인권, 또 하나의 전선: 인권 규범의 미중 갈등 쟁점화와 아시아 태평양 국가들의 대응

김지은 서울대학교 통일평화연구원 2022 통일과 평화 Vol.14 No.1

As the US-China strategic competition intensifies, human rights norms are becoming another front between the two great powers. How are major states in the Asia-Pacific responding to this challenge? By examining how the issue of human rights—an essential element of peace discourse and practice—is becoming a strategic tool in US-China competition, this article aims to contribute to the understanding of the evolving peace order in the Asia-Pacific. This study on the patterns and determinants of regional states’ responses to (1) the US-China competition for human rights discourse in the United Nations and (2) the human rights violations in Xinjiang suggests the following findings. First, the liberal human rights discourse promoted by the US obtains support from its major allies, while China’s alternative discourse emphasizing the right to development receives support mostly from Southeast Asian developing states. Second, responses to the Xinjiang issue vary. While most major US allies actively participate in pressuring China, countries with poor human rights record actively defend China. Others cautiously remain neutral. Third, such varying responses are due to a confluence of US policy and alliance, the appeal of China’s human rights discourse, regional countries’ varying human rights records and their non-interference policies. 미중 갈등의 본격화와 함께 인권 규범 역시 또 하나의 전선이 되고 있다. 이에 대해 아시아 태평양 지역의 주요 국가들은 어떻게 대응하고 있는가? 본 논문은 평화 담론 및 실천의 핵심 요소이자 인간 존엄성에 기반을 둔 인권이라는 사안이 미중 패권 경쟁 속에서 어떻게 정치도구화 되며 아시아 태평양 지역에 어떤 영향을 미치고 있는지 살펴봄으로써 다가올 시대의 역내 평화 질서 이해에 기여하고자 한다. 유엔에서의 양국 인권 담론 경쟁 그리고 중국 신장 위구르 인권 문제에 대한 국가들의 대응 양상 및 결정 요인은 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 미국이 추구하는 서구식 자유주의 인권 담론은 주요 동맹국을 중심으로 지지를 얻고 있으며, 중국이 제시하는 대안적 담론으로서의 개발·발전권 역시 동남아 개발도상국들을 중심으로 일정한 호응을 얻고 있다. 둘째, 신장 위구르 문제에 대해서는 보다 복잡한 대응양상이 관찰된다. 미국의 주요 동맹국 다수는 대중 압박에 적극 동참하고 있고, 자국 내 인권 문제가 있는 국가들은 중국을 옹호하며, 그 외 국가들은 조심스러운 중립을 유지하고 있다. 셋째, 이상과 같은 각국의 상이한 대응 양상은 미국의 정책과 동맹 관계, 중국식 인권 담론의 호소력, 각국의 인권 상황 및 내정불간섭주의 정책이 복합적으로 영향을 미친 결과로 분석된다.

