고려 최씨 정권기 私兵의 운영과 家奴

이정민 역사학회 2022 역사학보 Vol.- No.256

This study explores the management of private army(私兵) during the Choe military regime in Goryeo period and changes in the characteristics of its members. This study also intends to reveal the limitations of the regime’s running of private army. There are precedent studies that have analyzed the Choe regime’s management of private army, but they have not dealt with its members’ propensity. Therefore, the reason for the fundamental change in the attitudeofsoldiershasnotbeenproperly considered. The Choe military regime’s private army was largely composed of Dobang(都房) and House army(家兵). All members of Dobang were connected to the central bureaucracy, but the House army was not. Dobang had a bond with the Choe military regime in exchange for public offices, and could turn its back on the Choe military regime depending on the political situation. In preparation for such a situation, Choe military regime bestowed an office on domestic slaves(家奴), the conductor of the House army. However, these domestic slaves, newly involved with the bureaucracy, broke away from the Choe military regime and caused the fall of the regime. The limitation of the private army management was that Choe’s military regime used the centralized royal bureaucracy for its own benefit, but could not possess it. 본 연구는 고려 최씨 정권기 사병의 운영과 그 구성원의 성격 변화를 추적하여 최씨 정권의 사병 운영 한계점을 밝혔다. 기존 연구에서도 사병의 운영을 분석하는 작업이 이루어지기는 했지만, 구성원의 성격과 함께 분석되는 작업이 별로 행해지지 않아 그들의 행동 변화가 근본적으로 왜 일어났는지에 대한 고찰이 제대로 이루어지지 못했다. 최씨 정권의 사병은 크게 도방과 가병이 있었다. 도방의 구성원은 모두 중앙의 관료제와 관련되었으나, 가병은 그렇지 못했다. 도방은 관직을 반대급부로 하여 최씨 정권과 결합관계를 맺었는데, 정치적 상황에 따라 최씨 정권을 이탈할 수 있었다. 이를 대비하여 최씨 정권은 가병의 지휘자인 가노에게 관직을 주었는데, 새롭게 관료제와 연결된 가노가 최씨 정권을 이탈하면서 최씨 정권은 무너지게 되었다. 사병 운영 한계는 최씨 정권이 국왕 중심적 성격의 관료제를 자신에게 유리하도록 활용했지만 소유할 수 없는 점에 있었다.

