 17th century, it came some changes of historical cognitions of Paekche. Especially since Han Baek-Gyeom offered a new view of SamHan, he brought into some the changed cognitions of histories of traditional states. First of all, it was a view of connecting Mahan to Paekche. There was an intellectual Yoo Hyung-Won that leaded to the same view with Han Baek-Gyeom. Yoo Hyung-Won regarded Paekche as the bigger state than Silla and he understood that Paekche area had advantage over vigorous come-and-go than Silla area. In many of historical records of the early Chosun, it commonly appeared a cognition that Paekche was not a warlike state but an advanced state than other state. This tendency succeeded to the following. Historical geographers like Lee Se-Goo and Lee Ee-Myung of the 17the century and Shin Gyung-Joon,Ahn Jung-Bok, Lee Man-Woon and Lee Geung-Ik of 18th century were more interested in the moving the seat of the capital than the moral analysis about the rising and falling of Paekche dynasty. But Most of the followers of JUJA still adhered to apply moral principles toward Paekche. They criticized Paekche as governed by political mischief, non-legitimacy and militarism. There were three viewpoints as the related cognitions of Paekche dynasty in the 19th century. Firstly, the historical geographers like Han Jin-seo and Kim Jeong-ho focused to research the process of geographical transition free from a view of moralism. The other most...

논문 : 전통시대의 백제인식 -백제의 흥망에 대한 인식을 중심으로-

박인호 ( In Ho Park ) 역사교육학회 2011 역사교육논집 Vol.46 No.-

This article aims to examine that many of writings during traditional ages showed the different cognitions of Paekche dynasty. There was a cognition that Goguryeo and Silla dynasties regarded Paekche as a rival dynasty but both of them had realized that Paekche had to be unified into each dynasty. Both of them left a kind of bitter interpretations about Paekche dynasty. People of those days issued the critical views about some difficulties of the inside and outside situations that Paekche dynasty confronted then. In the <Hunyo> of Taejo, the first King of Goryeo dynasty, it showed the discriminating cognitions about Paekche dynasty. Many of records in the age of Goryeo showed a cognition that Paekche was destined to defeat from competition of Samguk and it was the poorest backward state among three states. 『Samguksagi』, 『Samgukyusa』 and 『Jewangungi』 published in the age of Goryeo coherently indicated causes of the dawnfall as the mistakes of flunkeyism and the king, Uija`s misgovernment. Those showed a cognition that Byeonhan leaded to Paekche relating to the connection between Samhan and Samguk. It brought into some views of lacking in the understanding of Paekche history. This cognition of Paekche was succeed to the early Choson. In the early Choson, since Kwon geun displayed a cognition that he understood of Silla dynasty as a central axis in relations of Samguk and the followings offered many of severe comments to Paekche. There was not any differentiation among records written by Kim Bu-Sik and Kwon Geun and 『Samguksajeolyo』. In the 『Dongguktonggam』, it was added that a view of moralism and a principles of righteousness stressed that some factors like a luxurious lives and arrogant pride, King`s disability and faulty policies brought into the downfall of Paekche dynasty. In the mean times, records written by official authorities were interested in the connection between SamHan and Paekche. In many of historical records and geographies including 『Sejongsillokjiriji』, there was a cognition that those had accepted Jiksan as a captal of the early Paekche dynasty. But this view leaded to the underestimating view of growth of the early Paekche. By the way, the private historical records showed respective cognitions about the rising and falling of Paekche dynasty. Those contained some changes but those still accepted generally a cognition of Paekche originating from 『Donguktonggam』. Since researchers of historical geography had approached to observe Paekche dynasty with academic interests in the 17th century, it came some changes of historical cognitions of Paekche. Especially since Han Baek-Gyeom offered a new view of SamHan, he brought into some the changed cognitions of histories of traditional states. First of all, it was a view of connecting Mahan to Paekche. There was an intellectual Yoo Hyung-Won that leaded to the same view with Han Baek-Gyeom. Yoo Hyung-Won regarded Paekche as the bigger state than Silla and he understood that Paekche area had advantage over vigorous come-and-go than Silla area. In many of historical records of the early Chosun, it commonly appeared a cognition that Paekche was not a warlike state but an advanced state than other state. This tendency succeeded to the following. Historical geographers like Lee Se-Goo and Lee Ee-Myung of the 17the century and Shin Gyung-Joon, Ahn Jung-Bok, Lee Man-Woon and Lee Geung-Ik of 18th century were more interested in the moving the seat of the capital than the moral analysis about the rising and falling of Paekche dynasty. But Most of the followers of JUJA still adhered to apply moral principles toward Paekche. They criticized Paekche as governed by political mischief, non-legitimacy and militarism. There were three viewpoints as the related cognitions of Paekche dynasty in the 19th century. Firstly, the historical geographers like Han Jin-seo and Kim Jeong-ho focused to research the process of geographical transition free from a view of moralism. The other most of intellectuals from Noron faction or Namin faction from Yeongnam region tried to find the causes of Paekche downfall from the breakdown of moralism and some mistakes of flunkeyism based on the view of the traditional moralism. As a third viewpoint, scholars like Jeong Yak-yong and Yun Jeong-gi understood that Paekche dynasty was the strongest state among three states in early times and they asserted that Paekche was not downfallen by the causes of moralism but by the very often moving of the capital. Their viewpoint brought into some changes but had not influenced on the follower largely. Up to the modern times and contemporary of the 20th century, the interpretation based on moralism still has survived among the succeeding researches of Paekche. This research makes us convinced that many of writings during traditional ages showed the various cognitions of Paekche dynasty according to historical eras and circumstances. Through this research, it is proved that there were some differentiations relating to cognition of Paekche according to regions, political faction, academic tradition and era in Chosun period especially.

