淸末 梁啓超의 사상변천

김택중(Taek joong Kim) 서울여자대학교 인문과학연구소 2014 인문논총 Vol.28 No.-

양계초 (Linag qi-chao, 1873∼1929) 는 19세기 말 20세기 초 중국의 저명한 사상가, 정치가, 개혁가, 교육가, 문학가, 역사가이다. 본문에서는 주로 1895년부터 1911년까지 양계초의 사상 활동 변천에 대해서 고찰하였다. 본문은 머리말 맺음말을 제외하고 크게 3 부분으로 나누어 살펴보았다. 제1장에서는 1895년부터 1898년까지 양계초의 개혁사상에 대해 검토하였다. 이 시기 양계초는 중국의 생존과 흥망에 대해 우려하였다. 그는 계몽활동을 통해 국민의식을 제고하였다. 또한 근대학교 설립, 과거제도 개혁 등을 통해 사회개혁에 힘썼다. 부국강병 실현을 위해서 종족 간의 평등과 단합을 주장하였다. 제2장에서는 1898년부터 1903년 초기까지 양계초의 혁명사상에 대해 검토하였다. 이 시기 양계초는 1898년 정변실패 후 일본으로 망명한 초기로, 주로 혁명을 통해 공화정부 건립을 주장했다. 그는 혁명 실천을 위해 중국인의 노예근성을 타파하고 국가사상을 지닐 것을 강조했다. 그리고 그는 노예근성을 타파하고 국가사상을 갖추기 위해서 기존의 질서와 제도를 모두 파괴할 것을 주장했다. 제3장에서는 1903년 후기부터 1911년까지 양계초의 군주입헌사상에 대해 검토하였다. 이 시기 양계초의 사상은 크게 변화하였다. 그 이유는 공화정에 대한 새로운 시각, 혁명이 지니는 위험성에 대한 자각, 혁명당과의 갈등, 스승 강유위의 간섭 등 때문이다. 이 시기 그는 중국내 각 민족을 연합하는 대민족주의를 주장했다. 또 평화적이고 안정적인 군주입헌을 통해 국가를 통일시켜 열강의 침략에 대항할 것을 주장했다. 전체적으로 볼 때, 양계초의 사상은 짧은 기간에 여러 차례 변화하였다. 그리고 이들 사상은 서로 간 연계성이 박약하다. 어떤 부분은 서로 상충되고 모순되기도 한다. 이는 양계초 사상의 단점이다. 그러나 양계초의 사상은 시대적 상황과 요구에 부합한 점이 많다. 한편 양계초 사상에 시종일관 변하지 않는 것이 있다. 그것은 바로 국민의식 계몽사상이다. 그는 국민의식 제고 연후에 사회개혁과 정치혁명을 달성할 수 있다고 보았다. 그러므로 그의 사상 바탕에는 늘 국민의식 계몽사상이 내재하고 있다. Liang qi-chao is an eminent Chinese theorist, politician, reformist, scholar, literary writer and historian, who lived through the late 19th century and the early 20th century. This study focuses on the transition of his idea during the specific period from 1895 to 1911. Apart from the introduction and the conclusion, this article is composed of three sections. In the first, focusing on the period from 1855 to 1898, I deal with Liang qi-chao's concept of reform in great detail. During this time, he worried about a beleaguered Qing dynasty and wrestles with the way of how to reform his mother nation. He tried to enlighten the Chinese people in order to raise the national consciousness. Moreover, he set up modern schools and suggested a change of the dated civil service examination. He also emphasized a unity and equality among ethnic minority groups to achieve "wealth and power" for China. In the second, I focus on Liang qi-chao' s revolutionary thought expressed during the period from 1898 to the early 1903. In 1898, he fled to Japan after he failed in his ambitious social reformation. This is the early period of his exile. During this time, he strongly insisted on building a new republican government through a revolution. He emphasized the notion of nationalism and gave a voice to stamp out the corrosive servile mind prevailed in Chinese society. Moreover, he suggested rooting out all the traditional rules and institutions in China. The last section mainly discusses Liang qi-chao's idea of constitutional monarchy, which was established during the period from the late 1903 to the 1911. During this time, his idea changed drastically. His bitter disappointment over the new republican government, his awareness of increasing risk of the revolution, his constant conflicts with Progressive Party members, and the constant interference of his mentor Kang Y ouwei are main reasons of the abrupt transition of his idea. He hoped to unify the ethnic groups scattered in China. Moreover, he gave a voice to build a strong and stable constitutional monarchy to fight against the W estem power. Overall, Liang qi-chao' s ideas had changed over a short period of time. Little connection is found among hsis ideas during different periods. Indeed, some thoughts are against the others. This is definitely one of his weaknesses. However, his ideas are closely related to the situations in the late Qing dynasty and in the early republican China. There is one thing that had never changed in his thought, which is his enlightenment philosophy. He believed that a social reform and political revolution could be achieved by the hands of enlightened people. This philosophy underlies his whole idea.

