고려시대의 外命婦制와 封爵체계

김용선 진단학회 2020 진단학보 Vol.- No.135

In Goryeo Dynasty, Oe-Myeongbu consisted of 4 groups including 13 titles. There were three titles in the first group graded first rank[正1品]; Gongju, Jang-Gongju, Daejang-Gongju. They were granted to daughters and sisters of kings. The second group graded third rank[正3品] included two titles; Guk-Buin, Guk-Daebuin. They were granted to mothers and grandmothers of queens, or mothers and wives of officers over the third rank[3品]. The titles of the third group graded fourth rank[正4品] were four; Gun-Gun, Gun-Daegun Gun-Buin, Gun-Daebuin, and those of the fourth graded sixth rank[正6品] were also four; Hyeon-Gun, Hyeon-Daegun, Hyeon-Buin, Hyeon-Daebuin. They were given to mothers and wives of officers over sixth rank position[叅秩]. Those titled ladies were invited to the various kinds of ceremonies such as royal weddings and funerals according to their status of the titles. In the investiture system of nobility for men, there were 5 titles; Gong[公], Hu[侯], Baek[伯], Ja[子], Nam[男]. They were graded only the second rank[2品] and the fifth rank[5品]. Here we find the consecutive numbers of the graded ranks from the first rank[1品] to the sixth rank[6品] through titled male and female nobility altogether. In this way, Oe-Myeongbu was operated in the whole system of nobility allowing women to play a role in politics and society. 외명부는 왕의 딸과 자매, 왕비의 모․조모, 문무관의 母․妻 등에게 내려준 작호이다. 『고려사』에는 외명부의 규정이 매우 소략하게 기록되어 있으나, 실사례에는 다양한 칭호가 쓰였다. 이 글에서는 규정과 실제의 사례를 검토하면서 고려 외명부제도의 성립․운영․활동과 封爵체계와의 연관성을 살폈다. 고려의 외명부는 4개의 등급과 13개의 칭호로 구성되었다. 즉, 정1품의 公主․長公主․大長公主, 정3품의 國夫人․國大夫人, 정4품의 郡君․郡大君․郡夫人․郡大夫人, 정6품의 縣君․縣大君․縣夫人․縣大夫人이다. 이 중에서 가장 낮은 현군은 최저 6품 관리의 모와 처에게 주어졌다. 따라서 외명부는 고려 관리체계에서 叅秩 이상의 지위를 가지고 있었다. 외명부는 吉․凶禮를 비롯한 국가의 여러 행사에 등급에 따라 공식적으로 참여했다. 이러한 ‘職役’에 따라 일부의 외명부에게는 토지와 녹봉이 지급되었다. 한편 고려의 爵位는 公侯伯子男이라는 5等爵이 2품과 5품으로 편제되었는데, 이는 외명부의 품계와 서로 맞물려 있다. 즉, 이 爵制와 외명부의 품계를 합치면 봉작체계는 1품∼6품으로 구성되면서 품계의 빈틈이 없어진다. 이와 같이 외명부는 고려의 봉작체계라는 큰 틀 안에서 운영되면서, 여성들에게 爵․職․階와 같은 정치․사회적 기능을 하였다.

