土 오행 墓庫論의 연원과 변천 고찰

이흥주(Heung-ju Lee) 중국인문학회 2024 중국인문과학 Vol.88 No.-

본 고는 五行 중 辰戌丑未 土의 墓庫論의 淵源과 의미와 활용의 변천을 고찰한 것이다. 墓庫의 구분에 대해 곽박의 원문과 장옹의 『玉照定真經』 주석 및 서자평의 『玉照神應真經』 주석에서 모두 旺氣는 庫로, 弱한 氣는 墓로 보았다. 반면 『李虛中命書』 등 대부분의 原典 저자들은 墓와 庫를 혼용하고 있다. 그러나 陣素庵은 『命理約言』에서 支藏干의 中氣만 墓라고 하고, 庫와 墓를 혼용하고 있다. 진소암은 『命理約言』에서 刑하면 動하고, 沖하면 發한다는 즉 發動이 되어야 비로소 개고가 이루어진다고 보고 개고의 방법으로 刑沖破害를 제시했다. 『子平眞詮』에서 심효첨은 開庫는 刑沖으로 가능하지만 木火金水의 開庫는 俗書의 오류이고 단지 土의 충만 가능하다고 주장했다. 반면 『滴天髓闡微』에서 任鐵樵는 命에 따라 신중하게 開庫를 판단해야 한다고 했다. 入庫란 五行이라는 사물이 庫에 들어간다는 의미이다. 『三命通會』에서 入庫된 十星 중에서 司令한 것이 천간에 투간되어 吉하게 작용하면 복을 누릴 수 있지만, 입고된 것이 透干하지 않았으면, 원국의 强弱을 잘 판단해야 한다고 했다. 入墓는 무덤에 들어간다는 의미이고, 入庫에 비해 부정적으로 사용되고 있다. 『李虛中命書』에서는 오행이 入墓 運에 들면 스스로 겸손하고 사양하는 태도로 부귀를 보존하라고 했다. This paper examines the origin, meaning, and application of tomb(墓) and storage(庫) theory of Earth(土) in the JinSulChookMi(辰戌丑未) out of the Five Elements(五行). Concerning the distinction of tomb and storage, in Gwak Park(郭璞)'s original text, Jangong(張顒)'s 『Okjojeongjingyung(玉照定眞經)』, and Seo Ja-pyeong(徐子平)'s 『Okjoxinnengjingyung(玉照神應眞經)』, had claimed the Powerful Qi(旺氣) as storage, and the Weak Qi as tomb. On the contrary to this claim, the authors of other books such as 『Lihezhongmingshu(李虛中命書)』 and etc used both terms tomb and storage interchangeably. However, the author of 『Myeongriyakeon(命理約言)』, Jin So-Am(陣素庵) only referred to Joonggi(中氣) of the Jijangan(支藏干) as tomb and used the terms storage and tomb interchangeably. Jin So-Am, the author of book 『Myeongriyakeon(命理約言)』, distinguished the terms of opening storage with this case; Penalty(刑) meets Moving(動) and collision(沖) meets launching(發), and Activating(發動) becomes opening Storage. He suggested Hyung·Choong·Pa·Hae(刑·沖·破·害) as a way of opening storage. The author of 『Japyeongjinjeon(子平眞詮)』, Shim Hyo-cheom(沈孝瞻) argued that Hyung, Choong(刑沖) is acceptable as the way of opening storage, but that the opening of Wood·Fire·Metal·Water(木火金水) is an error of book writers, and only the Hyung(沖) of Earth(土) is possible. On the other hand, the author of 『Jeokcheonsucheonmi(滴天髓闡微)』, Lim Cheol-cho(任鐵樵), said that one should judge opening storage carefully according to destiny(命). The character of entering the storage(入庫) is still interpreted as the five elements entering the storehouse. In the 『Sanmingtonghui(三命通會)』, If the command of the ten stars that have been received is transmitted to the heavens and works for good, you can enjoy blessings, but if they are not transmitted, You have to be a good judge of the strength and weakness of your destiny. Entering the tomb(入墓) means to enter a tomb, and is used negatively compared to entering the storage(入庫). In the 『Lihezhongmingshu(李虛中命書)』 When the Five Elements are in the fortune of entering the tomb(入墓), one should be humble and reserved in order to preserve their wealth.