간무(桓武)천황과 百濟王氏

송완범 일본사학회 2010 일본역사연구 Vol.31 No.-

After the last name Wang was established as a component of the Ritsuryo State of the Ancient Japan at the end of 7th century, it went through the Nara period in the 8th century to be given preference as an officials a lof the Ritsuryo State. In addition, it has been indicated that the Paekche’s Wang Family Name has a different system compared to another characteristic of clan system (Wooji and Gabane). In the background of preference for the Paekche’s Wang Family Name, there are the positive factors owned by the Paekche’s Wang Family Name such as having characteristics as practical officers required for the operation of the Ritsuryo State, military, and a group with high technologies as a clan. In addition, in the purpose of maintaining the Japanese Ritsuryo State, it cannot be over looked that the Paekche’s Wang Family Name had functioned as a symbolic and real being as a pseudo prosperous nation. The treatment for the Paekche’s Wang Family Name welcomes the peak at the early period of Heian Period. Under the regime of the Emperor Kammu, the Paekche’s Wang Family Name received the most outstanding treatments. Frequently, it is said that there was a close blood relationship between the Paekche’s Wang Family Name and Emperor Kammu. The Emperor Kammu’s grandparents on his mother’s side were the Dorae clan clan from Paekche. Although his grandfather’s last name is Yamato, he changed his family name to Dakano later on. And the Grandmother’s last name is Oe(but it is originally from a Dorae clan named Hajji. In other words, the blood of Dakano Niigasa, the birth mother of Emperor Kammu is completely from Dorae. Nonetheless, the guardianship of Dakano of Paekche family is Paekche’s Wang Family Name. Consequently, the Emperor Kammu considered the Paekche’s Wang Family Name as maternal relatives. Meanwhile, one of the characteristics as a clan, Paekche’s Wang Family Name has a military clan characteristic from the Nara period. While maintaining such characteristic, authority a shaving a government approval as a royal concubine for the Emperor by producing multiple number of approvedroyalconcubineswasaddedin the Kammu era. Meanwhile, in the foreign perspective, the Paekche’s Wang Family Name presented a ‘new royal consciousness’ of the Emperor Kammu, or the consciousness for succession of Saimay and Denchi. The era of Emperor Kammu was the genuine introduction of Chinese thought sand inspirations of consciousness of a new royal. Since the Paekche’s Wang Family Name was considered as an appropriate clan to such consciousness, the Paekche’s Wang family Name could be preferred. 백제왕씨가 7세기 말에 고대일본의 율령국가의 구성원으로서 자리 잡은 이래 8세기의 나라(奈良)시대를 거쳐 백제왕씨는 율령국가의 관인으로서 우대되어 왔다. 이와 아울러 일본율령국가의 또 다른 특징인 씨성(우지․가바네) 체제와는 별개의 존재인 것도 지적되어 왔다. 백제왕씨의 우대의 배경에는 고대일본의 율령국가의 운영에서 필요한 실무 관료로서의 성격, 군사 씨족적 성격으로서의 첨단기술을 가진 집단이라는 점 등 백제왕씨 자체가 갖고 있던 장점 등을 들 수 있다. 그 외에도 일본율령국가의 유지라는 목적에서, 백제왕씨가 의사(擬似) 번국으로서 상징적이고 실태적인 존재로 기능했다는 사실도 무시할 수 없다. 백제왕씨의 대우는 헤이안(平安) 초기에 정점을 맞이한다. 간무천황의 치세 하에서 백제왕씨는 일찍이 없었던 대우를 받는데, 그 이유로서 자주 언급되는 것이 백제왕씨와 간무천황의 사이에 가까운 혈연관계가 있었다는 사실이다. 간무천황의 외조부모는 백제 계통의 도래씨족이었다. 조부는 야마토씨이지만 뒤에 다카노씨로 개성하고, 조모는 오에씨이지만 원래는 하지씨라는 도래계 씨족이었다. 다시 말하자면 간무천황의 생모인 다카노 니이가사의 혈통은 완전한 도래계 혈통이었다. 그런데 백제 계통의 다카노씨의 후견은 백제왕씨였다. 그 결과, 간무천황은 백제왕씨를 외척으로 여긴 것이다. 한편, 나라시대로부터의 백제왕씨가 가진 씨족적 특징으로서 군사 씨족적인 성격은 여전히 유지한 채로 복수의 후궁 관인을 배출하는 등 천황의 후궁 관인으로서의 권력이 간무기에는 추가되었다. 한편으로 대외적 관점에서 볼 때 백제왕씨는 간무천황의 ‘신왕조 의식’, 즉 사이메이(斉明)․덴치(天智)조의 계승 의식을 나타냈다. 간무천황 시기는 신왕조 의식의 발상과 함께 중국적인 사상에의 본격적인 도입기였다. 백제왕씨는 이러한 의식에 적합한 씨족으로서 여겨졌기 때문에 결과적으로 백제왕씨가 우대될 수 있었다.