고려 전기의 外命婦

김아네스(Kim, Agnes) 부산경남사학회 2013 역사와 경계 Vol.87 No.-

외명부는 나라에서 봉호를 받은 부인을 총칭하는 용어이다. 이 글에서는 왕녀등 왕실 여성을 제외한 일반 지배층 여성을 중심으로 고려 전기 외명부의 성격을 밝히고자 하였다. 이를 위하여 외명부의 구성과 종류, 외명부 봉증제의 성립과 운용, 그 정치적 기능과 사회적 의미에 관하여 살펴보았다. 외명부의 구성을 보면 國大夫人, 郡大夫人과 郡君, 縣君등이 있었다. 외명부의 종류는 그 자격을 기준으로 볼 때 (1)후비의 모와 조모, (2)공훈을 세운 신료의 모와 처, (3)일정 직품 이상 관료의 모와 처, (4)공을 세운 부인 등이 있었다. 대다수의 외명부는 세번째 유형에 속하는 문무 관료의 어머니와 아내이었다. 고려 초 성종대에 일정 직품 이상 관인의 모와 처를 봉증하는 제도가 성립하였다. 현종은 지배층 여성을 외명부로 봉작하는 제도를 본격적으로 시행하였다. 외명부의 봉증 대상을 보면 대체로 직사 常參이상과 산관 4품 이상 관료의 모와 처이었다. 봉증 시기를 보면 신왕의 즉위, 왕태후와 왕태자의 책봉 등 나라의 경사가 있을 때 비정기적으로 이루어졌다. 그 봉증은 국왕이 특별한 계기가 있을 때에 사면 등과 함께 베푼 은사의 하나이었다. 외명부의 봉증은 국왕이 상층 관료를 우대하여 그 모와 처에게 명예로운 칭호를 내리는 정치적 기능을 하였다. 고려 사회에서 외명부는 지배층 여성을 의미하였다. 외명부의 봉호는 특정 부인의 공적 칭호이면서 사회적 지칭어로 쓰였다. 그 명호에는 본인의 출신 관향을 읍호로 표기하여 부인의 가문의식, 벌족의식을 나타내었다. 이로 미루어 볼 때 외명부의 봉증은 문벌 가문 출신의 여성을 사회적으로 공인하는 의미를 가졌다. 이러한 외명부 제도를 통하여 문벌을 중시하는 귀족사회의 한 단면을 엿볼 수 있다. Oe-Myeong-Bu referred to the ladies who were invested with the title of nobility from the government. This paper aims the nature of Oe-Myeong-Bu during early Goryeo. The study explored the structure and the operation of Oe-Myeong-Bu as well as its function and social significance. Oe-Myeong-Bu consisted with Gug-Dae-Bu-In, Gun-Dae-Bu-In, Gun-Gun and Hyeon-Gun. Members of Oe-Myeong-Bu included the Queen’s mothers and grandmothers, the wives of the officials who made an outstanding achievement, the mothers and wives of government officials, and the lady who made an outstanding achievement. Most of the members of Oe-Myeong-Bu were the mothers and the wives of the nation’s civilian or military officials. The system of investing official’s mother and wife with the title of nobility was established under the reign of King Seongjong. King Hyeonjong enforced the system in earnest. In general, the invested the mothers and wives of high-ranking government officials with the position of Sang-Cham-Gwan and the 4<SUP>th</SUP> ranking of San-Gwan or higher ranking. When the nation had joyful events such as a king’s ascension to the throne or the investiture of a crown prince and a mother of king, the king gracefully invested the mothers and the wives of government officials with the title of nobility. The title of Oe-Myeong-Bu represented the official status of noble-class women, and served as public recognition of the ladies. The titles of Oe-Myeong-Bu contained the birthplace or the domicile of the ladies who were given the titles, which revealed the ladies’ distinguished family backgrounds. The system of Oe-Myeong-Bu during early Goryeo reflected the aristocratic society’s emphasis on family background.

