적색농민의 글쓰기

유승환(Yoo, Sung-hwan) 한국근대문학회 2018 한국근대문학연구 Vol.19 No.1

노동자 글쓰기에 대한 최근의 논의들이 주로 1980년대에 집중하고 있지만, 임화나 김남천의 비평, 소설에서 볼 수 있는 것과 같이 ‘노동자 글쓰기’에 대한 상상은 1930년대에 이미 존재하고 있었다. 이 글은 1930년대 울진 적색농민조합에 대한 수사 자료를 토대로, 1930년대 당시에 이미 비합법적인 ‘노동자 글쓰기’가 실재했음을 밝히고, 이러한 글쓰기가 가능했던 기술적․조직적 지반을 검토하는 한편, 최종적으로는 ‘문학’으로까지 나아갔던 이들의 글쓰기에 잠복해있는 욕망을 분석했다. 구체적으로 이 글은 수사 자료에 포함되어 있는 서적 차압품 목록을 검토하여 적색농민의 서가를 재구성하는 한편, 야학회․독서회․기관지 발행 등의 활동을 검토함으로써 이들이 나름대로의 ‘앎’을 습득하고 공유하고 분배하는 방식을 살펴보았다. 동시에 이 글은 이들이 발행한 기관지 원고들을 검토하여 이들의 글쓰기가 운동을 위한 도구에 그치지 않고, 세계와 자신의 관계를 재설정하고 이를 기초로 자신의 삶에 대한 독자적 전망을 상상적으로 재현하는 ‘소설쓰기’로까지 나아갔다는 점에 주목한다. 이 과정에서 이들이 ‘주의자의 표상’을 활용하고 있다는 점과 이들의 소설 쓰기가 ‘개작’의 과정까지 거치고 있다는 점은 중요한 점으로 평가될 수 있다. 울진 ‘적색농민’의 글쓰기는 문학제도 내의 위계를 넘어서는 ‘노동자 글쓰기’에 대한 꿈 및 그 구체적 실천이 1930년대에 이미 존재하고 있었음을 보여주는 중요한 사례이다. 그러나 이러한 실천이 강제적으로 중단되었으며, 이들의 글쓰기가 경찰 수사 자료에 첨부된 일본어 번역이라는 흔적으로만 존재한다는 사실은 1930년대부터 이미 실존했던 ‘노동자 글쓰기’가 역사화되지 못했던 사정을 잘 보여준다. ‘노동자 글쓰기’의 연대기를 복원하기 위해서는 이러한 흔적을 모아낸 노동자의 문서고가 필요하지만, 최근의 어떤 국가보안법 사건에서 알 수 있듯이 그 전망은 아직 요원하다. Recent discussions on writings of working class have focused mainly on the 1980s. However, as can be seen in the writings of Im Hwa and Kim Nam-cheon, the imagination of "writings of working class" already existed in the 1930s. Based on the police investigation data of Uljin Red Peasantry"s Union in the 1930s, this paper intends to reveal that illegal "writings of working class" was already existent in the 1930s. We then examined the technological and organizational grounds where such writing was possible. Finally, I analyzed the latent desire of their writings which finally advanced to the "literature". Specifically, this article reconstructed the shelves of red peasantry by reviewing the list of socialist publications seized by police and examined their activities, such as night school operation, book club operaion and publication of union organs, to reveal their ways to acquire, share and distribute their own "knowing". At the same time, this article examined the manuscripts of union organs issued by them and suggested that their writings were not just a tool for their movement, and that they reconstructed their relationship with the world, and represented their imagination their own prospects for their lives by writing "novel". In this process, it is important to note that they used the "representations of a socialist" and that their novel writing had gone through the process of "adaptation". Writings of Uljin "Red Peasantry" is an important example of the dream of "writing a worker" beyond the hierarchy in the literary system and its concrete practice already existed in the 1930s. However, the fact that these practices were forcibly stopped and their writings exist only as a trace of Japanese translation attached to the police investigation data shows the situation that the "worker writing", which had already existed since the 1930s, has not been historicized. In order to restore the chronology of "writings of working class", "archives of working class" are necessary to collect these traces. But that prospects are still not bright, as can be seen in specific recent National Security Law case.