고려 최씨 무인정권과 국왕

서각수 숭실사학회 2012 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.29

본고에서는 최씨 무인정권이 왕조 권력을 흡수해나가는 과정과 그를 통해 국왕과 比肩되는 권위를 확립해나가는 모습을 살펴보고, 이어서 고려시대 국왕의 권위가 어떠한 장치ㆍ意識에 의해 지탱되고 있었는지에 대해 검토하였다. 최씨 무인정권은 지배층의 분열과 농민 반란 문제 등 당시 고려 왕조가 직면해 있던 정치 현안을 해결하면서 지배의 정당성을 획득해 나갔다. 그리고 관료의 인사권과 국가 의사 결정권을 수중에 장악하여 세속적인 국왕권의 발동을 봉쇄하고 관료사회 위에 군림하였다. 그에 따라 무인 집권자는 국왕과 비견되는 권위도 갖추었다. 宰相과 重房이라는 고려의 최고 문무관까지 扈從하게 되었으며 令公이라는 칭호도 독점하게 되었다. 영공은 스스로 국왕처럼 연출하여 행동했고, 왕조의 의례체계에서 벗어나 영공을 정점으로 하는 의례를 거행하는 場까지 마련하였다. 그리고 국왕의 제사권도 침탈하여, 국왕의 의례적, 종교적 권위도 거의 무력화시키기에 이르렀다. 고려 초기의 八關會는 天神 등에 대한 제사로서 민중통합의례로 기능하였다. 그러나 궁중제사로서의 팔관회는 창업군주 태조 왕건에 대한 제사로 변질되어 있었다. 팔관회는 태조의 靈과 접촉한 국왕이 국왕으로 탄생하는 ‘국왕탄생의례’이자, 그렇게 탄생한 국왕에 대해 신하들이 ‘稱臣’하는 군신관계 확인 의례, 즉 ‘君臣大會’였다. 팔관회에는 고려 국왕의 정통성의 근원으로서의 태조에 대한 신앙이 거듭 확인되는 탁월한 구조가 숨겨져 있었다. 고려 국왕의 권위를 지탱해주는 사상이나 意識은 다양하지만, 창업군주로부터 전해오는 혈통 의식도 강력한 권위 중 하나였다. 고려 국왕의 혈통의식, 즉 ‘太祖信仰’을 보존하고 조장하는 장치가 다름 아닌 팔관회였다. 최씨 무인정권기에도 팔관회는 고려의 가장 권위 있는 의례, 국가 존립과 직결되는 제사로서 계속 개설되었다. 최씨 무인정권과의 연고로 승진을 거듭한 관료들도 팔관회가 규정대로 嚴守되는 것에 집착했고, 불교 세력은 노골적으로 태조신앙을 고취하며 최씨 무인정권에 저항하였다. This paper aimed to examine the system and consciousness that could sustain the authority of kings, as well as the course that the military power absorbed the dynastic power and established the authority comparable with that of kings. The military power of the Chois resolved the political issues faced by the Goryeo dynasty, such as the division of ruling classes and the peasant uprisings, and so acquired the legitimacy. As the military power of the Chois seized the authority over human resources of bureaucrats and right to decide the national proceedings, it dominated the power of kings and reigned over the society of bureaucrats. Accordingly, the ruler of military power became to have authority comparable with that of kings. He attended on the supreme organisation of the civil and military officers, Minister and Jungbang and monopolized the title of Younggong. The Younggong himself acted like king and performed the ceremony which deviated from the ceremonial system of dynasty and focused on the Younggong. And Younggong dispossessed of the king’s right of memorial ceremony for ancestors and almost incapacitated the king’s ceremonial and religious authority. In the early Goryeo era, as ceremony for the heavenly gods, Palgwanhoe managed to unify the people. As a royal ritual, the Palgwanhoe, however, degenerated into the ceremony for Taejo, the Goryeo’s first king. The Palgwanhoe was the ritual that the king possessed of a spirit of Taejo became the true king, and the confirmation ceremony for relationship between kings and subjects who rendered liege service and homage to kings. Through Palgwanhoe, the faith in Taejo as the spring of legitimacy of Goryeo kings repeatedly was confirmed. There are many of thought and consciousness that supported the authority of kings, but the sense of lineage from the first king was one of the powerful authorities. It was the Palgwanhoe that preserved and promoted the ‘faith in the first king of the dynasty’. In the period of military power of the Chois, the Palgwanhoe continued to be hold as the authoritative ceremony and ritual concerning the existence of state. The bureaucrats promoted by relation with the military power of Chois want to strict obserbance of Palgwanhoe in conformity with the rules, and the part of Buddhists inspiring explicitly the faith in the first king of the dynasty resisted to the military power of the Chois.

고려 최씨정권의 私第 경영과 성격

박재우 역사학회 2022 역사학보 Vol. No.