태조~성종대 왕실여성의 封號와 가문 현황 분석 - 大君夫人·君夫人을 중심으로

이미선(Lee Mi-Seon) 한국사학회 2024 史學硏究 Vol.- No.153

본고는 조선 초기 왕실여성 가문의 성격과 외척의 정치적 역할을 파악하기 위한 기초 연구로서, 태조∼성종대까지 간택후궁과 대군부인·군부인들의 가문 현황을 정리하는 데에 주된 목적을 두었다. 연구 대상은 無品인 王女를 제외한 간택후궁 25명과 왕자 부인 102명, 모두 127명이다. 이 여성들이 命婦의 爵號로 불렸던 만큼 그 정비 과정과 함께 公的칭호를 살펴보았다. 왕실여성의 칭호는 명부제도의 정비와 관련된다. 그들에 대한 칭호는 명부의 名號이자 封號였다. 명부는 나라에서 봉호를 받은 여성을 총칭하는 용어로, 명부의 수장인 왕비 아래에 內命婦와 外命婦로 나뉜다. 후궁은 내명부의 봉호를 받았고 왕자 부인은 외명부의 봉호를 받았다. 외명부제도는 1396년(태조 5) 吏曹에서 문무관 부인에게 내린 봉작을 정비하면서 처음 시작되었다. 이후 1417년(태종 17)과 1432년(세종 14)에 한두 차례 개정되었고 성종대 완성된 경국대전에 최종 수록되면서 대군부인·군부인의 호칭은 각각 정1품 府夫人과 郡夫人이 되었다. 왕자와의 혼인을 통해 정1품에 오른 부인들은 간혹 정치적 문제나 자신의 윤리적 이유 등으로 그 지위를 잃게 되면서 그에 따른 호칭도 변경되었다. 여기에 해당하는 24명은 왕위를 계승한 남편을 둔 대군부인이나 궁궐에서 쫓겨난 폐빈·폐비 또는 이혼당한 대군부인, 그리고 왕비로 승격된 간택후궁 등이다. 태조에서 성종대까지 왕실여성들의 가문 127명의 성관을 분석한 결과, 국왕 10명의 간택후궁 25명은 15개의 성씨와 19개의 관향으로 파악되었고 왕자 78명의 부인 102명은 32개의 성씨와 58개의 관향으로 파악되었다. 이때 대군부인의 집안은 28개 가문에서 40명이 배출되었던 비해 왕자군의 부인 집안은 47개 가문에서 62명이 배출되었다. 그런 만큼 이 시기에는 왕실의 통혼 범위가 매우 넓었다. 게다가 대군과 왕자군의 신분적 차별이 사대부 집안과의 혼인 관계에서 아무런 영향을 미치지 않았다는 사실을 확인하였다. This article contains a preliminary study that would hopefully contribute to further studies of the nature of certain houses to which the female members of the Joseon Royal family belonged in the early days of the dynasty, as well as studies of the role of the Royal family’s in-law houses. The goal of this article is to catalogue all the houses of the Daegun-Bu’in(大君夫人) and Gun-Bu’in(君夫人) figures of the Joseon Royal family, and the history of Selected Royal concubines(Gantaek Hugung, 揀擇後宮) from the days of the Dynasty founder(Taejo, 太祖) through the reign of King Seongjong(成宗). Examined here are total of 127 females, including 25 Gantaek Hugung figures (with the exception of Royal princesses who bore royal blood and thus had no Pum[品] ranks), as well as 102 females who were wives of the Royal princes. These females were addressed with their bestowed Myeongbu(命婦) titles[爵號], so their official titles are also examined here. Titles of the Joseon Royal family females were developed with the establishment of the Joseon Myeongbu system, which was compiled of official titles[名號] that were to be bestowed(or assigned, 封號) by the government to females married to the Royal family males or other governmental officials. The term Myeongbu itself was a generic term that referred to females who were officially designated by the state, while the system, under the leadership of the Queen, featured two tracks of females: the Inner Myeongbu figures(Nae-Myeongbu, 內命婦) and the Outer Myeongbu figures(We-Myeongbu, 外命婦). Royal concubines received titles associated with the former track, while wives of princes received titles associated with the latter. The latter track was initiated for the very first time in 1396(5th year of Founder Taejo’s reign) when the Ijo(吏曹, Office of Personnel Assignment) office decided to modify titles that had been bestowed to wives of governmental(civil and military) officials. Later the system was revised in 1417(17th year of the reign of Taejong/太宗) and 1432(14th year of the reign of Sejong/世宗), and was also documented in the Joseon Law Code Gyeongguk Daejeon(經國大典) compiled during the Seongjong era. The titles for Daegun-Bu’in and Gun-Bu’in became Bu-Bu’in(府夫人) and Gun-Bu’in(郡夫人) respectively, with both figures harboring the Jeong-1-pum[正一品] rank. Females who obtained this rank through marriages with the Royal princes sometimes lost their status due to political controversies or breach of moral conduct, and in those cases their titles were also adjusted or modified. Among the 127 figures examined here, 24 cases can be spotted, ranging from Daegun-Bu’in figures married to males who later became Kings, to Queens and Royal concubines who were stripped of their ranks and summarily dismissed from the palace, to Daegun-Bu’in figures who were forcibly divorced, and to Gantaek Hugung figures who were promoted to the status of Queen. Analysis of the household names of all 127 Joseon Royal family females from the era of Taejo to Seongjong reveals: 25 Gantaek Hugung figures—married to total of 10 kings—who collectively feature 15 last names[姓氏] and 19 hometowns[貫鄕], as well as 102 females married to 78 Royal princes featuring 32 last names and 58 hometowns. There were 40 Daegun-Bu’in figures from 28 houses, while 62 prince-wives from 47 houses. The Royal family of this time displayed quite a range in its marital network, and the unequal nature of the relationship between Daegun figures and other princes does not seem to have affected their marriages with Sa-Daebu(士大夫, Scholar/Official) households.

