고대의 신화들, 현대의 신화들 비교 신화론의 가능성 중국(中國) 신화(神話)의 정치화 -중국의 반고,반호 신화를 중심으로

이연희 ( Yeon Hee Lee ) 한국비교문학회 2012 比較文學 Vol.58 No.-

It is nearly impossible to systemize the characteristics of Chinese Minor Ethnic Groups` Myths due to their vast quantity and variety of the contents. In the course of a few Chinese mythologists establishing the conceptual boundaries of Chinese myths, they make the mistake of systemizing minor ethnic groups` myths as a branch of Chinese myths. In this study, the records of minor ethnic groups` myths and the Han race myths pivoting on Pangu(盤古) Myth and Panhu(盤瓠) Myth are compared and analyzed for a thorough discussion of how the minor ethnic groups` myths were integrated and absorbed in the Han race(漢族) myths. First, for the Pangu(盤古) Myth, the issue of its origination that has caused quite a debate so far was contemplated upon after dividing the issue into a Central district origination theory and a Southern district origination theory. Panhu(盤瓠) Myth, which is always mentioned in relation to the Pangu(盤古) Myth, was also looked into in two aspects. First the contents of the Panhu Myth recorded in the Yao race and 『後漢書HouHanshu · 南夷列傳 NanYiLieChuan』were compared and analyzed to see what kind of changes Panhu(盤瓠) Myth went through according to the changes of its historical, political background. Furthermore, this study also focused on the point that only after acknowledging the fact that the Chinese civilization was formed by various races and this diversity is the principle of its existence will allow establishment of a new mythology based on such characteristics and therefore overcome the innate limitations of Chinese myths.

中國 神話의 정치화 - 중국의 반고‧반호 신화를 중심으로

이연희 한국비교문학회 2012 比較文學 Vol.0 No.58

It is nearly impossible to systemize the characteristics of Chinese Minor Ethnic Groups' Myths due to their vast quantity and variety of the contents. In the course of a few Chinese mythologists establishing the conceptual boundaries of Chinese myths, they make the mistake of systemizing minor ethnic groups' myths as a branch of Chinese myths. In this study, the records of minor ethnic groups' myths and the Han race myths pivoting on Pangu(盤古) Myth and Panhu(盤瓠) Myth are compared and analyzed for a thorough discussion of how the minor ethnic groups' myths were integrated and absorbed in the Han race(漢族) myths. First, for the Pangu(盤古) Myth, the issue of its origination that has caused quite a debate so far was contemplated upon after dividing the issue into a Central district origination theory and a Southern district origination theory. Panhu(盤瓠) Myth, which is always mentioned in relation to the Pangu(盤古) Myth, was also looked into in two aspects. First the contents of the Panhu Myth recorded in the Yao race and 『後漢書HouHanshu ․ 南夷列傳NanYiLieChuan』were compared and analyzed to see what kind of changes Panhu(盤瓠) Myth went through according to the changes of its historical, political background. Furthermore, this study also focused on the point that only after acknowledging the fact that the Chinese civilization was formed by various races and this diversity is the principle of its existence will allow establishment of a new mythology based on such characteristics and therefore overcome the innate limitations of Chinese myths.

한·일협정 체결과 '지역통합전략'의 현실화 : 한·미·일 3국의 인식과 대응을 중심으로 How Korea, U.S. and Japan viewed the situation and responded

박진희 한국역사연구회 2003 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.50

In this article, how Korea, U.S, and Japan during the 1960s viewed and accepted the so-called Regional Integration Strategy is examined. Primary objective of this research is to determine the nature and characteristics of the Korea-Japan treaty which was a distinct result of that strategy. How those 3 countries participated in the realization of such strategy, and what roles they were asked to play in the game, are examined here as well. The Regional Integration Strategy of the 1960s was designed to reinforce the bonding among anti-Communist states through economical support and development. Basically, it was dictating the roles that should be respectively played by Korea and Japan, and the result of such dictations was the signing of the Korea-Japan treaty. So the treaty itself not only meant the reopening of diplomatic relationship between those two countries, but also a distinct joining of anti-Communist policies and Economics-driven ideologies throughout the North-Eastern Asian community. In other words, it meant the formation of a new international hierarchy structure in terms of politics, economy and military issues in this region. The U.S. signed mutual defence pacts respectively with Korea and Japan which would benefit the situation in political and military terms, and encouraged Japan to re-arm itself by emphasizing the importance of its role. The newly established situation was going to supposedly benefit every party involved. U.S. was trying to reduce the financial pressure it had to endure in supporting the Korean economy, and the Park Jeong Hi regime of Korea wanted to ensure economical developments in order to stabilize its still shaky political image. And the Japanese capitalism was trying to seize the opportunity to enter the Korean market for their own profits. The economical cooperation between Korea and Japan, and the events happened during (and inside) the Vietnam war were sample cases of this partnership. And in the process Anti-Communist alliance was strengthened throughout the North-Eastern Asian countries. Yet while Korea provided labor workforce at a reasonable price, and Japan provided capital, equipments and technology, Korean economy's subordination to the Japanese economy was reinforced. Reviewing the Korea-Japan treaty, we can see it was not based upon remorse or regret over the past history. And a desirable new future course which should have been pursued and enjoyed by everyone, was not an item that could be produced by the treaty. The treaty was based upon a Cold war sentimentality and economical pragmatism. This kind of treaty was not what the Koreans intended or wanted.