1930년대 경주지역의 적색농민조합운동

조영득 한국근현대사학회 2013 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.64 No.-

This study is research on the Red Peasantry Movement of the Gyeongju area,which was led by several yangban (nobility) families in the region during modern times. They tended to be very conservative, so the people who belonged to the Red Peasantry Union were rarely from those yangban families which led regional opinion. The Gyeongju area was not a favorable place for the Red Peasantry Movement. From the 1920s, social movements were not so much promoted. This was because peasants in the region lived comparatively secure lives. The regional base on which the Red Peasantry Union would spontaneously be formed was weak. This was the background of the Red Peasantry Movement in Gyeongju which made student activists, native to Gyeongju who had returned from Seoul and Daegu, lead the regional movement. The Red Peasantry Movement of the Gyeongju area began when Hyo Chul Kim organized a reading club in downtown Gyeongju in 1930. In 1932 Chil Seong Lee joined the reading club, which spurred the organization of the Red Peasantry Union. From September, 1932, he operated a night school at Seongji-ri, Cheonbuk-myeon, and actively began to organize the Red Peasantry Union hand in hand with members from the Son Family which originated in Gyeongju. He educated some Son family members in communist ideas. As a result, he succeeded in organizing a preparation committee for the Gyeongju Red Peasantry Union at Seongji-ri around March, 1933. Then he organized a preparation committee for the Gyeongju Red Peasantry Union in downtown Gyeongju in mid January, 1934. In late February, 1934, he held a comrade meeting of ‘the Dongji Hyeopuihoe’ which was an organization directing the Red Peasantry Union. Those who participated in the meeting included Chi Yong Lee and Su Bong Choi who were student activists. After they formed the Red Peasantry Union in the Gyeongju area this way,they put the movement into practice. They implanted communist ideas by making an organization called the Iljeonhoe across Naedong-myeon. They began to attract some fishermen at Gampo-ri, Yangbuk-myeon. However, the Red Peasantry Union was exposed and came to naught. Bong Ho Son destroyed the dragon lamp which was put up for the First Shilla Festival which was held from 24 to 28 of September, 1934. In the end, nine members of the union were tried for the conspiracy, which brought the Red Peasantry Union to an end. The reason why the Red Peasantry Movement couldn’t be resumed was probably that the socio-economic situation of the peasants in the Gyeongju area was not suitable for the organization of the Red Peasantry Movement. As mentioned above, the peasants in the Gyeongju area lived considerably comfortable lives. Another reason was that Chil Seong Lee and other activists couldn’t promote their ideas due to the repression by the Japanese government in Korea. Meanwhile, after the liberation from the Japanese occupation, some members of the Red Peasantry Union were found to promote communist ideas. This led to the conclusion that the Red Peasantry Union of the Gyeongju area in the 1930s was succeeded by the People’s Committee after the liberation from the Japanese occupation.

항일청년 최규창의 삶과 투쟁

김홍길 ( Kim Hong-gil ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2018 역사학연구 Vol.72 No.-

이 연구는 학생운동과 농민운동에 참여자 최규창에 대한 연구였다. 최규창은 영암 구림에서 성장했고, 아동기에 3.1운동을 겪었다. 본격적인 항일운동 참여로 총 3차례 옥고를 치렀다. 학생맹휴(1928), 광주학생독립운동(1929), 영암농민운동(1932)을 겪은 후 그가 직면한 두 개의 현실은 민족의 운명에 대한 책임과 부친의 사망으로 가족의 생계를 책임져야 하는 처지였다. 항일은 긴 투옥으로 이어졌고, 가족의 비극과 가난을 수반했다. 광주학생운동으로 두 번의 옥고를 치르고, 1931년 동아일보 기자가 되지만, 1932년 영암농민운동으로 투옥된다. 1937년 호남평론 광주특파원을 맡지만 중일전쟁으로 활동이 중단된다. 1939년 전남도청 촉탁을 맡았고 사상보국동맹에 참여했지만 대화숙이나 일본 감시당국의 예방구금에 동원되고 감시당했다. 그는 학파농장에 의탁도 해보고, 양복점도 운영했지만 궁핍을 개선할 수 없었다. 해방 후 그는 건국준비위원회에 참여했고, 1946년 호남신문 기자가 되었다. 그후 1948년 겨울 조선중앙일보 기자가 된다. 좌우갈등 속에서 그는 잘 적응하지 못했다. 그러나 1949년 여름 갑자기 폐렴으로 사망했다. 그는 항일투사였지만, 철저한 사회주의자는 아니었다. 그의 삶이 항일활동을 통해 충분히 대변되지는 않는다. 시련의 시기에 따라 처세했지만 그렇다고 친일의 길로 가지도 않았다. 최규창의 삶과 죽음은 당시 호남청년의 삶의 일부를 반영한다. 우리는 시대 상황과 아픔을 통해 그 시대의 진실에 다가갈 수 있는 것이다. The study is about the life of Choi Kyu-chang, a student activist and a farmer's activist. Choi grew up in Yeongam Gurim, He was imprisoned for three times by anti-Japanese movement that including Student Solidarity(1928), the Gwangju Student Movement(1929), and the Yeongam peasant uprising (1932). He faced to The two realities which is family responsibilities and national responsibility. The day led to long imprisonment, accompanied by family tragedy and poverty. He became a reporter for the Dong-A Ilbo in 1931, but he was imprisoned for the farmers' movement, and became a special correspondent for the Honam Criticism in 1937, but was suspended due to the second Sino-Japanese War. he was commissioned by the South Jeolla provincial government in 1939, but was detained in the Sasang Security Alliance(思想報國聯盟) and Gwangju Daehwasuk(光州大和宿). He leaned on a school farm and ran a tailor's shop, but It can’ not improve poverty. After his liberation, he joined the committee and became a reporter for the Honam newspaper in 1946. Then he became a reporter for the Chosun JoongAng Ilbo in the winter of 1948. He didn't adjust well in the conflict. But in the summer of 1949, he suddenly died of pneumonia. He was an anti-Japanese fighter, but he was not a complete socialist. His life is not fully represented through anti-Japanese activities. Despite the circumstances of the ordeal, he did not go to the path of pro-Japanese collaborators. Choi's life and death reflect part of the tragedy. We can approach the truth of the time through its reality and pain.