유길준의 國家建設思想

이종은(JongEun Lee) 한국정치학회 2004 한국정치학회보 Vol.38 No.1

한말 서세동점이라는 문화적 충돌에 직면하여 개화사상가도 국가건설사상을 제시하였다. 본고에서는 개화사상의 대표적 인물에 해당하는 유길준의 국가건설사상을 천착함으로써 개화사상이 과연 어떠한 국가건설사상을 담고 있는지를 논의하고자 한다. 따라서 본고는 개항에 따른 위기와 이에 대한 인식, 위기의 원인에 대한 규명, 부국강병을 통한 독립된 근대 국가의 건설, 국가건설 사상이 가지는 의미 그리고 결론이라는 순서에 따라 기술하고자 한다. 본 연구에서 유길준의 사상 전모를 분석하는 이유는 첫째, 그렇게 함으로써 그 사상이 논리적인 일관성이 있는지를 검토할 수 있으며, 둘째, 유길준 사상의 전반적인 틀 속에서 함축되어 있는 그의 국가건설사상을 추출해낼 수 있기 때문이다. As the Chosun dynasty confronted with the cultural, social and political crises caused by the Western impacts on Asia in the late 19th century, the Enlightenment thinkers had also proposed their thoughts on the state building during the age of turmoils. This article aims to unravel the contents of the thoughts on the state building by focusing on the thoughts of Kiljoon Yoo, who was one of the prominent thinkers. For this purpose, this article is to take the following order; namely, the crises caused by the opening of ports and the recognition of its subsequent crises by Kiljoon Yoo, his diagnosis of its causes, the establishment of the independent modern state through the measure to enrich and strengthen the country, the meaning of what Kiljoon Yoo had thought on the state building and finally the conclusion. This article tries to analyse Yoo’s general thoughts and to extract his thoughts on the state building from the backdrop of his general thoughts. By doing so, we are able to examine the logical consistence of his thoughts and to extract his thought on the state building from the general frame of his thoughts.