土 오행 墓庫論의 연원과 변천 고찰

이흥주 중국인문학회 2024 중국인문과학 Vol.88 No.-

본 고는 五行 중 辰戌丑未 土의 墓庫論의 淵源과 의미와 활용의 변천을 고찰한 것이다. 墓庫의 구분에 대해 곽박의 원문과 장옹의 玉照定真經 주석 및 서자평의 玉照神應真經 주석에서 모두 旺氣는 庫로, 弱한 氣는 墓로 보았다. 반면 李虛中命書 등 대부분의 原典 저자들은 墓와 庫를 혼용하고 있다. 그러나 陣素庵은 命理約言 에서 支藏干의 中氣만 墓라고 하고, 庫와 墓를 혼용하고 있다. 진소암은 命理約言 에서 刑하면 動하고, 沖하면 發한다는 즉 發動이 되어야 비로소 개고가 이루어진다고 보고 개고의 방법으로 刑沖破害를 제시했다. 子平眞詮 에서 심효첨은 開庫는 刑沖으로 가능하지만 木火金水의 開庫는 俗書의 오류이고 단지 土의 충만 가능하다고 주장했다. 반면 滴天髓闡微 에서 任鐵樵는 命에 따라 신중하게 開庫를 판단해야 한다고 했다. 入庫란 五行이라는 사물이 庫에 들어간다는 의미이다. 三命通會 에서 入庫된 十星 중에서 司令한 것이 천간에 투간되어 吉하게 작용하면 복을 누릴 수 있지만, 입고된 것이 透干하지 않았으면, 원국의 强弱을 잘 판단해야 한다고 했다. 入墓는 무덤에 들어간다는 의미이고, 入庫에 비해 부정적으로 사용되고 있다. 李虛中命書 에서는 오행이 入墓 運에 들면 스스로 겸손하고 사양하는 태도로 부귀를 보존하라고 했다. This paper examines the origin, meaning, and application of tomb(墓) and storage(庫) theory of Earth(土) in the JinSulChookMi(辰戌丑未) out of the Five Elements(五行). Concerning the distinction of tomb and storage, in Gwak Park(郭璞)'s original text, Jangong(張顒)'s Okjojeongjingyung(玉照定眞經) , and Seo Ja-pyeong(徐子平)'s Okjoxinnengjingyung(玉照神應眞經) , had claimed the Powerful Qi(旺氣) as storage, and the Weak Qi as tomb. On the contrary to this claim, the authors of other books such as Lihezhongmingshu(李虛中命書) and etc used both terms tomb and storage interchangeably. However, the author of Myeongriyakeon(命理約言) , Jin So-Am(陣素庵) only referred to Joonggi(中氣) of the Jijangan(支藏干) as tomb and used the terms storage and tomb interchangeably. Jin So-Am, the author of book Myeongriyakeon(命理約言) , distinguished the terms of opening storage with this case; Penalty(刑) meets Moving(動) and collision(沖) meets launching(發), and Activating(發動) becomes opening Storage. He suggested Hyung·Choong·Pa·Hae(刑·沖·破·害) as a way of opening storage. The author of Japyeongjinjeon(子平眞詮) , Shim Hyo-cheom(沈孝瞻) argued that Hyung, Choong(刑沖) is acceptable as the way of opening storage, but that the opening of Wood·Fire·Metal·Water(木火金水) is an error of book writers, and only the Hyung(沖) of Earth(土) is possible. On the other hand, the author of Jeokcheonsucheonmi(滴天髓闡微) , Lim Cheol-cho(任鐵樵), said that one should judge opening storage carefully according to destiny(命). The character of entering the storage(入庫) is still interpreted as the five elements entering the storehouse. In the Sanmingtonghui(三命通會) , If the command of the ten stars that have been received is transmitted to the heavens and works for good, you can enjoy blessings, but if they are not transmitted, You have to be a good judge of the strength and weakness of your destiny. Entering the tomb(入墓) means to enter a tomb, and is used negatively compared to entering the storage(入庫). In the Lihezhongmingshu(李虛中命書) When the Five Elements are in the fortune of entering the tomb(入墓), one should be humble and reserved in order to preserve their wealth.

사당의 법적 성격과 귀속주체

김상훈 한국가족법학회 2009 가족법연구 Vol.23 No.2

An ancestral shrine is the house built for special and unique object, namely ancestor worship. So that is not an attached building of the house including that(so-called "Ipmyokasa") but an independent building. Hence that should be registered separately from "Ipmyokasa". 'Article 1008-3 of the CIVIL ACT' do not enact an ancestral shrine as property for ancestor worship. But that was the starting point of property for ancestor worship and the most typical property for it from historical point of view. Therefore I think that should be regarded as property for ancestor worship in a customary law. An ancestral shrine takes also its own character as property for ancestor worship. This is exempted from inheritance tax, therefore I think that should also be exempted from it. And the CIVIL EXECUTION ACT do not regulate that as things to be excluded from seizure. But I think that should also regulate as those. Properties for ancestor worship including an ancestral shrine has been succeeded by the eldest grandson of the main family conventionally. The meanwhile the Supreme Court has also judged that he is a successor of them without particular situation. But recently a judicial precedent got changed. According this co-inheritors decide a successor of them through conference and if it is not achieved the eldest son or the eldest grandson get to be a successor of them without distinction of legitimate children and illegitimate children. But I think that if it is not achieved court has to determine on a successor of them under a rational judgement in individual cases.