1920년대 후반 ~ 1930년대 초반 함경남도 갑산 지역의 항일운동

조우찬(Cho, Woo Chan) 한국사학회 2016 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.121

본 연구는 일제 강점기인 1920년대 후반에서 1930년대 중반에 함경남도 갑산에서 전개된 항일운동의 특징을 분석하는 데에 목적이 있다. 갑산일대는 1920년대 후반부터 타 지역에서 대거 유입된 이주민들로 인해 인구가 크게 증가하였고 이와 같은 추세는 지속되었다. 동시에 갑산 거주민의 사회참여적인 성향이 현저하게 나타났다. 이에 따라 갑산 항일운동을 주도하는 세력에도 변화가 나타나면서 항일운동의 주도권은 이전부터 영향을 끼친 천도교 세력보다 항일사회주의운동 세력이 장악하였다. 한편, 1920년대 후반과 1930년대 초반에 전국적으로 전개된 적색농민조합은 박달에 의해 갑산에도 조직되었다. 함경도의 경우에는 적색농민조합과 공산당 재건 운동이 여러 지역에서 산발적으로 전개되었다. 갑산화전민이 주도한 항일운동의 서막은 1929년에 발생한 갑산 화전민 사건이었다. 국내 언론의 사건 보도에 이어 사회단체의 조사활동이 이어질 만큼 갑산 화전민 사건은 반향이 매우 컸다. 일제는 이 사건 이후에 갑산지역의 항일운동을 탄압해 나갔다. 이로 인해서 갑산의 항일운동은 타격을 받고 위축되었다. 갑산의 항일운동은 위장활동을 통한 조직 유지에 중점을 두게 되었다. 이 시기에 박달과 박금철은 야학과 강습회를 열고 군수물자로 이용되는 아마재배 반대 등의 활동을 펼쳤나갔다. 박달과 박금철이 조직한 항일단체인 갑산공작위원회는 1930년대 중반 한만 국경지대에서 구축된 항일통일전선에 참여하기로 결정하였다. 이 통일전선은 제7차 코민테른의 결정에 따라 조직된 조국광복회였다. 조국광복회는 파시즘에 반대하는 인민전선의 성격을 띤 항일조직이었으나 프랑스의 인민전선처럼 노동자가 중심이 아니라 농민이 중심이었다. 한편, 박달과 박금철 등 소수의 인원으로 구성된 비밀결사의 특징은 지도부와 조직원들이 각각 연결되는 폐쇄적이고 단절된 구조를 지니고 있었다. 그리고 극도로 보안을 유지한 채, 조직의 명칭도 정하지 않은 상태에서 활동하고 있었다. 비밀결사조직의 한계를 인식한 박달과 박금철은 대중적 기반의 항일조직을 구축하고 항일운동의 저변을 확대하기로 결정하였다. 그리고 소극적 항일활동에서 탈피하고 변화를 모색할 방법으로 한만국경지대의 무장투쟁세력과 접촉하였다. 대중적인 기반을 확보하고 변화를 추동하기 위해서 외부 세력과의 연계를 도모한 것이었다. 항일인민전선인 조국광복회와 관련된 기존연구의 관점에서는 항일무장투쟁세력의 활동에 초점을 맞추거나 항일인민전선의 한만 국경지대의 조직 확대를 부각시킨 경우가 많았다. 그러나 본 연구는 국내 항일운동이 세력인 박달과 박금철이 한만 국경지대의 항일무장투쟁세력과 연대하며 당시 국내 항일운동의 새로운 방향을 결정하여 역량을 집중시킨점에 주목하였다. 이와 같이 국내 항일운동 세력인 갑산공작위원회가 한만 국경지대의 항일무장투쟁세력과 연대해 나가기로 함으로써 국내의 비무장 항일투쟁세력과 한만 국경지대의 무장투쟁세력 간의 연계를 바탕으로 한 항일운동이 추진될 수 있었다. 박달과 박금철은 항일운동의 변화를 위한 동력을 외부에서 찾는다는 방침을 독자적으로 결정하였다. 이 뿐만 아니라 이후의 항일활동에서도 갑산공작위원회와 그 후신인 한인민족해방동맹은 자주성과 독립성을 유지하였고 무장투쟁세력과 협력을 바탕으로 한 항일활동을 전개하였다. The purpose of this study is to perform a holistic analysis on the anti-Japanese activity in Kapsan area in southern Hamkyung province in late 1920s~early 1930s. Kapsan area is well-known for high national consciousness and the home of the slash-and-burn farmers. This study analyzed relationship between Cheondo-gyo and anti-Japanese socialism movement group in Kapsan area. Firstly, it examined the hegemony of anti-Japanese activity in Kapsan Area. Many people migrated from other region in late 1920s. It was facilitated change in the anti-Japanese activity in Kapsan area. Until now mostly research on the anti-Japanese activity has been only centered on the anti-Japanese activity of independence association of the fatherland in Kapsan Area, Southern Hamkyung province in mid 1930s. Therefore dispelling such a biased perspective, it ascertained anti-Japanese activity of Pak-Dal and Pak Kum-Chul. They determined to create more extended organization to invigorate anti-Japanese activity in Kapsan area. The Kapsan Working Committee be pursued actively by the anti-Japanese movement based on the linkage between armed struggle forces. Also, unarmed anti-Japanese forces of Pak-Dal and Pak Kum-Chul can be demonstrated their capability and they played an leading role to solidarity in the process with the armed anti-Japanese struggle forces. In fact, they were not dependent anti-Japanese activist.

