가정폭력 피해자 보호의 실효성 확보방안에 관한 연구 : 개정된『가정폭력범죄의 처벌 등에 관한 특례법』상 경찰의 긴급임시조치와 법원의 피해자보호명령제도를 중심으로

성홍재 한독사회과학회 2011 한독사회과학논총 Vol.21 No.3

1997년『가정폭력 범죄의 처벌 등에 관한 법률』이 제정되어 가정폭력을 더 이상 방치하지 않고 국가가 개입하기 시작하였으나, 그 법률의 실효성에 있어 특히 현장에 출동한 경찰의 권한이 미비하여 효과가 없다는 비판이 제기되어 2011년 경찰에게 긴급임시조치권을 부여하고 법원의 피해자보호명령제도를 도입하였다.그러나 경찰이 긴급임시조치권을 행사하고 가정폭력 가해자가 이에 위반하더라도 그 제재조치는 과태료에 불과하고, 과태료 부과절차상 가해자에게 과태료를 부과하는 것은 법적으로 84일 정도의 시간이 소요된 이후에 가능하게 되어 실제로 경찰의 긴급임시조치권이 가정폭력 피해자를 보호할 수 있는지 여전히 의문이제기된다. 또한 법원의 피해자보호명령제도 역시 피해자가 가해자로부터 심리적으로 위축되고 신체적인 폭력 및 협박을 받고 있는 상태에서 법원에 보호명령을 신청하는 것은 현실적으로 어려움이 있고, 경찰의 긴급임시조치처분이 발령된 상태에서 피해자가 보호명령을 신청하더라도 경찰의 긴급임시조치권이 위와 같이 아무런 실효성이 없으므로 결국 법원의 피해자보호명령제도는 가정폭력 피해자를 보호하는데 한계에 봉착하게 된다.따라서 이러한 현실적 문제와 제도적인 문제를 해결하기 위한 대안으로, 가정폭력 가해자가 경찰의 긴급임시조치권에 위반할 경우 과태료부과처분이 아니라 경찰서 유치장이나 구치소에 구금하는 것이 필요하고, 이러한 강제처분이 가능할 때 경찰의 긴급임시조치권과 법원의 피해자보호명령제도가 가정폭력 피해자를 보호하려는 위 가특법의 취지를 제대로 살릴 수 있을 것이다.

중국 상사중재에서의 임시적 처분 조치에 관한 연구

탕칭,김해주,박은옥 한국무역학회 2023 貿易學會誌 Vol.48 No.4

국제상사중재에서 중재판정을 효율적으로 집행하기 위해 중재판정부가 중재판정을 내리기 전에분쟁 당사자의 권리 혹은 재산을 즉각적으로 보호해주는 임시적 처분조치는 반드시 필요한 제도이고많은 국가에서 중재판정부가 임시적 처분조치를 내릴 수 있도록 하고 있다. 중국상사중재에서도 임시적 처분조치를 인정하고는 있으나 중국의 경우에는 그 절차상 법원의 개입이 반드시 필요한데 이는 국제중재의 발전 방향과 맞지 않는다는 비판이 있다. 하지만 최근 중국도 중재활성화 측면에서주요 중재기관들의 규칙을 개정함으로써 임시적 처분조치 부분에서 법원의 간섭을 최소화하는 방향으로 변화를 추구하고 있다. 이에 본 논문은 상사중재에서 임시적 처분의 국제적 추세를 먼저 살펴보고 중국 상사중재에서 임시적 처분조치가 어떤 방향으로 발전해 나가는지를 관련 사례와 법규를분석하여 살펴보고자 한다. 이러한 연구를 통하여 한국 기업이 중국기업과 상사중재로 분쟁을 해결하고자 할 때 어떤 방식으로 임시적 처분 제도를 활용해야 하는지에 대한 실무적인 시사점을 제시하고자 한다. In international commercial arbitration, interim measures play a crucial role in enforcing arbitral awards by prohibiting a party from hiding assets or destroying any evidence which are critical during arbitral proceedings before the arbitral tribunal renders a final award. While Chinese commercial arbitration system acknowledges interim measures, it has faced criticism for perceived deviations from the evolving international arbitration trends. Nevertheless, recent developments indicate that China is actively aligning itself with the global trend in promoting international commercial arbitration, leading to notable changes in interim measures. This paper aims to examine the prevailing international trends of interim measures in commercial arbitration and conduct an analysis of the current status of interim measures in Chinese commercial arbitration by analysing some relevant cases and regulations. By doing so, it can provide practical insights to Korean companies on how to effectively utilize interim measures when they settle their disputes by arbitration with Chinese counterparts.