高句麗와 百濟의 對立과 東아시아 世界

李道學(LEE Do-hack),琴京淑(토론자) 고구려발해학회 2005 고구려발해연구 Vol.21 No.-

The confrontationbetween Koguryo and Paekche the two nations originated from Buyoe, was motivated by the growing power of Paekche aligned with Japan in southern pan of Korean Pennisula in the late 4<SUP>th</SUP>century. The war between two nations started from the attack by Koguryo on the year 369. As the war moved towards the phase of Koguryo from Paekche dominance, it became the hegemonic power. Later Koguryo incorporated Shilla to confront Paekche. On the year 400, Koguryo dispatched 50,000 soldiers to Nak-dong River, which turned out to be the biggest warfare between Koguryo, Shilla verses Paekche. Japan, and Huyeon(後燕) taken place in Gaya region of Northeast Asia. Japan aligned with Paekche actually succeeded in threatening Koguryo which aimed to extend its power to Shilla and Gaya. As the troops of Koguryo were sent to the warfare, Huyeon attacked from behind. This caused Koguryo to retrieve from Nak-dong area. The fact that the culture of Sun-bi(鮮卑) appears not only in Paekche but also in DaeGaya could be attributed to Paekche's effort to negotiate with Huyeon also related with beleaguering Koguryo. As Koguryo transferred its capital to Pyungyang, the military threat towards Paekche was even strengthened in order to secure its royal capital. On the year 475, Koguryoe took the Paekche's royal capital Hansung and killed king Gem of Paekche. Meanwhile Paekche and Japan applied a new diplomatic strategy to isolate Koguryo from China, which was not effective after all. Japan was shocked by Koguryo's subjugation of Paekche, and its feeling of hostility and insecurity against Koguryo was amplified. After the year 430, Paekche supported Shilla's breakaway from Kogutyo and established an alignment. Koguryo and Paekche transmittedadvanced culture including Buddhism. This was part of the effort to assimilate Japan to each of their sides. This reached climax in the 6<SUP>th</SUP> century in Paekche and in the 7<SUP>th</SUP>century in Koguryo. After mid 6thcentury, Paekche and shilla became rivals. Koguryo was confronting both Paekche and 5hilla and maintained dominance throughout Manchuria and Korean Peninsula. Since the mid 7<SUP>th</SUP>century the two nations cooperated as Tang intervened in Koguryo and Paekche issues. However the two nations were each defeated by Shill and Tang. The military alignment between Koguryo and Paekche lasted for only 20 years compared to their 300 years of confrontation. Despite political and economic cooperation, the two nations collapsed together.