해방을 전후한 강원도 동해안 지역의 공산주의 -동해안 속초·양양을 중심으로-

이세진 한국외국어대학교 정보·기록학연구소 2019 기록과 정보·문화 연구 Vol.- No.8

The eastern coast of Gangwon-do has been actively engaged in communist activities through farmers' associations since the Japanese colonial period. The communist movement in this area had two main routes. The communist movement in this area had two main routes. He, choi eu, is the most likely person to return from a proletarian activist in Japan. Another radio route was through the coastal port city. During the Japanese colonial period, factory workers and dock workers gathered as port cities such as Vladivostok, Hamkyungdo Chungjin, Heungnam and Wonsan developed. In addition, the northern line of the East Sea was opened in September 1929 from Anbyeon to Goseong, and on December 1, 1937, it was opened from Anbyeon to Yangyang. Due to the development of the sea route and railway, local residents such as Sokcho and Yangyang in Gangwon Province also flocked to port cities where there were many jobs. Moples (International Revolutionary Movement Victims Relief Association: 1927-1929) centered on Lee Dong-hwi spread to port cities, and it seems to have spread naturally to Sokcho Yangyang area in Gangwon-do. In particular, the farmers' unions in Yangyang, Gangwon Province were rapidly classed and revolutionary reddish; with the liberation, this area was placed under the rule of the Soviet army and communism was settled naturally. Under artificial rule, specific socialist institutions were established, including free confiscation, land reform of free distribution, and equality of education; the area suffered severe trials during the Korean War.After the war, the area was incorporated into South Korea, and the title of Suhwel District was caught. 강원도 동해안 지역은 일제시대부터 농민조합을 통해 공산주의 활동이 활발하게 전개되었다. 이 지역의 공산주의 운동은 크게 두 가지 경로 있었다. 하나가 일본 유학생이 공산주의자가 되어 전파한 경우이다. 일본 유학과정에서 무산자활동을 하다 돌아온 최의같은 인물이다. 또 하나의 전파경로는 해안 항구도시를 통해 이루어졌다. 일제시기 블라디보스톡, 함경도 청진, 흥남, 원산 등 항구도시가 발달하면서 공장노동자와 부두노동자들이 모여들었다. 또한 동해북부선은 안변에서 고성까지 잇는 철도가 1929년 9월에 개통 되었고, 1937년 12월 1일에는 안변에서 양양까지 개통되었다. 뱃길과 철도의 발달로 인근 강원도 속초, 양양 등의 지역 주민들도 일자리가 많았던 항구도시로 몰려들었다. 이동휘를 중심으로 한 모플(국제혁명운동희생자구원회: 1927~1929년)이 항구도시에 전파되면서 자연스럽게 강원도 속초 양양지역까지 퍼진 것으로 보인다. 특히 강원도 양양의 농민조합은 급속도로 계급화되었으며, 혁명적 적색화되었다. 해방이 되면서 이 지역은 소련군정의 통치하에 놓였고 자연스럽게 공산주의가 정착되었다. 인공통치하에서는 무상몰수, 무상분배의 토지개혁, 교육의 평등 등 구체적인 사회주의 제도가 정착되었다. 이 지역은 6.25전쟁 동안 혹독한 시련을 겪었다. 전후 이 지역은 남한에 편입되면서 수복지구라는 낮선 타이틀이 걸려버렸다.