사이버폭력에 대한 공법적 대응의 현황 및 문제점

황창근 가천대학교 법학연구소 2009 가천법학 Vol.2 No.2

사이버폭력에 대한 현행 법제도로는 「정보통신망 이용촉진 및 정보보호 등에 관한 법률」을 위시하여 언론관계법, 저작권법, 공직선거법, 형법 등 다양하게 분포되어 있다. 그 중에서 공법적 규제체계로서 핵심적인 제도라고 할 수 있는 것은 불법정보에 대한 내용규제체계, 권리침해정보에 대한 임시조치제도, 본인확인제도 등이고, 그밖에 사이버폭력에 대한 형사법적 규제도 들 수 있다.이러한 공법적 대응을 둘러싸고 벌어지는 논란의 핵심은 표현의 자유에 대한 공방이다. 이는 표현의 자유에 대한 제한에 관한 본질적인 문제제기로부터 제한의 정도․방법에 이르기까지 다양하게 전개되고 있다. 또 다른 쟁점은 헌법상 과잉금지의 원칙과 관련하여 현재의 인터넷 규제체계가 방법의 적정성, 비례의 원칙 등에 부합되는지에 관한 문제이다. 인터넷규제에 대한 이와 같은 열띤 논쟁은 인터넷이 미디어영역에서 차지하는 일천한 역사에서 비롯된다. 인터넷의 미디어로서의 짧은 역사로 인하여, 영화, 통신, 방송과 같은 전통적인 매체에 대한 규제방식에 대한 적응과 도전이 발생되고 있는 것이다.사이버폭력에 대한 법제도의 마련에 있어서 헌법상의 표현의 자유와 인격권 보장 등 다양한 기본권의 가치 실현에 충실할 수 있도록 하여야 하고, 새로운 제도를 신설할 때에는 과학적인 연구와 객관적인 데이터를 제시함으로써 국민을 설득하는 지혜로운 자세가 필요하다. There are several laws on anti-cyberviolence, especially “Act on Promotion of Information and Communications Network Utilization and Information Protection, Etc”, “Press Law”, “Copyright law”, “Election Law”, etc. The representative systems in the public law are contents regulation system to a illegal information, an interim measures to rights infringement, an identification system in the act, and a criminal regulation system. The key issue in the controversy surrounding these public correspondence are the freedom of expression and the excessive regulation from the constitutional point of view. These argument were caused by a short history compared with the traditional media, for example film, telecommunication and broadcasting. In summary, internet is adapting to the traditional regulation system, or it is challenging to the new internet regulation system. The legislator must be faithful to his constitutional duties that he has a regard for the freedom of expression and the guarantee of personal rights. And it is necessary that he should persuade voters to agree, in a way that gives the objective data and scientific research materials.

정보통신망법상 임시조치제도와 표현의 자유

김현귀 ( Hyun Gui Kim ) 법과사회이론학회 2014 법과 사회 Vol.0 No.46

This paper reviews current Temporary measure system and its problems. Korean Act on Promotion of Information and Communications Network Utilization and Information Protection, etc imposes a duty to control Internet users` activity to Internet Service Providers(ISPs). Among such institutional apparatuses, the most efficient one is the Temporary measure. However it has several shortcomings but the most critical thing is that it has shifted the responsibility observing due process onto ISPs. This can violate the freedom of expression on the internet. Before introducing it certainly consulting advanced institutions, such as the Notice and Take-Down System(NTD) which has several devices to guarantee a due process of law or stem abusing and misusing, but leaned to the side of the injured party the Temporary measure system has been taken off these devices. By comparing Temporary measure with those NTDs, we can spotlight its fundamental and unconstitutional flaws. Fortunately, Korean Communications Commission begins to discuss amendment but, whatever alternatives are, for the freedom of expression in the internet space its faults should be stated clearly.