5世紀 新羅의 對百濟關係와 相互 認識

정운용 서울역사편찬원 2008 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.72

In this article, the 5th century is divided into 3 periods in order to investigate the relationship between Shilla and Paekche more effectively. The early stage refers from early in the 5th century to 433·434 A.D. when the friendship treaty between Shilla and Paekche was concluded. The middle stage is since then to 475 A.D., the year that Paekche's capital, Hanseong, was invaded by Koguryo. Then the period after that happening is the last stage. Such division is valid in investigating the process of relationship between Shilla and Paekche, considering Koguryo, a variable. Additionally, the conclusion of the Shilla-Paekche Alliance is set in 455 A.D. in this article. In the early 5th century, Shilla and Paekche were in need for each other to cope with both political and military pressure of Koguryo. The two countries, thus, tried to have a friendship with each other for their common aim and their try brought to a amicable relations in 433·434 A.D. However, as Shilla was subordinated to Koguryo, Shilla could not act aggressively against Koguryo. It can be easily proved by presence of the Jungwon Koguryo Monument. Such movement of Shilla and Paekche finally resulted in the Shilla-Paekche Alliance in 455 A.D., the mid-5th century. It seems that this time was the period when they needed each other most. During this period, they could react to Koguryo's attack in partnership. There had been some subtle changes, however, in Shilla's attitude after Paekche's Hanseong was temporarily conquered by Koguryo in 475 A.D. The last-5th century is when the allied forces of the Shilla-Paekche Alliance got excellent results against Koguryo. In case of Shilla, she drove away grand invasion from Koguryo in 481 A.D., with a help from the allied forces. This might be the cause that most Koguryo Dangjues(dangju : military forces of Koguryo) in Shilla shrunk from. The influence of Koguryo Dandju is suspected to retreat away to north of Soback Mountains around 500 A.D. Since then, Shilla shows passive action toward the Alliance and prepares to take her own way. This change can explain King Dongseong of Paekche's policy toward Shilla in 501 A.D., which was preparing defenses against Shilla by building wooden fortress in Tanhyon. As described above, Shilla and Paekche's recognition of each other