일제강점기 충북 영동지역의 민족운동

박걸순 동학학회 2018 동학학보 Vol.0 No.48

The purpose of this paper is to examine the aspect of the national movement that developed in Yeongdong in Chungbuk during the Japanese colonial era after the end of the Korean Empire. It was focused on understanding the flow of the movement and its characteristics by organizing the movement of restoring national rights at the end of the Korean Empire and the development of various independence movements by affiliation during the Japanese colonial period. As the movement for restoring national rights at the end of the Korean Empire, the army raised in the cause of justice appeared to be progressing violently until the latest period, but the enlightenment movement was not so active and its characteristics as the national movement were weak as well. During the March 1st Movement, five independence demonstrations took place in Yeongdong, and many casualties were caused by the Japanese firing in the Haksan-myeon Seosan police substation and Yeongdong-eup. 37(60%) of 62 independence patriots from Yeongdong were involved in the March 1st Movement, which proves that the March 1st Movement was a representative movement in Yeongdong. Immediately after the March 1st Movement, the conflict between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat in Yeongdong was exposed. This conflict between the class and ideology was reflected sensitively in the national movement, which is the most characteristic aspect of the national movement in Yeongdong when compared with the neighboring regions. The Yeongdong youth group, the Yeongdong tenant farming association, Chilwol association, Yeongdong youth union and Yeongdong youth association led this and the ‘Yeongdong Youth case’ (1927) and the ‘Red Yeongdong Farmer Associationcase’ (1932) show the strong suppression of Japan against the ideological movement. This study clarified the reality of the national movement in Yeongdong and confirmed some characteristic aspects. However, the socioeconomic status of the movements leading class and the relationship between the movement affiliations is insignificant. In particular, it is necessary in the future to study the reason Yeongdong was more active in accepting communist ideologies than other regions and to identify the factors in how the nationally noted movement was developed. 본고는 한말 이래 일제강점기에 충북 영동지역에서 전개된 민족운동의 양상을 살펴보고자 한 것이다. 연구방법은 한말의 국권회복운동과 일제강점기의 다양한 독립운동의 전개 양상을 계열별로 정리하여 운동사적 흐름을 파악하고 그 특징을 파악하는데 주안을 두었다. 한말 국권회복운동으로서 후기의병이 도내에서 가장 늦은 시기까지 격렬히 진행되는 양상을 보이나, 계몽운동은 그리 활발하지도 못하였고 민족운동으로서의 성격도 약했다. 3·1운동 당시 영동에서는 5회의 만세운동이 일어났고, 학산면 서산주재소와 영동읍에서 일본군의 발포로 다수의 사상자가 발생하였다. 영동 출신 독립유공자 62명 중 37명(60%)이 3·1운동 계열임은 영동지역의 대표적 민족운동이 3·1운동이었음을 입증한다. 3·1운동 직후 영동에서 유산계급과 무산계급의 갈등이 노정되고, 이러한계급과 이념의 대립이 민족운동에 민감하게 반영됨은 인근 지역과 대비되는영동지역 민족운동의 가장 특징적 양상으로 파악할 수 있다. 영동청년회, 영동소작인상조회, 칠월회, 영동청년연맹, 영동청년동맹 등은 이를 견인한 단체였고, ‘영동청년회사건’(1927)과 ‘적색영동농민조합사건’(1932)은 사상운동에 대한 일제의 극심한 탄압을 여실히 보여준다. 이 연구를 통해 영동지역 민족운동의 실상이 정리되고, 몇 가지 특징적 양상을 밝힐 수 있었다. 그러나 운동 주도 계층의 사회경제적 실태와 운동계열간 연계 파악은 미진하다. 특히 영동지역이 다른 지역에 비해 공산주의 사상수용에 적극적이었고 전국적으로 주목되는 운동이 전개될 수 있었던 요인 규명은 향후 주요 과제이다.