정보통신망법의 본인확인제도의 위헌결정과 향후 대응방안

강명구 ( Myung Gu Kang ) 한남대학교 과학기술법연구소 2012 과학기술법연구 Vol.18 No.3

인터넷을 통한 불법정보 등의 유통에 따른 역기능을 차단하기 위한 수단으로 도입된 정보통신망법의 본인확인제에 대한 위헌결정에 즈음하여, 본고에서는 이른바 ``인터넷실명제’의 도입배경 및 그 헌법적 쟁점과 해결이론을 분석한 후, 정보통신망법의 본인확인제도와 공직선거법의 실명확인제도에 대하여 각각의 구체적 사안 및 그에 대한 헌법재판소의 평가의 차이점을 비교·분석함으로써, 정보통신망법의 본인확인제도가 지니고 있었던 문제점을 파악하고 그 보완을 위한 대응방안으로서의 인터넷자율규제에 관한 현행법제의 문제점과 입법적 개선방안을 제시하였다. With regard to the recent the unconstitutional decision concerning the identification system under the Act on Promotion of Information and Communications Network Utilization and Information Protection (“The Act”), which was introduced to as a means of blocking the adverse effects of illegal information circulation via the internet, this will first analyze the background of the adaptation of the “internet real-name confirmation system”, the constitutional issues and solution theories followed by specific matters in relation to the identification system The Act, and a real-name confirmation system of the Pubic Official Election Act and an comparison and analysis of the differences in Constitutional Court`s assessments of these matters, all within the process of understanding the problems associated with The Act`s identification system, and as a countermeasure for supplementation, the problems inherent within the internet self-regulation laws and the legislative measures have been suggested.

소년법 제18조 임시조치의 개선방안 -미국의 소년미결구금개혁 및 대안프로그램 검토를 중심으로-

이정주 ( Jungjoo Lee ) 한국소년정책학회 2018 少年保護硏究 Vol.31 No.4

US have been continuously tried to devise a alternative measures in each juvenile justice procedure. It is hard to say that reformation of juvenile detention succeeded. However, it is clear that the reformation had a positive influence on the prevention of juvenile recidivism, public safety, and the reduction of social costs. Also, considering almost 40 states have been implemented new approach of juvenile detention in US, Korea needs to take in account improvement of juvenile detention more actively. Although this study focused on juvenile detention in the juvenile protective procedure, overall review including juvenile detention in the criminal procedure. According to Delbert Elliot, president of American Criminology Society, 1/3 of Juveniles experienced delinquency and this kinds of behavior disappear as time goes by. Almost all juvenile has power to quit the wrongdoing by theirselves. We have to make the environment where family, school, and community embrace most juvenile who are in the natural process of their lives not by limiting and confining their personal liberty.

인터넷 자율규제의 법ㆍ제도적 조건

주효윤(Ju, Hyo-Yun) 원광대학교 법학연구소 2012 圓光法學 Vol.28 No.4

Speed which is unlimited, it couldn't be reasonable that the deviation phenomena of internet utilization space should be free from legal management and governmental interference and legal norm and governmental intervention would well and truly bring cyberspace problems to settlement. Such is the point within limitation of administrative regulation that the pure civil self-regulation without governmental factor couldn't guarantee regulation efficiency. If so, the most effectual means of eliminating illegal or harmful element of internet based services despite particularity of internet and ensuring sound internet environment will be self-regulation governance composed of government, internet business, and private organization with cooperative consent. Now self-regulation must be distinguished from un-regulation which breaks with administrative regulation, because self-regulation of Korea is confronted with the new phase of affairs due to inauguration of KISO(Korean Internet Self-Governance Organization). On account of internet governance, Internet self-regulation is mended into social responsibility leading to conversion of discipline system from the view point of regulatory composition. In this viewpoint, this article inquires jurisprudential review of the status quo debate on internet self-regulation with regulatory patterns which contain contents regulation but almost exclude structural regulation.