유길준의 ‘군민공치’ 사상과 ‘문명 한국’: 국가위기에 대한 진단과 처방을 중심으로

방용식,정원영 한국동양정치사상사학회 2018 한국동양정치사상사연구 Vol.17 No.1

It is said that one’s power cannot be shared even with his or her own child. It is more so when the power holder is despotic. Figuratively speaking, “Absolute power never divides absolutely,” to borrow a quote of John Dalberg-Acton, an English politician. Despite this, there was a person in Joseon dynasty who openly asserted 130 years ago that the king must divide his absolute power with his people. He further stressed that Joseon dynasty could only be civilized and progress when the king shared his power with his people. This paper reviewed the idea of Yu Giljun(1855~1914), a representative progressive intellectual of late Joseon who insisted on the above mentioned ‘collaborative politics of the ruler and people [君民共治]’ and who viewed this idea as a prerequisite for 'civilizing Joseon.' In relation to the topic, the author borrowed a political theory of Thomas A. Spragens Jr. and his analytical frames of ‘cognition, diagnosis, vision and prescription.’ Utilizing these frames, the author examined how Yu Giljun's idea of ‘the collaborative politics of the ruler and the subjects’ relates to the ‘civilization of Joseon.’ To be specific, Yu perceived Joseon between late 19th and early 20th century as ‘half-civilized’ status [cognition]. The reason of this perception was the ruler’s obstinate adherence to absolute power and Confucian philosophy [diagnosis]. To the eyes of Yu, his idea of collaborative politics had to be realized by the ruler sharing his power and ruling the country in collaboration with the people [prescription]. This was the way for Joseon to become enlightened in the future just like Japan or the UK [vision]. This paper concludes that Yu Giljun’s idea of ‘collaborative politics’ was not a mere adoption of constitutional monarchy, one of the western political systems. His thought was a reflection of the contemporary political reality and an attempt to address the national crisis that Joseon kingdom faced in the late 19th century.

니시 아마네(西周)의 초기 체제구상

大久保健晴(OKUBO, TAKEHARU) 한국동양정치사상사학회 2003 한국동양정치사상사연구 Vol.2 No.1

헤겔(G.W.F. Hegel)과 수운(水雲 崔濟愚)의 이상사회론

조극훈 동학학회 2019 동학학보 Vol.0 No.52

G.W.F. Hegel(1770-1831) and Su-woon Choi Je-woo(水雲 崔濟愚. 18241864) faced up the contradictions what the modern society have faced and suggested the ideal society to overcome those contradictions. Hegel suggested the constitutional monarchy as the completion of the humanity(人倫性) that developed morality(道德性), and Su-woon Choi Je-woo suggested a community of virtuous gentleman who moved from a world of mutual concern to a world of only concern about only one’s personal issue In ideal society theory, the decision order between behind consciousness reform and social reform became the main issue. In the discussion of the community of virtuous gentleman, the consciousness reform is considered relatively more important than the social reform. On the other hand, social reform was relatively important in the constitutional monarchy. And there are also other differences about the way how to practice ideal society. The constitutional monarchy aimed at an ideal society by pursuing a system of desire through civil society. However, the community of virtuous man who reach ideals through the process of restoring spirituality along the absolute order (logic) in one’s minds has different character. And there is also a considerable gap between ideal society and the real society. In this study, we want to analyze those three problems and suggest the possibility of reasonable methods and perspectives to approach them. The following facts has revealed by those discussions. First of all, the sudden social transformation can causes serious confusion in consciousness, so the level and degree of consciousness reform should be take into account. Secondly, methods, such as moral discipline, social effort, and institutional reform are needed to realize ideal society. To solve problems of the gap between ideal and reality, We must try to find a deadlock between the language of desire and the language of reason. 헤겔과 수운 최제우는 근대사회가 직면하고 있는 모순을 직시하고 이 모순을 극복하기 위하여 이상사회를 제시하였다. 헤겔은 도덕성을 지양한 인륜성의 완성으로서 입헌군주제를 제시하였고, 수운 최제우는 각자위심의 세상에서 탈피하여 동귀일체의 세상을 지향한 군자공동체를 제시하였다. 이상사회론에서는 의식개혁과 사회개혁의 선후 문제가 쟁점이 되었다. 군자공동체 논의에서는 의식개혁이, 입헌군주론에서는 사회개혁이 상대적으로중시되었다. 또한 이상사회를 실천하는 방법에서도 차이가 있다. 시민사회를매개로 욕망의 체계를 지향함으로써 가능한 입헌군주제와 시천주의 각성을통한 영성회복 과정에 의해 도달한 군자공동체는 성격이 다르다. 또한 이상사회와 현실사회의 간극의 문제가 존재한다. 이 연구에서는 이러한 세 가지 문제를 분석하여 이 문제에 접근할 수 있는합당한 방법과 시각의 가능성을 제시하고자 한다. 이러한 논의를 통해서 밝혀진 사실은 다음과 같다. 먼저 급작스런 사회변혁은 의식의 혼란을 초래하므로 의식개혁의 수준과 정도를 고려해야 한다. 둘째, 이상사회를 실현하기위한 방법으로는 도덕적 수양과 사회적 노력 그리고 제도개혁 등의 적극적인방법이 필요하다. 이상과 현실의 간극의 문제는 욕망의 언어와 이성의 언어의 교착점을 찾으려는 노력이 필요하다.