1930년대 장흥의 전남운동협의회 관련 활동과 지역사회

최은진 한국사학회 2022 史學硏究 Vol.- No.148

In 1930s, the Association for Movement of Jeonnam mainly engaged in the socialism ideology movement and revolutionary farmers union movement. The Association for Movement of Jeonnam and its affiliated Preparatory Establishment Committee for Red Farmers Union placed its importance in political struggles together with economic struggle, such as, the farm tenancy dispute and land struggle in the southern region where the landlord system is advanced. While protecting the economic interests, the Association for Movement of Jeonnam further purported to resolves the tasks involving in national and class revolution as well as accomplishing its aspiration for independence, and it has substantial influence in the local communities by encountering with the local farmers in ordinary affairs through night school and others. This characteristic could be found not only in Jangheung but also in Wando, Haenam and others where the Association for Movement of Jeonnam was actively engaged in. Jangheung had inactive farmer’s movement in 1920s, but it successfully organized the revolutionary farmers union in 1930s. In addition, With the Association for Movement of Jeonnam related activities following the movement line from the base, it enabled to come up with a significant number of youth activists in the local communities as the farmers who were educated under the socialist ideology. The Association for Movement of Jeonnam and Preparatory Establishment Committee for Red Farmers Union kept on the activities after the key participants arrested by invoking reconstruction movement of the Association for Movement of Jeonnam in Jangheung that the pertinent activities were sustained up to around 1939 in the war-time period. Within the space at the liberation period, a number of people in the Jangheung area set out the symbolism as the participants in the Association for Movement of Jeonnam in a way of succeeding the movement spirit by participating in the socialist line of social movement, such as, the Korean Establishment Preparation Commission, People’s Committee and so forth.

일제강점기 의성지역의 혁명적 대중운동

심상훈 택민국학연구원 2023 국학연구론총 Vol.- No.32

This article summarizes the activities of revolutionary mass movements and Confucian intellectuals, such as the Korean Communist Party Reconstruction Movement and the Red Peasant Union Movement, that took place in the Uiseong area in the 1930s. Through this, we looked at their efforts to solve the national problem at the time in a new way. The Korean Socialist Movement, which began to develop in 1920, rapidly grew into a central force in the national movement and formed an organization called the Korean Communist Party in 1925. The Korean Communist Party suffered repeated collapse and reconstruction until 1928 due to large-scale repression by Japan and factional struggles among socialists, and was disbanded after a short period of activity of four years. After the disbandment of the Korean Communist Party, the greatest task assigned to Korean socialist activists in the 1930s was the reconstruction of the Korean Communist Party. It was in February 1931 when clues to the revolutionary mass movement and party reconstruction movement appeared in Uiseong. Although the rebuilding movement of the Communist Party of Korea in Uiseong ended in failure, it was like a welcome rain to this region where the roots of the national movement had been completely uprooted. In the preface 高等警察要史 published by the Gyeongbuk Police Department of the Japanese Government General of Korea in 1934, stated in the preface that the resistance of the people of this region was exceptionally strong and found the cause of this in the characteristics of the Toegye school of thought. As such tendencies were combined with the socialism introduced into the country around the time of the March 1st Movement, Confucian culturalism and new socialism quickly joined together to find common ground, and this served as a powerful force in the anti-Japanese struggle. In other words, the anti-Japanese ideology and the incorporation of socialism based on Confucian culturalism served as a new driving force for the anti-Japanese struggle. This phenomenon appeared more strongly than any other region in each field, including the anti-Japanese struggle, the peasant movement, the labor movement, and the youth movement in the 1920s, and it can be said to have continued with the reconstruction movement of the Communist Party of Korea and the revolutionary peasant union movement in the 1930s.