국채보상운동 정신의 현대적 계승에 관한 몇 가지 해석과 논점

정재요 재단법인 대구경북연구원 2021 대구경북연구 Vol.20 No.1

What can the spirit of National Debt Redemption Movement be inherited today? This paper consists of experimental level of exploration of this question. Searching for the spirit of the times through the spirit of history will provide important implications for the continuation of the community. In this context, the main text examines the spirit of National Debt Redemption Movement at the level of ‘sharing pain: sociology of overcoming crisis’, ‘sharing rights: politics of human rights development’, and ‘sharing goods: economics of profit solidarity.’ In addition, the main text focuses on declaration of the National Debt Redemption Movement as a medium that connects the past and the present, and examines the presentization of the spirit of National Debt Redemption Movement. As a result of the study according to the above research plan, the spirit of National Debt Redemption Movement was interpreted in the following points. The importance of community solidarity, the development of human rights for the socially weak, the establishment of a democratic public sphere, the introduction of a tax system for vertical equality etc. They provided some implications for seeking the spirit of today's times as an interpretation based on the spirit of sharing, responsibility and solidarity derived from the National Debt Redemption Movement. As such, the spirit of National Debt Redemption Movement can function as a historical spirit useful for seeking sustainability of the democratic republic as an ideological resource of the community that encompasses the whole era. 국채보상운동 정신은 오늘날 어떠한 내용으로 계승될 수 있는가? 본 논문은 이러한 물음에 대한 시론적(試論的) 수준의 탐색으로 구성되어 있다. 역사 정신을 경유하여 오늘의 시대 정신을 모색하는 것은 공동체의 지속요건에 대한 중대한 시사를 제공해줄 것이라는 판단 하에, 본고에서는 국채보상운동 정신을 ‘고통의 나눔: 위기 극복의 사회학’, ‘권리의 나눔: 인권 신장의 정치학’, ‘재화의 나눔: 이익 연대의 경제학’의 수준에서 각각 검토해본다. 아울러 본문에서는 과거와 현재를 이어주는 공공기억의 매개로 특히 국채보상운동 취지서에 주목하여 국채보상운동 정신의 현재화를 고찰해본다. 이상과 같은 기획에 따라 연구를 수행한 결과 오늘날 국채보상운동 정신은 공동체 연대의 중요성, 사회적 약자의 인권 신장, 민주적 공론장 구축, 수직적 평등을 위한 조세제도의 설계 등의 수준에서 해석될 수 있었다. 이들은 국채보상운동 정신에 내재한 시대초월적인 가치인 나눔과 책임정신 그리고 연대 정신에 입각한 해석으로서, 오늘의 시대 정신을 모색하는 데 일정한 시사를 제공해준다. 이처럼 국채보상운동 정신은 과거-현재-미래를 아우르는 통시적이고 항구적인 공동체의 사상적 자원으로서, 민주공화국의 지속가능성을 모색하는 데 유용한 역사 정신으로 기능할 수 있을 것이다.

시진핑의 ‘중국몽’과 인권탄압 - 신장 위구르족 탄압을 중심으로 -

전윤희 ( Jeon Yoon hee ) 대한정치학회 2022 대한정치학회보 Vol.30 No.4

What is “China Dream”? Can the “China Dream” be viewed positively only by the Xi Jinping administration's economic growth rate figures? in fact, through the Chinese government's cry for “China Dream” and suppressing human rights, it can be seen that “China Dream”, which is framed as a “happiness dream for the people”, is only a desire to solidify the Communist Party's power and become a hegemon. This paper raises questions about “China Dream”. At the same time, I would like to analyze and summarize the human rights suppression in China that the Chinese government is committing to the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, focusing on data such as Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, BBC, NYT, and Bitter Winter. In addition, I would like to examine how the international community has responded to the situation of ruthless human rights oppression by the Chinese Communist Party government.

미ㆍ서방의 신장 인권 공세에 맞선 환구시보 사설의 대항이데올로기 담화 전략 분석

최태훈 ( Choi Tae-hoon ) 경희대학교 글로벌인문학술원 2021 비교문화연구 Vol.64 No.-

This paper selected 15 Global Times editorials in response to the U.S.-Western Xinjiang Uighur Human Rights Violation offensive that took place after President Biden took power and analyzed the discourse strategies used in the processes of Chinese counter-ideology construction. Chapter 2 examines the cases of mirroring strategies used in the Global Times editorials. The study found that China adopted a mirroring strategy that followed and returned naming and shaming, a discourse strategy used by the U.S. and the West, to attack human rights violations in China. Accordingly, first, the forced labor of Uyghurs in Xinjiang was replaced by American slave labor and the forced labor of black people. Second, there was no Xinjiang Uyghurs genocide, but instead, the editorial criticized human rights violations in the U.S. and the West as a case of aboriginal Canadian genocide. Chapter 3 investigates the case of Global Times editorials parodying the U.S. human rights attack strategy. First, it points out the abandonment of human rights protection obligations by continuously mentioning the number of COVID-19 deaths in the U.S. Second, it attacks the current status of human rights in the U.S., which could not even protect the lives of people lost to gun shootings in the U.S., which does not exist in China. Chapter 4 explores the cases of blaming discourse strategies used by the Global Times editorial. First, the editorial problematized hegemonic utterances by mentally confused elite politicians in the U.S. and the West. Second, it blamed the U.S. double standards for lacking legitimacy. Third, due to geopolitical desires by the U.S. and the West, they made use of the Xinjiang Uighur human rights violation, and thus, the editorial used a blaming strategy for their wrongdoings. In conclusion, the counter-ideology constructed by the Global Times editorials was persuasive in that it retaliated against U.S.-Western mirroring, parodied the U.S.-Western naming and shaming discourse strategies as they showed Chinese comparative superiority, and accused the U.S.-West of human rights devastation full of geopolitical greed.