5·16 군정기 군사정부의 지방정책과 정치·행정구조 개편

곽경상(Kwak, Kyeong-sang) 한국역사연구회 2014 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.92

With the emergence of a military government, the regional system was changed to fit the new order. The existing resident representative system based on eup(邑) and myeon(面) units was abolished, and appointments from the central government focusing on gun(郡) units were enforced. This direction for reorganization of the regional system set by the military government was suggested by the Regional Administration Research Group within the Ministry of Home Affairs. It was intended to create efficiency and a systematic structure, to discontinue the regional election system, and to organize administrative districts and integrate regional syndicates into them. However, intellectuals expressed their concerns that such a new regional system would shut down opportunities for regional residents to participate in politics. The conflict set in motion by the initial systemization process of the military government became much more pronounced when a discussion was initiated regarding the appropriate regional system for a democratic government. The debate started in early 1962, and focused on whether the central government and regional authorities should continue to operate in a system of unified administrative integration, or to implement decentralization. Intellectuals who emphasized the independent role of the region itself argued for a resident self-governing system as they believed that regional elections would refresh the democratic consciousness of regional residents and prevent dictatorship of the central government from being imposed upon them. However, other intellectuals pointed out that such estimate was overlooking the socio-political inconsistency of the Korean society, and that a public administration governing system should be maintained until the national goals of modernization and unification had been achieved. In the midst of such conflict, the military government did not participate in drafting the new regional governing law of the democratic government, and the Temporary legislation for regional government policy was continued as it had been. The military government also filled the gap in regional politics caused by the discontinuation of regional elections and the abolishment of the regional council by strengthening the administrative management over regions. To this end, it introduced a planning system in regional administration, and implemented the unification of a supervision system for agricultural regions, so as to weaken regional politics and to establish the superiority of public administration.

인터넷 자율규제의 법·제도적 조건

주효윤 원광대학교 법학연구소 2012 法學硏究 Vol.28 No.4

Speed which is unlimited, it couldn't be reasonable that the deviation phenomena of internet utilization space should be free from legal management and governmental interference and legal norm and governmental intervention would well and truly bring cyberspace problems to settlement. Such is the point within limitation of administrative regulation that the pure civil self-regulation without governmental factor couldn't guarantee regulation efficiency. If so, the most effectual means of eliminating illegal or harmful element of internet based services despite particularity of internet and ensuring sound internet environment will be self-regulation governance composed of government, internet business, and private organization with cooperative consent. Now self-regulation must be distinguished from un-regulation which breaks with administrative regulation, because self-regulation of Korea is confronted with the new phase of affairs due to inauguration of KISO(Korean Internet Self-Governance Organization). On account of internet governance, Internet self-regulation is mended into social responsibility leading to conversion of discipline system from the view point of regulatory composition. In this viewpoint, this article inquires jurisprudential review of the status quo debate on internet self-regulation with regulatory patterns which contain contents regulation but almost exclude structural regulation.

허위조작정보 규제방안에 관한 이해관계자들의 인식 연구 새로운 규제의 필요성 및 법적규제 방안에 대한 심층인터뷰 분석을 중심으로

김주용 한국언론정보학회 2022 한국언론정보학보 Vol.114 No.-

This study aims to find a way to design the measures for regulating disinformation in a way that minimizes social conflict and secures effectiveness. This study conducted in-depth interviews with those representing each type based on the three types of perception derived from the research on the types of perceptions of stakeholders in disinformation. How they evaluate the current regulatory system or the necessity for new regulation on disinformation, and what kind of perception they have about the content of the regulation bill currently being submitted to the National Assembly was reviewed. As a result of the analysis, it was found that the difference in perception of the necessity for new regulation is due to the difference in the evaluation of the current normative situation in journalism or the effectiveness of the current regulatory system. It was analyzed that there were many negative perceptions about the contents of the regulation legislation that applies punitive damages to disinformation in media reports. Based on the results of the analysis, a regulatory policy design plan that can narrow the various positions and differences of opinion related to the regulation of disinformation was suggested.