The Choi Regime’s private houses were a space of power where the highest authority resided and showed off the regime's power that exceeded the royal authority. It showed off it's power by imitating the king’s authority in their private houses. The private houses were the space that assembled bureaucrats and talents from the ruling class and attracted them under the influence of the Choi Regime. They formed a political order centered on the Choi Regime and exerted their influences. In the private houses of the Choi Regime, Dobang, Mabyeolcho, and Soebang and Jeongbang were established to protect personal safety, military rituals, political advice, and personnel administration. As a result, they became a space for expanding the private foundation necessary to control the bureaucracy and exercising personnel rights. In addition, the establishment of Heungnyeongbu and Jingangbu made, making private houses a space of reputation and authority. The Choi Regime did not want to administer all the affairs of the state in private houses or to create a system to replace the bureaucracy in private houses. They influenced on the bureaucracy by establishing a Gyojeongdogam, a bureaucratic organization, so they did not establish it in their private houses. In addition, the Choi Regime participated in the bureaucracy and led the state affairs with government posts such as Chancellery and the Security Council, Head of the Security Council, Board of Personnel and Board of War, Board of Censors, Royal Transmitters, and High General. Private houses were the space the of power, but their functions and roles were limited. 고려 최씨정권은 최고 권력자로서 관료제를 장악하여 국정을 이끌어갔다. 동시에 사제를 경영하여 관료제 장악을 위해 필요한 사적 기반을 확충하는 권력 공간으로 만들었다. 첫째, 최씨정권의 사제는 최고 권력자가 거주하며 왕권을 능가하는 권력을 과시하는 권력 공간이었다. 그들은 이곳에서 국왕의 권한을 모방하며 권력을 과시했다. 사제는 지배층의 관료와 인재들을 불러들여 최씨정권의 영향력 아래 끌어들이는 공간이었다. 시회와 연회를 개최하여 최씨정권 중심의 정치질서를 형성하고 영향력을 행사했다. 둘째, 최씨정권의 사제는 도방⋅마별초와 서방⋅정방이 설치되어 신변 보호, 군사 의례, 정치 자문, 인사 행정을 했다. 이로써 관료제 장악을 위해 필요한 사적 기반을 확충하고 인사권을 행사하는 공간이 되었다. 또한 흥녕부⋅진강부가 설치되어 명망과 권위의 공간이 되었다. 셋째, 최씨정권은 사제에서 모든 국정을 운영하거나 관료제를 대체하는 시스템을 사제에 만들려 하지 않았다. 교정도감을 공적 기구로 만들어 관료제에 영향력을 행사하려 했고 그래서 사제에 설치하지 않았다. 또한 최씨정권은 재추⋅이병부⋅어사대⋅승선⋅상장군 등 문무의 관직을 통해 관료제에 참여하여 국정을 이끌어갔다. 사제는 권력 공간이지만 기능과 역할에 한계가 있었다.

무인정권, 그리고 전란 속의 왕권 -고려 고종(1192-1259) 연구-

윤용혁 (사)한국인물사연구회 2009 한국인물사연구 Vol.12 No.-

고려 고종은 13세기 몽고 전란기, 그리고 무신정권 하에서 반세기동안을 왕위에 있었던 인물이다. 최씨정권은 고종의 왕권을 자신의 정치권력 유지에 이용하였으며, 특히 13세기 다난한 대외관계의 전개는 이점에 있어서 매우 유효한 점이 있었다. 반면 고종은 사실상 최씨정권의 보호 하에 국왕으로 지명되고 그 지위를 유지하였다는 점에서 고종과 최씨정권 양자의 관계는 서로를 뒷받침해주는 상보적 입장에 있었다. 고종은 자신이 몽고와 직접적 외교 주체로 대두되는 것을 기피하였다. 이점에 있어서 고종이 대외관계의 외교적 사안을 이용하여 왕권의 회복을 추구하였다는 견해는 적절해 보이지 않는다. 고종은 보기 드물게 가정적이고 성실한 자기 신변 관리를 다했던 군왕이었다. 그러나 현실의 모순과 문제를 개혁하기보다는, 상황에 순응하는 소시민적 의식이 그를 지배하였다고 볼 수 있다. 그것은 청년기까지의 성장과정과 시대적 상황에 의하여 체득되어진 하나의 삶의 방식이었다. 이점에 있어서 고종의 왕위 재위는 이 시기의 역사성을 반영하고 있는 것이라고 할 수 있다.