元宗의 追崇問題

장세호 한국사상문화학회 2009 한국사상과 문화 Vol.50 No.-

유가(儒家)가 이상적인 제도로 내세운 봉건제도는 종법(宗法)을 전제로 한다. 종법은 가족제, 가장제, 세습제 등을 포함하고 있는데 그것은 존존(尊尊)의 원리에 기초한 적장자(嫡長子) 상속제도의 성격을 지니고 있다. 여기서 가장은 가족을 통제하는 강력한 가장권을 가지게 된다. ‘가무이존(家無二尊)’ ‘가무이주(‘家無二主)’ 등의 표현이 단적으로 그 권력을 말해 준다. 가무이존은 바로 정통(正統)과 직결되는 문제이다. 정통은 가통(家統)을 바르게 하고, 왕통(王統)을 바르게 하는 것과 관련이 있다. 가통의 측면에서는 한 가정에 두 아버지가 없는 것이며, 왕통의 측면에서는 두 임금이 없는 것이다. 유학의 본래 정신인 종법체제의 확립을 위하여서는 정통을 확립하여야 하는 것이다. 추숭문제(追崇問題)는 왕통과 가통의 문제 사이에서 발생한 것으로 볼 수 있다. 즉 왕위계승문제가 종법에서처럼 적장자가 계승을 하게 되면 애당초 문제가 발생되지 않는다. 그러나 왕통이라는 것은 꼭 적장자가 왕위를 승계할 수 없는 경우가 있다. 그러나 사계(沙溪) 김장생(金長生 1548-1631)은 제왕가(帝王家)에서는 승통(承統)을 중시하기 때문에 승통하는 것에 따라 위인후자(爲人後者)의 예법을 적용시켜, 父子의 도리를 행하면 된다고 한다. 그런 까닭에 대통(大統)에 입계(入繼)하기 이전의 사가(私家)의 정에 너무 얽매여서는 안 된다는 것이다. 이것이야말로 가통과 왕통을 엄연히 구별할 뿐만 아니라 왕통을 바로잡는 것이다. 그래서 인조(仁祖)의 경우도 정원군(定遠君)이 비록 선조(宣祖)의 아들이라고는 하나 인조가 선조의 왕위를 계승하였다면 당연히 정원군을 원종(元宗)으로 추숭하지 않아야 한다는 것이 사계의 일관된 주장이다. Injo rised king for reforming the government. It is different to Senjo(宣祖) has succession by the Royal line. Injo set up a mausoleum in Chusong(追崇) Jongwonkun that daewonkun by Park ji ke and his disciple Yi ye kil and many people's suggestion. Therefore Jung won kun becomes Wonjong. But Sake considered as set up a mausoleum in Chusong(追崇) has problem. Being Park ji ke persistents from quote no reasons and blamed. Also, Sake persistents not Jongwonkun(定遠君) was set up a mausoleum in Chusong but Nengwondaekun that Injo's brother had to manage sacrificial rites. Sake's blamed persistense constructs by all that Chunchu kang mock's(春秋綱目) term. As two sun must not in the sky, two origin must must not in family is suggestion of Sake corrects tong. That is said keep in Jongtong(正統).

종묘(宗廟) 제도(制度)의 탄생 -종묘(宗廟)의 공간과 배치를 중심으로-

신성곤 ( Sung Kon Shin ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소 2014 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.57 No.-

Until recently, we cannot conscientiously say whether royal ancestral shrine has its origins in Shang-Zhou dynasties or ideal type of its institution actually existed in Zhou dynasty. For one reason or another, there is a very distinct difference between royal ancestral Shrine of Zhou dynasty as the small scale city-state and that of Qin-Han dynasties as the large scale empire. The shrine building with a large garden and royal palace around royal tomb appeared from the end of the Spring and Autumn period and advanced through the Warring States period. At the early part of Han Empire, various versions of royal ancestral shrine was established not only around the royal tomb but in the capital, Chang`n(長安) and the provinces(郡國). But according to the triumph of Confucianism in the Former Han period, the various versions of royal ancestral shrine gradually have been consolidated in a single space and the ancestral tablets(神主) of the preceding emperors was arranged in good order within the shrine hall. At the insistence of officials well trained in the Confucian classics, the reform drive of royal ancestral shrine system was started from the first century BC, carried over steadily for more than half a century. And on the surface finally introduced renewal of royal ancestral shrine system, Son of God practice 7 preceding emperors. Although Wang Mang(王莽), a learned Confucian scholar, founded Xin Dynasty and practiced 9 preceding ancestors, it was transitional factors in the development. Finally new types of royal ancestral shrine, having separate rooms within single chamber, appeared by the early part of the Late Han period, emperors of Later Han practiced 7 preceding emperors including the founder of their dynasty in the shrine for founder` chamber sharing the space for storage of the other preceding emperors` tablets. Although there were no chambers for 6 preceding emperors, only respectively having separate rooms, royal ancestral shrine was composed a single hall with founder` chamber as the center. Besides, whenever performing ancestral rites in royal ancestral shrine, the ancestral tablets of the preceding emperors was arranged left and right according to order within the shrine hall. Since then this form of royal ancestral shrine closely settled and continued for many centuries.