조선 초기 公主․翁主의 封爵과 禮遇

차호연 조선시대사학회 2016 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.77 No.-

본 논문에서는 조선 초기 公主․翁主의 봉작과 예우에 대해 살펴보았다. 조선시대 國王의 딸은 모친의 지위에 따라 嫡庶가 구분되어 王妃의 소생은 公主로, 後宮의 소생은 翁主로 책봉되었다. 고려시대 국왕의 딸은 嫡庶의 구분이 없이 모두 公主로 봉작되었으며, 일부 公主들은 자기 소유의 宮을 가질 수 있었으므로 宮主로 불리기도 하였다. 이후 조선이 건국되자 제도의 정비를 통해 국왕의 嫡女와 庶女를 구분하여 公主와 翁主로 부르게 되었다. 公主․翁主는 下嫁하는 시기에 맞추어 봉작되었다. 실록의 기사를 분석해 본 결과 公主․翁主의 가례에 대한 논의가 이루어질 때에 작호를 받고 某公主․某翁主로 책봉되었음을 알 수 있었다. 公主․翁主가 하가할 때 책봉되는 것은 혼인 이후에도 公主․翁主의 지위를 보장하기 위한 것으로, 駙馬와 관계없이 국왕의 딸로서 갖는 고유한 위상을 공식적으로 인정하는 것이었다. 정식으로 公主․翁主가 된 왕의 딸은 외명부의 일원으로 인식되었다. 외명부는 양반 신료의 부인들로 구성되었는데, 公主․翁主 또한 駙馬의 부인으로서 양반여성으로 인식되었기에 하가한 이후 외명부 품계를 받았다. 그러나 公主․翁主는 국왕의 직계가족이었으므로 그 품계를 산정할 수 없어 품계가 없는 ‘無品’으로 책봉되었다. 그러므로 公主․翁主의 품계는 駙馬의 품계와 전혀 관계가 없다는 특징을 갖고 있었다. 公主․翁主는 다른 여성들과 달리 유일하게 남편을 간택한다는 특징을 갖고 있었다. 국왕과 신료의 충분한 논의를 거쳐 16세 이하의 남성 중 몇 명의 후보를 정한 뒤 이 중 한 사람이 駙馬로 선정되었다. 太宗 15년(1415) 넷째딸 정선공주의 남편으로 남휘를 선정한 것을 계기로 공신의 자제가 아닌 국왕의 신임을 받는 신료의 자제들이 駙馬로 선정되었다. 그러나 世祖의 등극 이후 駙馬를 간택하는 조건이 달라지기 시작했다. 太宗의 집권 초기와 마찬가지로, 世祖의 등극에 협력한 일부 공신의 자제들로 駙馬를 선정하게 된 것이다. 시기적으로 駙馬의 간택 성향이 달랐던 것은 당시의 정치적 상황과 관련이 깊다. 조선시대 公主․翁主는 왕비․후궁 및 양반여성 등과 다른 차이점을 갖고 있었다. 바로 남편의 위치에 부속되지 않는다는 점이다. 公主․翁主는 하가하기 이전에 봉작받은 고유의 지위를 사망할 때까지 유지하였다. 오히려 駙馬의 경우 公主․翁主의 남편으로 간택된 경우 姻戚이 되어 과거에 응시하지 못하는 제약을 겪어야 했다. 公主․翁主는 혼인하여 자신의 품위를 유지하기 위해 다양한 경제적 혜택을 누릴 수 있었다. 公主․翁主는 하가한 이후 국왕이 지급하는 토지와 노비 및 물품을 받았다. 公主․翁主는 자신의 명의로 재산을 소유할 수 있었으며, 이와 관련된 문서로는 「淑愼翁主家垈賜給成文」과 「鄭眉壽 別給文記」를 들 수 있다. 즉, 公主․翁主는 外命婦 무품으로 인정되는 동시에 다양한 경제적 혜택이 보장되어 부유한 삶을 영위할 수 있었다. 公主․翁主는 駙馬에게 부속된 존재가 아니라 독립된 지위를 갖고 있었다. 각종 제도와 사례 분석을 통해 公主․翁主가 남편의 위치에 따라 변동을 겪지 않고, 자신의 태생적 지위에 따라 높은 위상을 유지하였음을 알 수 있었다. 이러한 특징은 조선시대 여성 중에 오직 公主․翁主만이 갖는 특수성으로, 公主․翁主 연구에 있어 굉장히 중요하게 다뤄야 할 점이라고 하겠다. In this study, I reviewed the social statuses of Gongju(公主) and Ongju(翁主) in the early the Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮). Daughters of a king in the Joseon Dynasty were classified either as legitimate or illegitimate according to the status of their mothers. Whereas the queen’s daughters were designated with the title of Gongju(a king’s daughter by a queen), royal concubine’s daughters were designated with the title of Ongju(a king’s daughter by a royal concubine). King’s daughters during the Goryeo Dynasty(高麗) were all assigned with the titles of Gongju without classification of being legitimate or illegitimate, with certain king’s daughters called as Gungju(宮主, palace-owners) since they could own their own palaces. Afterwards, the Joseon Dynasty was established and through the rearrangement of institutions, King’s daughters were divided into legitimate daughters and illegitimate daughters, and came to be called as Gongju and Ongju respectively. The titles of Gongju․Ongju were invested before their marriages. The analysis results of the