was based on their needs for their own survival. Especially, Shilla in the early 5th century strongly needed Paekche's help to get out of Koguryo's pressure, which mostly restricted Shilla's development. Paekche also needed Shilla to reinforce military force and the political blocking policy toward Koguryo. When it came to the mid and the last 5th century, however, the Paekche people near the border seem to have lower sense of belonging to country than that of Shilla's people, according to the records of Paekche people's mass emigration to Shilla due to natural disasters and military service. What's more it seems that they are believed to have comparatively better image toward Shilla. In addition to these, Paekche nobles' friendly attitude toward Shilla's culture can also be deduced by discoveries of several personal ornaments and gilt bronze shoes of the 5th and the 6th century from where Paekche located in. 이 글은 5세기 신라와 백제 관계를 살펴보기 위하여 5세기 전체를 3시기로 구분하였다. 즉 신라와 백제의 우호가 맺어지는 433·434년까지를 초반, 고구려에 의해 백제의 한성이 공략당하는 475년까지를 중반, 그 이후를 종반으로 구분하였다. 이는 고구려라는 매개 변수를 고려하여 5세기 양국 관계의 전개 과정을 살펴볼 때, 유효한 구분이라 판단된다. 이때 나제동맹의 성립은 455년을 주목하고자 한다. 5세기 초반 신라와 백제는 고구려의 외교적·군사적 압력에 대처하기 위하여 서로를 필요로 하는 상황이었다. 따라서 양국은 상호 공동의 목표를 위하여 우호 관계를 모색하였던 것이다. 그러한 결과가 433·434년 양국의 우호 관계 성립으로 귀결되었다. 그러나 당시 신라는 중원고구려비의 존재에서 잘 드러나듯이, 고구려에 예속적인 관계를 맺고 있었기 때문에 적극적으로 반 고구려적인 행위에까지 나아가지는 못하였다. 이와 같은 신라와 백제의 움직임이 결국 5세기 중반인 455년에 와서 나제동맹의 존재로 드러나기 시작하였다. 이처럼 5세기 중반은 양국이 서로를 가장 필요로 하였던 시기라 판단된다. 이때 양국은 고구려의 군사적 공격을 공동 방어로 대응할 수 있었다. 이러한 양국의 상호 인식은 475년 백제의 한성이 고구려에게 일시적으로 공략당한 이후, 5세기 종반에 나제동맹에 임하는 신라의 입장에 미묘한 변화가 일어나고 있었다고 보인다. 5세기 종반은 나제동맹군이 고구려에 대항하여 최대의 성과를 올린 시기이다. 신라의 경우 481년 고구려의 대규모 침공을 동맹군의 협조를 받아 물리칠 수 있었다. 이때 신라 영토 내에 존재하던 고구려 당주의 세력도 상당히 위축되었을 것이다. 이러한 고구려 당주 세력은 500년 즈음에 소백산맥 이북으로 물러났으리라 보인다. 이즈음 신라는 나제동맹의 유효성을 인정하면서도 동맹에 점차 소극적 움직임을 보인 듯하다. 즉 기본적으로는 백제와의 우호 관계 아래에서 서서히 동맹군의 입장을 저버리고 독자 노선을 택하려는 움직임을 보인 것으로 판단된다. 그렇기 때문에 백제 동성왕이 501년에 탄현에 책을 쌓아 신라에 대비하는 모습을 보인 것이라 생각된다. 이처럼 신라와 백제의 상대국에 대한 인식은 자신의 생존을 위한 국가적 필요성이 기준이 되어 작용했던 것이라 보인다. 특히 5세기 초반의 신라는 자신의 성장과 발전에 제약 요소로 작용하던 고구려의 과도한 압력에서 벗어나기 위하여 백제를 필요로 하였다. 아울러 백제는 고구려에 대한 외교적 봉쇄 전략과 군사적 도움을 위해 신라를 필요로 하였다. 그러나 5세기 중·종반에 병역이나 자연재해 등으로 인하여 백제 백성이 신라로 집단 이주하는 사례로 보아, 국경 지역 백제 백성들의 국가 귀속 의식은 신라보다 낮았다고 여겨진다. 아울러 백제 백성들은 상대적으로 신라에 우호적인 인식을 갖고 있었다고 보인다. 그리고 백제 지역에서 출토되는 5세기 종반〜6세기 초반의 장신구나 금동신발 등의 사례로 보아, 백제 지배층 내에서는 신라 문물에 대한 우호적 입장이 있었던 것으로 판단된다.