무인정권, 그리고 전란 속의 왕권 : 고려 고종(1192-1259) 연구

윤용혁(Yoon Yang Hyuk) 한국인물사연구소 2009 한국인물사연구 Vol.12 No.-

고려 고종은 13세기 몽고 전란기, 그리고 무신정권 하에서 반세기동안을 왕위에 있었던 인물이다. 최씨정권은 고종의 왕권을 자신의 정치권력 유지에 이용하였으며, 특히 13세기 다난한 대외관계의 전개는 이점에 있어서 매우 유효한 점이 있었다. 반면 고종은 사실상 최씨정권의 보호 하에 국왕으로 지명되고 그 지위를 유지하였다는 점에서 고종과 최씨정권 양자의 관계는 서로를 뒷받침해주는 상보적 입장에 있었다. 고종은 자신이 몽고와 직접적 외교 주체로 대두되는 것을 기피하였다. 이점에 있어서 고종이 대외관계의 외교적 사안을 이용하여 왕권의 회복을 추구하였다는 견해는 적절해 보이지 않는다. 고종은 보기 드물게 가정적이고 성실한 자기 신변 관리를 다했던 군왕이었다. 그러나 현실의 모순과 문제를 개혁하기보다는, 상황에 순응하는 소시민적 의식이 그를 지배하였다고 볼 수 있다. 그것은 청년기까지의 성장과정과 시대적 상황에 의하여 체득되어진 하나의 삶의 방식이었다. 이점에 있어서 고종의 왕위 재위는 이 시기의 역사성을 반영하고 있는 것이라고 할 수 있다. The emperor Gojong of Goryeo dynasty was a person who was on the king's position during the half 13th century that went with Mongolian invasion and military power regime. The military power regime of Choi's family used the king's power of the emperor Gojong to keep their political power taking good advantage from the overseas relation that went with many difficulties and troubles in the 13th century. In fact, however, the emperor Gojong was appointed to an emperor and kept his position under the protection of Choi's family. This point indicates that the relation between the emperor Gojong and the power of Choi's family was to help each other. The emperor Gojong avoid becoming the main body directly for the diplomatic relation with Mongolia. In this point, the opinion that the emperor Gojong used some diplomatic issues in such overseas relation to seek restoration of king's power does not look proper. Unlike most of the other kings or emperors, the emperor Gojong was family-oriented and faithful to manage himself. It is, however, thought that he had mainly petit bourgeois style consciousness in sympathy with the current situations rather than reformed the real conflicts and problems. Such consciousness was a kind of life style that he gained through his growing-up process he experienced till his youth time and the situations of the times. In this point, his reign period is thought to reflect the historical character of his times.

최충헌 정권의 전개 과정에서 나타난 무신집권기 정치세력의 특징

김효섭 ( Kim Hyo-sub ) 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2021 한국학논총 Vol.55 No.-