戊戌變法시기 康有爲의 議會制度 설립 構想과 立憲사상

李春馥(Lee, Chun-Bok) 동양사학회 2017 東洋史學硏究 Vol.139 No.-

칸트의 평화사상과 국제질서 -민주평화론과 하버마스 기획을 중심으로-

박정원 ( Jung Won Park ) 단국대학교 법학연구소 2012 법학논총 Vol.36 No.2

Although democratic peace thesis and Habermas` cosmopolitan project are based on Kantian peace in terms of their own theoretical origin, their argumentative contents and positions are distinct and different from each other. Kantian peace had been based on a peaceful league or union of free states, yet the membership for the union could not be understood as reserved only for narrowly defined western liberal democracies. In this regard, so-called democratic peace thesis is fundamentally problematic from the point of Kantian peace. Moreover, as possible use of force in the name of humanitarian intervention that reflected unilaterality understood moralism by some major western powers is to be recognized implicitly for democratic peace, it appears to be essentially contrary to the Kantian peace. Habermas` version of Kantian project for the pursuit of cosmopolitan legal order in terms of constitutionalization of international law seems to be more persuasive and valid from the Kantian peace. In particular, as to the problem of humanitarian intervention, which is being regarded as one of the most difficult problems of international legal community, Habermas` project has attained stronger argumentative position, as it may provide proper procedures and conditions for it supported by international law as a constitution of cosmopolitan community. This is because Habermas` cosmopolitan project in which constitutionalization of intentional law is firmly established may guarantee universal protection of human rights and democratic practices without the possibility of misuse of military forces by some major powers. Having said that, Habermas` cosmopolitan project is far from perfect. Rather, it must be accompanied by material reformative programs for international organizations, such as the UN in a fundamental way. In order for real cosmopolitan legal order to be established and developed, international institutions and organizations must be restructured from the legislative, executive and judicial perspectives. In addition, constructive roles and functions that could be played by sovereign states should also be noted for establishing cosmopolitan legal order. Only by firmly guaranteeing protection of human rights and democratic practices at the domestic level provided by sovereign states could emerge a real cosmopolitan community.