chronicles of the Joseon Dynasty reveals the fact that Gongju․Ongju were invested with their own titles before the discussions over their marriages took place. The reason they were invested with the title before their marriages was to officially acknowledge their status as a king’s daughter even after marriage regardless of their husbands who would be Buma(駙馬, sons-in-law of the king). King’s daughters who became officially Gongju․Ongju were recognized as members of an outsiders’ list(外命婦, Oe Myeong Bu). Members of outsiders’ list consisted of wives of Yangban class, and as Gongju․Ongju also were recognized as women of the Yangban class as wives of buma. However, since they were lineal family members of a king, their rank could not be assigned, and they were instead designated with the title of no-rank(無品, Mu-pum). Therefore the rank of Gongju․Ongju was not dependent on the rank of their husbands. Gongju․Ongju were also different from other women in that their husbands were selected. After sufficient discussions and considerations between the king and his vassals, several men at the age of less than 16 were identified as suitable candidates for the Gongju or Ongju, and one man was finally selected among them as the son-in-law of the king. When Namhwi(南暉) was selected as the husband of Jeongseon gongju(貞善公主), who was the 4th daughter of King Taejong(太宗), in the 15th year of his reign(1415), it set the precedence for the sons of trusted vassals of the king, not the sons of vassals who established merits. However, when King Sejo(世祖) ascended to the throne, the terms of selecting the sons-in-law of the king began to change. Just as the early period of King Taejo(太祖)’s ascension to the throne, sons of vassals who helped King Sejo’s seize the throne were selected as sons-in-law of the king. The different selection standards according to time periods were closely related to the political situation of the time. Gongju․Ongju of the Joseon Dynasty were regarded differently from queens, royal concubines, and Yangban women, etc., in that they were not subject to the status of their husbands. Gongju․Ongju maintained the status assigned before marriage up until death. Contrastingly, in the case of Buma, once selected as the husbands of Gongju․Ongju, they faced restrictions in that they were not allowed to take state exams to become public officials since they became relatives of the king. Gongju․Ongju could enjoy various economic benefits to maintain their status. After marriage, Gongju․Ongju received land, slaves and commodities that the king granted. Gongju․Ongju could own properties under their names. Related documents demonstrating this include 「Suksinongjugadaesageubseongmun」(淑愼翁主家垈賜給成文) and 「Jeongmisu Byeolgeummungi」(鄭眉壽 別給文記). In other words, Gongju․O...