최씨정권의 전개 과정을 검토한 여러 연구가 진행되었지만, 고려 정치세력의 특징을 충분히 고려하지는 못하였다는 한계가 있었다. 하지만 정치적 사건은 정치세력 간의 관계 속에서 이루어지므로 정치세력의 특징에 대한 이해는 사건을 해당 사회의 맥락에서 파악하는 데 중요하다. 이러한 점에서 본 논문에서는 정치세력의 특징을 염두에 두면서 최씨정권의 전개 과정, 특히 최충헌 일파의 정변부터 최우의 습권 과정까지를 검토하였다. 최충헌 일파는 최충수와 이지영 간의 갈등을 계기로 정변을 일으켰다. 이 과정에서 이의민 세력만이 아니라 명종과 중방에서 권력을 행사하던 유력 무인들도 제거하였다. 이후 최충헌 일파는 최충헌, 최충수, 박진재 등 개별 인물이 독립적인 세력을 형성하면서 분기하였고, 곧 이들 간의 갈등이 발생하였다. 최충헌은 최충수, 박진재를 차례로 제거하는 데 성공하였고, 그 결과 독재 정권을 수립하였다. 최충헌은 인사권 장악을 정권 유지를 위한 핵심적인 요소로 활용하였다. 아울러 최충헌은 최우에게 권력을 계승시키기 위한 여러 작업을 진행하였고, 이 덕분에 최우는 최충헌의 권력을 물려받을 수 있었다. 하지만 최우의 권력 승계는 최충헌 세력의 승계를 의미하지 않았으므로 최우는 집권 초기에 최충헌 세력을 제거함과 동시에 자신만의 세력을 강화해야 했다. 이상의 과정을 살피면서 무신집권기 정치세력의 여러 면모가 확인된다. 첫째, 정치세력은 정치목표, 이해관계를 매개로 결집하였다. 둘째, 특정 정치세력만의 정치적 지향이 분명하지 않았다. 셋째, 정치세력의 지속성은 이해관계 달성, 중심인물의 영향력 등에 의해 결정되었다. 넷째, 정치세력은 단일한 집단으로 존재하지 않았다. Although several studies have reviewed the development process of the Chois' regime, their limitation was that the characteristics of the political groups of Goryeo were not sufficiently considered. However, since political events occur in the context of the relationship between political groups, understanding the characteristics of political forces is important to grasp the events in terms of the relevant society. In this regard, this paper reviews the development of the Chois' regime, especially from the coup of Choi Chung-heon's group, to the process of Choi woo's succession, taking into account the characteristics of the political group of Goryeo. Choi's group launched a coup due to the conflict between Choi Choong-su and Lee Ji-young. In this process, Lee Eui-min's group as well as the influential warriors who exercised power in Jungbang were removed. Since then, Choi's group diverged as Choi Chung-heon, Choi Choong-su, and Park Jin-jae formed independent groups. Conflicts between them soon occurred. Choi Chung-heon succeeded in removing Choi Choong-su and Park Jin-jae. Consequently, he established a dictatorship and used the control of authority over human resources as a key element for maintaining it. In addition, Choi Chung-heon performed several deeds to succeed in his power. Thanks to this, Choi woo was able to inherit his power. However, the succession of power did not mean the succession of Choi Chung-heon's group. Therefore, Choi woo had to remove Choi Chung-heon's group and strengthen his own group.