행형의 목적과 교정행정의 개선방안

강영철 한국교정학회 2006 矯正硏究 Vol.- No.31

The Ministry of Justice has revised the existing "law concerning the execution of criminal punishment" in the way that enhanced human rights for inmates and their ability for reintegration. To fulfil this goal, the authority changed the title of the law to "the Law concerning correctional facilities and the treatment for inmates and waited for legislative process. In the same context, the corrections bureau in the Ministry recently announced "The Strategic Plan for the Changes in Correctional Administration" to show its committment for innovation. This article reviewed the contents of the new law and the strategic plan, and then pointed out some limitations of these efforts. When it comes to the new law-The law concerning correctional facilities and the treatment for inmates, the contents of the law did not reach the expectation, first because there are too many exceptions that breach the basic human rights of inmates and second, the law did not make any efforts or policies to enhance the adapatability of inmates into a wider society compulsory. Instead, it allow authorities use discretionary power. As far as the Strategic Plan is concerned, it seems too idealistic. In other words, many proposed plan is hard to achieve in reality. Therefore I suggested some alternative ideas such as developing correctional programs for short-time inmates, improving living conditions in facilities, linking classification system and progressive treatment system, and increasing parolees by utilizing the probation system.

중국 무슬림의 종교적 정체성과 인권 침해

황병하 ( Byung Ha Hwang ) 한국중동학회 2013 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.33 No.3

This paper is designed to research on the current situation of Muslims in China, their history of cultural acculturation, their religious identity, and the cases of infringement of Human Rights in Chinese Islam. According to the policy of the government, the Muslims in China are identified not by their religion but by their ethnicity. In chapter Ⅱ, the current situation of Chinese Muslims is presented. The largest group of Muslims in China is the Hui, and the second largest one is the Uighur. The Hui is spread throughout the whole country, but the Uighur is living in northwest China, Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region. The majority of Muslims in China are Sunni and follow the Hanafi school of law. The masjids are diverse, some resemble Buddhist temple, some are Islamic style, and some are Chinese style. In chapter Ⅲ, the historical background of Chinese Muslims is depicted. The Mogolian Yuan dynasty forcibly recruited so many Muslims from the Abbasid, and used the Muslims` manpower to develop their empire. The Ming dynasty was the Han Chinese empire, and required many regulations to control foreigners, including Muslims. They regarded non-Hans as barbarians, and denoted the Hui Muslims as the dog radicals. In the Qing dynasty, the Chinese Muslims suffered a series of government regulations and faced so many persecutions. During the Cultural Revolution, the government regarded Islam as illegal, outlawed it, and persecuted Muslim leaders. In chapter Ⅳ, the revival of religious identity of Muslims in China is explained. After the Cultural Revolution, the Muslims in China tried to rebuild their Muslim communities, restore the religious institutions, and revive the religious activities. The purpose of this revival activities is to promote religious knowledge, expand Muslim networks, and develop Muslim identity. In chapter Ⅴ, the concerns of Human Rights and the cases of Human Rights harassment are presented. After 9/11 2001, the Chinese government claimed arresting hundreds of Uighur Muslim extremists in Afghanistan, and listed the ETIM as a terrorist organization. After this claim, the persecution and suppression against the Uighur Muslims are increased and strengthened. During the attacks of Chinese government against the Uighur, the violations on the Human Rights in the social, legal, cultural, political, religious fields are witnessed. The Muslims in China are controlled by the government surveillance and potential harassment, but they regard Islam a major source of pride and conviction.