조선시대 여성에 대한 職役 부과와 그 의미

김경란 호서사학회 2008 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.51

It is general that Chosun women was the existence excluded from a public area in principle. That is, the public area of Chosun society was the field of men. Hence, it is recognized that the position and role of women can hardly be searched in the public area. Such the recognition comes from the fact that the role of women was very limited in the political and social area which is considered as the representative public area. However, some women was recognized as the public object and played the role in the public area like men in Chosun Dynasty. They had the position or role, and allocated by the government. According to each position and role, they executed the certain public duties. There was the part which needed the women’s role for the national operation. Accordingly, the government intended to grant the public duties to women, and it was realized by 'Jikyok'(occupational classification) granting to women. In a census register which is the final result of identifying the public census survey of Chosun government, the name of occupation is recorded on 40~60% of female population. In addition to men, women could be recognized as the public object which was involved in the public governance structure of the occupational system for the national control. The study on the public regulations about women will seem to present one of criteria to range the position of Chosun women not identifying the women only within the range of family system which is the private area. It is general that Chosun women was the existence excluded from a public area in principle. That is, the public area of Chosun society was the field of men. Hence, it is recognized that the position and role of women can hardly be searched in the public area. Such the recognition comes from the fact that the role of women was very limited in the political and social area which is considered as the representative public area. However, some women was recognized as the public object and played the role in the public area like men in Chosun Dynasty. They had the position or role, and allocated by the government. According to each position and role, they executed the certain public duties. There was the part which needed the women’s role for the national operation. Accordingly, the government intended to grant the public duties to women, and it was realized by 'Jikyok'(occupational classification) granting to women. In a census register which is the final result of identifying the public census survey of Chosun government, the name of occupation is recorded on 40~60% of female population. In addition to men, women could be recognized as the public object which was involved in the public governance structure of the occupational system for the national control. The study on the public regulations about women will seem to present one of criteria to range the position of Chosun women not identifying the women only within the range of family system which is the private area.

고려시대 여성사의 연구성과와 가족·친족제

이정란 전남대학교 인문학연구원 2023 가족과 커뮤니티 Vol.0 No.8

Recently, a lot of researches have been made on the women's history of Goryeo. Articles dealing with the role and status of queen and concubines looked into women's 'individual lives' in detail. It is also a step forward from previous studies in that it examines 'her' as a complex and subjective human being. On the other hand, articles that reviewed on the political status of queens from an overall rather than individual point of view were also steadily published. These papers helped advance women's history in that they examined the political status of queens through the ideological status reflected in the Theory of Li(禮). Meanwhile, research on the titles of women in Goryeo has also reached a new phase. First of all, attention is paid to the study that provided an opportunity to reconsider the royal family's marriage form by analyzing the title of queens from the viewpoint of realizing the Confucian ruling system. Second, the thesis reaffirming the tradition of Seoryubugahon(壻留婦家婚) by penetrating the meaning of residence space contained in the palace title, and the article looking at the bilateral Kinship of Goryeo by analyzing the title of Oe-Myeongbu(外命婦) are noteworthy. In the study of Goryeo women's history, facts to note are the concerns about 'Plural of femininity' and the results of the lineage-ism on the status and role of women. The pursuit of 'Plural of femininity' is a reflection on women's history research and an attempt to present a new methodology. Interest in lineage-ism can be said to be the work of confirming the distinctiveness of Goryeo women. In the future, it is expected that the above topics will help the progress of research on women's history in Goryeo.

고려 내직제(內職制)의 비교사적 고찰 -요,금제와의 관련을 중심으로-

권순형 ( Soon Hyung Kwon ) 이화사학연구소 2009 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.39