논문(論文) : 여(麗),몽(蒙) 전쟁의 성격과 몽골의 태도 변화

윤은숙 ( Eun Sook Yoon ) 강원대학교 사학회 2011 江原史學 Vol.0 No.25

麗·蒙 관계는 1219년 형제맹약으로 출발했지만 저고여 살해 사건을 계기로 30년의 장기전을 치러야 했다. 결국 양국은 혼인동맹을 맺음으로써 안정적인 평화 관계를 수립할 수 있었다. 양국 관계의 시작을 보여주는 1219년 몽골의 주도로 이루어진 형제맹약은 몽골제국의 과다한 공물 요구의 결과파탄에 이르게 되었다. 옷치긴이 감국하게 된 몽골 국내 사정의 변화와 대외 전쟁에 필요한 막대한 전쟁자금은 고려에 대한 몽골의 공물 요구를 한층 강화시켜 고려에게 상당한 부담으로 작용했다. 고려는 몽골의 과다한 공물 요구에 강한 불만을 표시했고 주변국의 동조 등의 시너지 효과를 발생시켜 저고여 살해사건으로 이어지면서 결국 양국의 형제 맹약은 파탄되었다. 아울러 여몽 양국의 30여년 전쟁을 통해 최씨 무신정권은 고려에서의 입지를 강화하고 장기 집권을 유지할 수 있었다. 몽골의 계속되는 국왕의 출륙친조 요구를 무신정권이 수용할 수 없었던 것은 고려 국왕이 대몽 대화 창구가 되기를 희망하지 않았기 때문이다. 이것은 최씨 무신 권력의 누수현상을 초래할 수 있었기 때문에 최선의 선택은 和戰兩面策을 통해 전쟁의 장기화를 유도하는 것이었다. 결국 고려의 끈질긴 저항이 몽골의 내부 사정과 맞물려 장기전쟁 양상으로 이어졌고, 지연정책을 구사하던 고려가 일정 부분성공을 거둔 형태였다고 평가해 볼 수 있다. 한편, 고려와 몽골의 30여년 장기전쟁은 몽골의 태도 변화를 이끌어 내기에 충분했다. 몽골제국 사상 초유의 사태였던 30여년의 장기전쟁은 고려뿐만아니라 몽골에게도 곤욕스러운 일이었다. 결국 몽골은 고려국왕의 출륙친조를 포기하고 국왕의 출륙과 태자의 친조로 양보하기에 이르렀다. 또한 이를 통해 몽골은 고려가 고구려를 계승한 국가로서 쉽게 굴복시킬 수 없다는 것을 각인하게 되었다. 이것은 후일 고려가 대몽 강화 정책을 추진하는데 유리한 고지를 선점할 수 있는 기반을 제공하기도 했다. This study examined the character of Koryo-Mongolia war and changes of the attitudes of Mongolia. The findings were as follow: Firstly, brothership alliance between Koryo Kingdom and Mongolia that was made under the leadership of Mongolia in 1219 came to a rupture because of Mongol Empire``s excessive request of tribute. Since 1221, Mongol Empire``s request of the tribute was more strengthened to have considerable burden on Koryo. Koryo strongly complained against Mongol Empire``s excessive request of tribute to produce neighboring countries`` synergy effects of sympathy and to kill Jeogoyeo(著古與) and to break off the alliance between both countries at last. Secondly, Koryo``s resistance against Mongolia was used to let Choi regime keep power. Choi regime could not accept Mongol Empire``s continuous demand on Koryo Kingdom king``s Chulyukchinjo(出陸親朝) because the regime did not want that the king would be a window of communication between both countries. Choi regime could lose power because of the king``s Chulyukchinjo so that the best option was to produce long-term war through both policies of war and peace. Long-term war continued because of Koryo``s consistent resistance and Mongol``s internal situation, and Koryo that adopted delay policy was thought to be partially successful. Thirdly, more than 30-years war between both countries was enough to make Mongolia make change of its attitudes. The long-term war that was an unprecedented event at Mongol Empire made not only Koryo but also Mongol Empire suffer from great difficulties. At last, Mongol Empire gave up Koryo king``s Chulyukchinjo, and made concession that the king left island to leave for main land and the prince would visit the empire``s palace. And, the Mongol Empire found that Koryo that inherited Koguryo was difficult to surrender by the empire. Such an event gave base that Koryo could take an advantage to promote Koryo``s policy struggling against Mongol Empire in the future.

고려 최씨정권의 권력행사와 왕권의 위상

박재우 한국중세사학회 2016 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.46

Examined in this study is in what kind of fashion the Choi military regime used its power, and unlike previous studies, instead of viewing the situation with relation to the king’s own withering leadership, I would like to analyze it in terms of how the official system was maintained, and established procedure was utilized by the military regime leaders. Even during the miliary regime period, the Three Secretariats and Six Ministries(“3S-6M”) remained as players in the primary power structure, as they had been ever since their establishment in the early days of Goryeo. But when it came to the issue of dealing with their political enemies, the Choi regime did not adhere to principles or procedures, and used its power mercilessly. And it also placed new ruling mechanisms like Dobang(都房), Seobang(書房), Jeongbang(政房) and Gyojeong Dogam(敎定都監) outside the aforementioned power system(“3S-6M”). However, interestingly enough, it was not an attempt to create another ruling structure outside the previous one. It was rather to take control of the governmental officials in general. Members of the Choi regime also assigned themselves to traditionally crucial seats inside the government, such as the Jaeshin(宰臣) and Chumil(樞密) seats, seats inside the ministries of governmental personnel and the military(吏兵部), and also the Monitor office(御史臺), and controlled the government from there. The king retained the entitlement to approve and authorize important dynastic matters, but was not able to reflect his will or opinion in such process. But even when the king was not allowed to use his power properly, the military officers were never provided with such power either. The Choi regime members understood themselves as vassals. But they also justified their usage of power which suppressed that of the king, with the notion that they were ‘assisting’ the king(“輔相”), and received treatment that greatly exceeded those of other ordinary officials. The kings were still granted with the authority as leaders of the dynasty, as they were the descendants of the founder king, but only when their interests did not collide with those of the military regime members. The kings were utlimately oppressed in their usage of power.