히토마로(人麻呂) ‘돌 뿌리(岩根)’표현에 깃든 음양사상의 고찰

고용환 동아시아고대학회 2019 동아시아고대학 Vol.0 No.55

개벽신화란, 태초의 자연현상을 인간 삶의 진보에 의한 문화의 변천과정을 상상력으로 표현해 낸 것이라 생각된다. 이를 인류문화사적 관점에서 관찰해보면, 철광석(돌)을 녹여 문명의 이기로 만들어낸 제철문화의 제련과정과 軌를 같이하고 있다고 생각된다. 본고에서는 히토마로의 45번 아키들 노래에서의 ‘돌 뿌리(岩根)’표기를 중심으로 그 본연의 뜻을 추론해보고 자 하였다. 실제로 히토마로 노래에서의 1차적인 의미해석으로는 ‘통행에 방해가 되는 암석’으로 표현되고 있다는 것을 알 수 있다. 이를 다시 신앙적인 측면에서, ‘바위(岩)’와 관련된 신화와 영혼관의 의미를 고찰해보면, 『고사기』歌謡40번에서 ‘바위에 서다’고 표현한 것과, 스쿠나비코나(少名御)神에 의한 ‘가무호키(神寿き)’의 내용과 노리토(祝詞) ‘오호토노호가이(大殿祭)’에서 조정의 제사에 쓰이는 제문에 ‘소코쓰이와네(아랫돌 뿌리(底津磐根)’라 기록하고 있다는 점에서, 궁중에서 천황을 祝壽 하는 제문으로 사용되어진 표기형태 라고 논증하였다. 또한, 히토마로의 歌句에 영향을 받은 야카모치(家持)의 나카토미의 노리토(4031)를 인용한 ‘돌 뿌리’ 노래에서도, 장수를 기원한 노리토의 종교적 의미를 띤 노래임을 재확인할 수 있었다. 다음으로 돌과 관련된 이미지를 중국 시문, ‘遊仙詩’와 비교하여 ‘돌베개(岩枕)’의 원뜻을 고찰해보면, 신선이 ‘돌베개’ 위에 노니는 신선의 우주관과 직결되어 있다는 점을 알 수 있었다. 이어서, 『하리마국(播磨国)風土記』의 ‘이와(伊和)大神’의 설화에서는 산의 돌을 타고 내려온 ‘요리시로(依代)’로써의 바위神의 실체를 밝혀낼 수 있었다. 이를 다시 신화적 의미에서 히토마로의 ‘돌 뿌리’의 의미를 분석해보면, ‘이와쓰쓰오신(岩筒之男神)’에서 ‘이와사쿠’와 ‘네사쿠’의 신을 낳게 한 것도, 같은 돌(바위)를 신화소재로 하는 중국의 盤古와 그 아들 신 禹와 啓와 같은 돌 신들의 탄생신화인 거석문화에 영향을 받아 창조된 신격이라 추론하였다. 이처럼, ‘돌 뿌리’는 ‘바위(돌)’의 오묘함과 神靈함이 깃들어 있는 신화적 요소와 함께, 돌 바위(磐石)에 신성성과 음양사상이 결합되어, 궁정의 권위와 瑞祥함을 표현하는 노리토제문의 종교적 제의로 사용되어져왔던 것이다. 고로, 히토마로의 45번 노래에서의 ‘돌 뿌리’ 표기에는, 나쁜 기운을 제거하고, 부친 쿠사카베의 혼령을 진정시키려는 음양술에 의한 노리토의 진혼가적 성격이 ‘돌 뿌리’ 표기에 깃들여져 있다고 추론할 수 있겠다. The opening myth of the beginning is considered to represent the natural phenomenon by the imagination of the transition of the culture by the progress of the life of mankind. Considering “Iwane” from such a viewpoint, it can be considered to mean the deification of the rock itself. On the other hand, the origin of the gods “Iwasaku” and “Nesaku” was created by the influence of megalithic cultures found in the myths of the birth of China's rock and the sons of God, It is considered to be a deity. Observing this from a cultural perspective, it is known that mankind is in agreement with the transition process of iron ore culture, which has transformed iron ore into an instrument of civilization. It is also seen in the notation that such a “spirit of the rock” is included in the deity. In addition, it is understood that this “Iwane” means to remove the rock which interferes with the passage by pushing the rock which is the first in order to the 45th song of Hitomaro. When I consider this “Iwane” from the aspect of mythical faith to the meaning of the soul spirit, it is a word used in the rituals of the Norito (Kamuhoki Shinto, Ohotonohogai) Is confirmed. It is confirmed that the similar content is Norito's vocabulary that prays for longevity as well as the song of Yakamochi (4031), who has been subjected to songwriting activities under the influence of lyrical phrases. If you compare the origin of the vocabulary of “Iwamakura” and the original meaning with “Yusen's poetry”, you can find that it is directly linked to the universe conception of “Shinsen's play with Rock pillow”. In addition, there is a narrative of ‘Iwa (Rock) Okami’ in ‘Harima country Fudoki’, and it is told with the character of the god of rock so to speak, God descends from the heaven with the rock of the mountain. It is known that. After all, it is thought that the Hitomaro ‘Iwane’ notation is derived from the same divine conception as the myth narrative that the rock is torn and the god is born as seen in the Chinese Pangu(盤古) Myth. Furthermore, if I recall that it was created on the basis of “Norito” used in religious ceremonies of the court in “Iwane” notation, it will also be included in Waka's requiem (example 45). If considered in terms of being used, it is inferred that it is a songification of Yin and Yang ideas based on the sacredness of the rock.