백제와 송의 교섭 배경과 항로

임동민(林東敏) 한국역사연구회 2020 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.117

During the 5th century, Paekche maintained a relationship with the Chinese Song located in the Jiangnan region. Whereas previous studies referred to such relationship as a practical one, some recent studies have emphasized the Paekche people’s possible intentions to put ‘Koguryŏ in check.’ Other studies seem not to be in agreement with such perspective, on the basis that frequency of negotiations that went on between Paekche and Song was rather low, yet the issue of ‘negotiation frequency’ should in fact be examined with the issue of ‘negotiation routes’ in mind as well. Whether such routes were safe or not would have been a huge variable in Paekche’s relationship with China across the Yellow sea. Paekche’s relationship with Song was a product of various intentions, including reinforcement of the king’s leadership, diplomatic monitoring of Koguryŏ and Wa, reception of advanced culture from China, and gathering intelligence of the Shandong peninsula which was an important traffic point. Yet the frequency of Paekche-Song negotiations was far lower than (almost half of) that of the Koguryŏ-Song negotiations in the same time frame or even the Paekche-Eastern Jin negotiations between years 372 and 386. This must have been due to limitations that existed at the time in terms of the aforementioned negotiation routes. The route that was most usually taken seems to have been the route crossing the mid-section of the Yellow sea from the southern part of the Hwang’hae-do province on the Korean peninsula to the Shandong peninsula of China, judging from circumstances surrounding Paekche and the Shandong peninsula, individuals who were sent as emissaries, and the route Paekche used in its relationship with Eastern Jin. Yet, Hwang’hae-do province’s southern part had been under Koguryŏ’s control since the end of the 4th century, and so the route originating there was far from safe. The Koguryŏ threat can be felt from records indicating that Koguryŏ stopped Paekche emissaries, and certain diplomatic communiques sent by Paekche King Kaero or the Japanese king. The Song edict issued in 425 also mentioned “(Paekche envoy’s) traversing the ‘Koguryŏ sea.’” The instability of the route which Paekche was using to maintain a relationship with Song across Koguryŏ sea space must have prevented Paekche from increasing its contacts with Song. Paekche could not expect military aid from Song and could only hope such relationship with Song would generate an effect of diplomatically restraining Koguryŏ. Paekche King Kaero launched a military campaign against Hwang’ hae-do province’s southern part, and communicated with Northern Wei directly, overcoming previous difficulties temporarily, but with the collapse of Hansŏng, the route problems were never fundamentally resolved.

5~6세기 서남부지역 수장묘를 통해 본 백제와 왜의 관계

우재병(Woo Jae Pyoung) 한국고대학회 2016 先史와 古代 Vol.50 No.-

이 글에서는 6세기 전엽경 왜양식 전방후원분이 축조되기 이전인 5세기 후엽경에 이미 백제와 왜국 사이의 외교적 연대 강화를 시사하는 고고학적 자료가 존재하였음을 분명히 하였다. 이 주장의 주요한 고고학적 자료는 5세기 후엽경 백제 서남부지역 수장묘들의 분구를 장식하기 위해 채택된 왜양식 원통형 토기들이다. 백제 서남부지역 수장묘에 보이는 백제 중앙양식 방형 분구와 왜양식 원통형토기의 혼용은 백제 중앙에 의한 지방세력 우대정책과 친왜정책을 상징하는 고고학적 자료이다. 5세기 후엽경 백제와 왜국 사이의 외교적 연대 강화를 시사하는 또 하나의 유력한 고고학적 자료는 백제 서해안 항로상에 위치하는 부안 죽막동 제사유적에서 발굴되었다. 백제 중앙이 국가적 해안 제사가 거행되던 이곳에서 왜인들에 의한 왜양식 제의 거행을 허용한 것은 이 시기 강화된 백제의 친왜정책을 시사한다. 한편 6세기 전엽경 왜국 중앙의 정치적 동향을 고려하면, 백제 서남부지역 왜양식 전방후원분 축조로 상징되는 무령왕 정권기의 친왜정책 강화는 이 시기에 등장한 새로운 친왜파에 의해 주도되었을 가능성이 존재한다. 고구려에 의한 서울지역 백제 수도 함락 사건과 공주 천도 후에 일어난 연속된 권력구조변동 사건 속에서 백제 중앙은 친중국남조 정책과 더불어 지방세력 우대정책과 친왜정책 강화를 선택하였던 것으로 보인다. 5세기 후엽~6세기 전엽경 백제 서남부지역 수장묘 묘제에 보이는 재지 묘제와 중앙양식 묘제, 왜양식 묘제의 변화 양상은 이러한 백제 중앙의 정치전략채택 과정을 명료하게 시사한다. This paper clearly presents the existence of archaeological evidence implying the consolidation of diplomatic ties between Paekche and Wa already around the late 5th century, before the construction of Wa-style keyhole tombs in the 6th century. The major archaeological data of this argument is the Wa-style flowerpot-shaped clay cylinders selected to decorate the burial mounds of leaders from the southwestern region of Paekche around the late 5th century. The mix of square-shaped burial mounds in the style of central Paekche and Wa-style flowerpot-shaped clay cylinders reflected in the tombs of leaders from the southwestern part of Paekche symbolizes, in archaeological terms, the preferential policies on local powers and the pro-Wa policies pursued by central Paekche Another convincing archaeological evidence that suggests a strong diplomatic bond formed between Paekche and Wa in the late 5th century was found at the Chungmakdong Ritual Site in Buan, located in the sea route by the west coast of Paekche. To allow Wa-style rituals to be performed by the Wa people at a place where national seaside rituals were conducted by the central government of Paekche signifies the pro-Wa policies of Paekche especially reinforced at the time. Meanwhile, considering the political orientation of central Wa during the early 6th century, it is highly likely that a pro-Wa group that newly emerged at the time led the consolidation of the pro-Way policy of King Muryeong’s regime, represented by the construction of Wa-style keyhole tombs in the southwestern region of Paekche. Amidst the continuously changing power structure following the fall of Paekche’s capital in the Seoul area due to attacks by Goguryeo and the transfer to its new capital Gongju, central Paekche seemingly chose to consolidate its preferential policies on the local powers and pro-Wa policies, along with its amicable policies toward the Southern Dynasties of China. The changes of local tombs, tombs in the style of central Paekche, and Wa-style tombs that we can note from the tombs of leaders from the southwestern area of Paekche during the late 5th century to the early 6th century clearly demonstrates this trace of political strategies chosen by central Paekche.