근대 중국정치와 민의(民意): 민권론의 전개를 중심으로

조성환 동아시아국제정치학회 2008 국제정치연구 Vol.11 No.2

This study examines the ideas of 'People's Right'(minquan) in three different modern chinese political movements; the Hunan province reformist movement in the end of 1890's, the constitutional reformist movement and the republican revolutionary movement from 1901 to 1911. In these three different political movements, we can observe the anti-despotism as the common subject of modern chinese 'People's Right' idea. The leaders of the Hunan province reformist movement proposed a 'shared right regime between the people and the prince' which includes the establishment of National Assembly. The constitutionalists, for the improvement the people's right, tried to establish the modern constitutional and parliamentary system in the context of enlightened despotism. Different from the constitutionalist's compromised idea, the republican revolutionary claimed the direct and total realization of the people's right by overthrowing the Qing dynasty. It is certain that the People's Right movements precipitated the collapse of Qing dynasty in 1911. However, the Republic of China after the end of Qing dynasty neither stood firm nor consolidated the democracy. Moreover, the socialist revolution of 1949 didn't guarantee the chinese people's right. Contemporary China, even though it opened and reformed since 1978, continues Party's dictatorship. China in 21st century will face with the political task of how can it ensure the people's political right and institutionalize democracy in accordance with the growing economic welfare. This study examines the ideas of 'People's Right'(minquan) in three different modern chinese political movements; the Hunan province reformist movement in the end of 1890's, the constitutional reformist movement and the republican revolutionary movement from 1901 to 1911. In these three different political movements, we can observe the anti-despotism as the common subject of modern chinese 'People's Right' idea. The leaders of the Hunan province reformist movement proposed a 'shared right regime between the people and the prince' which includes the establishment of National Assembly. The constitutionalists, for the improvement the people's right, tried to establish the modern constitutional and parliamentary system in the context of enlightened despotism. Different from the constitutionalist's compromised idea, the republican revolutionary claimed the direct and total realization of the people's right by overthrowing the Qing dynasty. It is certain that the People's Right movements precipitated the collapse of Qing dynasty in 1911. However, the Republic of China after the end of Qing dynasty neither stood firm nor consolidated the democracy. Moreover, the socialist revolution of 1949 didn't guarantee the chinese people's right. Contemporary China, even though it opened and reformed since 1978, continues Party's dictatorship. China in 21st century will face with the political task of how can it ensure the people's political right and institutionalize democracy in accordance with the growing economic welfare.

淸末民初 韓國 관련 小說 硏究(2)

문정진 한국중국소설학회 2004 中國小說論叢 Vol.19 No.-

自從阿片戰爭中華民族面臨民族危機, 不得不起而應變. 特別中日戰爭從頭至眉是一場十足的災難. 由于日本迅速侵入朝鮮, 滿洲和中國本部, 人們對中國陸海軍優勢的幻想馬上破滅. 被日本打敗所引起的震警, 比西方列强的侵略所引起的震警要更强烈.中日戰爭, 在中國對待明治維新的態度方面起了關鍵作用. 日本的勝利以及日本的擧國一致與中國各地的自行其是的對比, 使人們認淸나一方的組織形式更有成效. 在中國人看來, 日本瞬息之間已成了一個近代化國家和世界强國. 타令人注目地改變了國際關係(特別是亞洲的國際關係). 淸廷看到日本人在取得這些擧世촉目的成就的同時, 實行了立憲和建設了議會. 但却沒有完全병棄他們的權利, 表現露骨的保滿排漢政策, 引起一批漢族上層人物的不安. 淸廷終于證明타無力滿足面臨的要求時, 革命和共和制思想便被越來越多的人所接受了. 中國各派政治力量要正視現實, ‘民族主義’一詞成爲一個習見的常用名詞. 當時給中國人最深的是其他民族的戰鬪性. 他們感到, 國民萬衆一心地投身于國家目標的精神恰恰是中國國民所缺少的, 而沒有這種精神, 中國就仍然會是比타更加統一的國家的刀俎之肉. 亡國韓國是前車之監. 韓國有關的小說把那未亡以前즘樣種的禍根演述出來, 因爲“綜視其亡國之原因, 皆與中國現狀相肖, 殷鑑不遠, 實爲寒心. 則惟有託諸說部, 以警世耳.” 在推動變革方面, 革命派和改良派都做了同樣的貢獻. 他們的辯論在上層和知識界中傳布了新觀念和發展了一套新語彙, 觀點集中在國家的團結統一問題上, 國家, 國民, 民族等這些詞的意思和含意還需要充分地可以界說和消化, 但淸末民初타們是整整當代中國知識界共同創造的精神産品. 19世紀末20世紀初中國國家建設是在民族主義以及近代化的招牌下進行的. 晩淸政權爲挽求民族滅亡而走上强化國家權力幷使近代化道路的. 具有諷刺意味的是, 這種要求‘近代化’的壓力亦來帝國主義方面.