고려 최씨정권기 도방의 운영과 지휘체계

박재우 한국중세사학회 2024 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.77

This study examines the operation and command system of the Tobang during the Choi regime of Goryeo. The military power of the Choi regime was called by various terms. Tobang, established by Choi Chung-heon, was the core organization of the Choi regime’s private military power. Mabyeolcho, a cavalry unit, was also organized. The household retainers clearly show that the private military power of the Choi regime was brought in from outside. Private slaves were owned by the Choi family and served as bodyguards. Private army was the most comprehensive term for private military power. The Tobang was organized by selecting civil servants, military officials, hanryang, and soldiers. Afterwards, the scale was expanded by recruiting people from the country. The Tobang included public figures and had the effect of dominating the bureaucratic society. The Tobang worked for the personal interests of the Choi regime. Civil servants and military officials performed their own duties, and under the orders of the ruling military official, the Tobang engaged in public activities. The Tobang was operated according to the orders of the ruling military official. The official positions of civil servants and military officials were respected even in the provincial capital. It was commanded by the Sangjanggun and Daejanggun, and the generals and subordinate military officers led the military. In Tobang, the ruling military official handled matters by directly issuing orders to generals, regardless of hierarchy. In Tobang, the influence of the party was great. Although his relatives were not included in Tobang, they were closest to the ruling military official and thus exercised strong influence. Although the bodyguards were outside of the command system of Tobang, their influence in the private order of the Choi regime was significant.

고려 최씨정권기의 청자유통

최재범 한국중세사학회 2018 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.53

The Regime of Choi in Goryeo was the most stable regime out of the military governments, which was supported by its financial(economic) foundation. Based on studies related to this background, it appears that economic power was usually accumulated by looting land. Those studies, however, are limited to explain financial foundations of the Choi’s regime. This study has noted that the age of both wooden documents of Mado shipweck No.1 2 and celadon at its height stretched out through the regime of Choi. Also, it has dealt with financial foundations through another viewpoint that existing studies do not have. First of all, through an analysis on wooden documents, it has revealed that the Regime of Choi seized and made use of maritime traffic network. Moreover, this study has compared celadon which was produced in Gangjin and Buan with Goryeo celadon excavated from Hangzhou, China and analyzed business activities of merchants in Song Dynasty as well as celadon-related content documented in historic materials. Accordingly, it aims at investigating and revealing that the distribution of celadon to China was active during the Choi’s regime. In conclusion, this course of study has demonstrated that celadon played a role as not only luxury goods but a part of commodities which brought economic wealth during the regime of Choi. The Regime of Choi in Goryeo was the most stable regime out of the military governments, which was supported by its financial(economic) foundation. Based on studies related to this background, it appears that economic power was usually accumulated by looting land. Those studies, however, are limited to explain financial foundations of the Choi’s regime. This study has noted that the age of both wooden documents of Mado shipweck No.1‧2 and celadon at its height stretched out through the regime of Choi. Also, it has dealt with financial foundations through another viewpoint that existing studies do not have. First of all, through an analysis on wooden documents, it has revealed that the Regime of Choi seized and made use of maritime traffic network. Moreover, this study has compared celadon which was produced in Gangjin and Buan with Goryeo celadon excavated from Hangzhou, China and analyzed business activities of merchants in Song Dynasty as well as celadon-related content documented in historic materials. Accordingly, it aims at investigating and revealing that the distribution of celadon to China was active during the Choi’s regime. In conclusion, this course of study has demonstrated that celadon played a role as not only luxury goods but a part of commodities which brought economic wealth during the regime of Choi.