660년 백제의 영역과 加耶故地

박종욱 백제학회 2019 백제학보 Vol.0 No.29

본고는 660년 백제 멸망 당시 실제 영역과 관련 기록의 부합 여부를 검토해보고, 멸망기 영역 관련 기록의 작성 배경과 성격을 살펴보기 위한 글이다. 아울러 가야고지를 중심으로 백제의 실제 진출 범위를 파악하고 그간 誤記로 간주되었던 6帶方·6方 관련 기록을 새롭게 검토하여 가야고지 지배의 일면을 살펴보고자 했다. 먼저 『舊唐書』 및 「大唐平百濟國碑銘」 등 기록상에 남아있는 백제의 지방지배구조는 5方 37郡으로 이해되는데, 『三國史記』 地理志의 백제 군현 기록을 통해 그 범위를 검토하였다. 그 결과 5方 37郡의 범위는 소백산맥 서쪽의 신라 熊州·全州·武州 이내 지역, 즉 지금의 충청남도와 전라도 일대에서 크게 벗어날 수 없음을 확인하였으며, 그것이 곧 기록상에 남겨진 백제 멸망 당시의 영역으로 파악할 수 있었다. 반면 660년 전후에 소백산맥 너머 가야고지에서 백제 부흥군의 존재가 확인되며, 가야고지 곳곳에서 7세기 이후 백제의 진출 흔적이 나타난다. 또한 『삼국사기』에서 확인되는 나제 간 전투 지점 등을 종합적으로 고려할 때, 지금의 합천과 진주 일대를 기준으로 그 서쪽 지역이 660년까지 백제의 영역이었던 것으로 파악하였다. 그 중 거창·함양·산청·하동·남해·진주 지역은 비교적 안정적으로 영유된 곳으로 추정되며, 합천 일대는 최전방 지대로서 백제의 영향력 하에 있었으나 어느 정도 유동적인 접경지대로 여겨진다. 이와 관련하여 『唐書』의 ‘6帶方’·‘6方’ 기사를 적극적으로 해석하여 기존의 5方 이외에 가야고지를 대상으로 新設된 方의 존재를 상정해보았다. 그 근거로는 새롭게 확보한 영역에 대한 지배체제의 필요성, 대략 6~7개 郡 규모에 달할 정도로 넓은 분포 범위, 對新羅戰 수행에 있어서 方의 군사적 중요성 등을 제시하였다. 또한 『翰苑』 所引 『括地志』와 『구당서』의 편찬 연대를 검토함으로써, 640년대 이후 가야고지 일대를 편제한 새로운 方이 존재하였던 것으로 추정하였으며, 그 당시에 수집된 정보가 『당서』의 6方으로 기록된 것이라 파악하였다. 이렇듯 백제 멸망기 영역과 관련하여 기록과 실제 사이의 괴리가 발생하고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 그 원인으로 7세기 중엽 對唐外交에서 보이는 신라의 가야고지 영유 의식을 주목하였는데, 가야고지에 대한 신라의 영유권 주장이 백제 멸망 전후 신라와 당의 협상 과정에 반영되었다고 추정된다. 그 결과 660년 멸망 직후 백제 영유의 가야고지가 신라의 영역으로 귀속되었고, 당은 가야고지를 제외한 백제의 영역 즉 ‘本백제영역’을 대상으로 5도독부 설치를 구상했던 것으로 파악된다. 따라서 『구당서』 및 「평제비」 등에 기록된 백제의 영역은 기본적으로 전쟁의 승자였던 나당 간의 합의에 의한 결과물로 이해되며, 여기에는 가야고지를 본국 땅으로 귀속시키려 했던 신라의 인식과 목적이 강하게 반영되었다고 여겨진다. This paper is written to examine the correspondence between the real territory of Paekche and records about it at the stage of collapse in 660, and demonstrate the background and characteristics of these records during this period. For this purpose, it will analyze the boundary of Paekche’s expansion, mostly centering on the old land of Kaya, Also, the paper will interpret the records about the Six Taebang (六帶方) and Six Pang (六方), which have been considered as the result of miswriting, to reveal Paekche’s domination over the land. According to the records in the historical texts such as Jiu Tangshu (舊唐書, the Old Book of Tang) or “Datangping Baijiguo Beiming (大唐平百濟國碑銘, “A Stele of Great Tang’s Pacification of Paekche Kingdom”),” Paekche’s structure of local governance consisted of five Pangs (方) and 37 Kun (郡, prefecture). This paper also estimated the boundary of this governance through the records about Paekche’s prefectures and counties in Samguk Sagi (三國史記, History of the Three Kingdoms). As a result, it is confirmed that the boundary of five Pangs and 37 Kuns were likely within the area of Silla’s Ungju (熊州, Ung Province), Muju (全州, Mu Province), and Chŏnju (武州, Mu