조선시대 문무관처 고신의 발급조건과 변천

안우정 ( Ahn Woojung ) 한국고문서학회 2024 古文書硏究 Vol.64 No.-

본 논문은 현전하는 조선시대 문무관처 고신을 분석하여 발급조건과 변천에 대하여 분석하였다. 문무관처 고신은 남성 관료에 비해 현저하게 적은 수가 남아있으며, 남성 관료의 고신이 수십장이 남아있을 때 그 아내의 고신은 한 장도 없거나 몇 장만이 남아있다. 그 원인은 문무관처 고신만의 발급조건에 있었다. 첫째, 1476년(성종 7) 이후의 어느 시기부터 당하관처에게는 고신을 발급하지 않았다. 둘째, 한 품계당 한건의 고신만 발급되었다. 셋째, 문무관처는 남편의 실직(實職)에 따라 봉작되었다. 넷째, 남편이 발급을 요청할 경우에만 고신을 주었다. 따라서 조선시대 문무관처 고신은 일반적으로 남편이 1품 관직에 올랐을 때를 기준으로 3품 당상관 처 숙부인, 2품 정부인, 1품 정경부인 최대 3건이 발급될 수 있었다. 현전하는 가장 오래된 문무관처고신인 <1398년 李和尙 妻 李氏 封爵牒>과 <1455년 金有讓 妻 閔氏 고신>은 모두 남편이 관직에 임명된 후 몇 년이 흘러 죽은 뒤에 발급되었다. 이는 과전법이 시행되는 시기에 수신전(守信田)을 받기 위해서는 자신이 적처라는 것을 증명하기 위해 문무관처고신을 호조에 제출해야 했기 때문이다. 1681년(숙종 7)부터는 기존에 받은 봉호가 없는 경우 9품 처의 봉호인 유인(孺人)을 성씨 앞에 기재하였는데, 이는 이미 명나라에서 이루어지고 있던 시속으로 조선에는 17세기 후반 『가례』를 증보, 해설한 문집들을 통해 들어온 것으로 보인다. 17세기 후반부터 당하관처에게 「당상관처고신식」으로 발급한 사례가 존재하는데, 이들은 모두 남편이 학행ㆍ효행이 탁이한 이유로 낮은 관직에 추증을 받은 경우에 발급되었다. 이러한 추증은 대다수가 조선후기 향촌사회에서 소지 및 상언을 통해 발급되었던 것을 고려하면, 집안에서 아내의 고신도 함께 발급해달라고 요청했을 것으로 추측된다. This study analyzed the issuance conditions and changes of the Joseon Dynasty’s civilian and military official’s wife’s Gosin(告身; appointment certificates). Fewer of these Gosin remain for the wives compared to their male counterparts. Often, while dozens of Gosin for a male official, none or only a few exist for his wife. The reasons are found in the unique issuance conditions of the civilian and military official’s wife’s Gosin. Firstly, from some point after 1476(Seongjong 7), Gosin were not issued to wives not higher than 3^rd grade. Secondly, only one Gosin was issued per rank. Thirdly, the civilian and military official’s wife’s Gosin were granted based on the husband’s Siljik(實職). Fourthly, these letters were issued only upon the husband’s request. Therefore, when a husband reached a first-rank position, his wife could receive up to three Gosin, being the Sukbuin(淑夫人), Jeongbuin(貞夫人), and Jeonggyeongbuin(貞敬夫人), the third, the second, and the first grade, respectively. Starting from 1681(Sukjong 7), if wives had no title because husbands did not have the public officer title, Yuin(孺人) which was the title for wives of 9^th grade was written in front of the family name. This practice was adopted from Ming China and is presumed to have entered Joseon in the late 17th century through expanded and annotated versions of the 『Garye(嘉禮)』. As examined in the issuance conditions, from some point after 1476, Gosin were not issued to wives not higher than 3^rd grade. However, there were cases that wives not higher than 3^rd grade received the Gosin with the form which was issued to wives of Dangsanggwan(堂上官) from the late 17th century. Most of the cases were that their husbands received Chujeung documents(追贈; appointment certificates issued after the death) thanks to excellent study performance and filial duty. Considering that the majority of these Chujeung documents were issued through Soji(所志) and Sang-eon(上言), it is highly likely that the family also asked for the wife’s Gosin as well.

平昌 <上院寺 重創勸善文>과 조선 왕실의 인장

제지현(Je Jihyeon) 동국대학교 박물관 2022 佛敎美術 Vol.33 No.-

Pyeongchang Sangwonsa Jungchanggwonseonmun was produced in 1464 on the occasion of the renovation of Sangwonsa Temple by Hyegakjonja, Sinmi to pray for King’s long life and health. The Gwonseonmun is composed of two volumes: one written in pure Chinese characters and one translated version in Korean. The collection includes articles written by the Monk Sinmi and King Sejo and a list of gifts presented by the Royal Family for the renovation of the temple. It also contains a list of the donors of gifts for the renovation work, as well as their seals and signatures. The seal impressions stamped on the Sangwonsa Jungchanggwonseonmun provide important information on the system of seals used by the Royal Family at that time. Notably, the case of King Sejo and Jeonghuiwanghu is the only known case in which the Royal Seals were actually used, so historians pay particular attention to it. It appears that the Crown Prince used the seal given to him at the time of his investiture for both public and private matters, while princesses used seals inscribed with a variety of phrases as well as the seal given at the time of her investiture. The Jungchanggwonseonmun also bears the seals of the wives of members of the Royal Family and the Oemyeongbu. Such seals contained characters referring to the women’s official positions and their maiden names, etc. The Sangwonsa Jungchanggwonseonmun had a powerful effect as writings aimed at encouraging good deeds each time the temple was renovated up until the seventeenth century. It is thought that the signatures of King Sejo, members of the Royal Family, and incumbent or former government officials, and the seals of the Oemyeongbu, lay behind this “powerful effect.’’ As these are the only remaining documents of their kind to bear the seal impressions of the King, the Queen, and the Crown Prince among others, the monks of the temple must have been very conscious of the support provided to the temple each time it was renovated or restored.