Province), which are roughly present-day Ch'ungch'ŏngnam-do and Chŏlla-do. Arguably, this boundary could be said to be the territory of Paekche before its collapse. On the other hand, the existence of Paekche’s restoration force could be seen everywhere in the old land of Kaya across Sobaek Mountains around 660, as well as the trace of Paekche’s expedition after the seventh century. Considering the battlefields between Paekche and Silla recorded in Samguk Sagi, it is possible to assume that the western regions from present-day Hapch'ŏn and Chinju were the territory of Paekche until 660. Among these regions, Paekche’s control over Kŏch'ang, Hamyang, Sanch'ŏng, Hadong, Namhae and Chinju were relatively stable, while Hapch'ŏn, the frontline against Silla, would be occasionally unstable borderland. In regard to this argument, by actively interpreting the records about Six Taebang and Six Pang in Tangshu, this paper estimated the existence of the newly established Pang in the old land of Kaya other than the previous five Pangs. The evidences for this suggestion are Paekche’s 1) inevitable necessity of the government system for the newly secured land, 2) range distribution as wide as six or seven prefectures, and 3) militaristic importance of Pang in the war against Silla. Also, by analyzing the compilation date of Kuodizhi (括地志), which was quoted in Hanyuan (翰苑), and Jiu Tangshu, it is likely that there was a new Pang established through organizing the old areas of Kaya after 640. Later, the information collected during this period was recorded as Six Pang in Tangshu. Through this interpretation, it was possible to confirm that there was a gap between the record and reality about the territory of Paekche at the stage of its collapse. The reason for this gap was Silla’s realization of sovereignty over the old land of Kaya, which can be seen in its diplomatic exchanges with the Tang dynasty in the middle of seventh century. After the collapse of Paekche, Silla’s insistence on the sovereignty over the land have presumably reflected on the negotiation between Silla and Tang. As a result, the old land of Kaya, once the territory of Paekche, was returned to Silla after Paekche’s collapse in 660, while Tang planned to establish five commanderies (都督府) in the other part of Paekche’s territory, which, in other word, was the ‘original Paekche territory.’ Thus, the territory of Paekche illustrated in Jiu Tangshu or “Datangping Baijiguo Beiming” was basically the result of the agreement between the winners of the war, namely Silla and Tang, which was strongly influenced by Silla’s realization and objective to reoccupy the old land of Kaya.