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      • KCI등재

        联合国安理会对朝鲜制裁问题研究

        최용철,杨帆 전북대학교 동북아법연구소 2019 동북아법연구 Vol.12 No.3

        2018 was a year when the situation on the Korean Peninsula shook hands and turned the corner.The situation on the Korean Peninsula has turned round, but there are also new challenges.The issue of the UN Security Council sanctions against the DPRK has attracted more and more attention from the international community, and the DPRK's dissatisfaction with the UN Security Council sanctions is becoming more and more serious.In terms of the effect of sanctions, although the sanctions of the UN Security Council have dealt a serious blow to the DPRK economy, they have not achieved the purpose of forcing the DPRK to give up nuclear weapons, which inevitably makes everyone doubt whether sanctions against the DPRK are necessary and reasonable.At present, the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula has reached a critical moment. The DPRK has proposed some conditions for the exchange of "abandonment of the nuclear", including the UN Security Council's gradual withdrawal of sanctions against the DPRK. However, the UN Security Council still insists on sanctions against the DPRK, and as the sanctions have prolonged, some negative factors of sanctions have gradually emerged. The UN Security Council’s sanctions resolution against the DPRK has some defects, such as the use of sanctions is influenced by political factors, the content of sanctions indirectly conflicts with the humanitarian principle, etc. In such circumstances, the UN needs to pace itself and actively bring into play its leading role in the complicated conflicts of interest, in order to gain more room for action. First, the UN should actively create conditions for the DPRK’s return to the NPT. Second, the UN should actively promote the signing of the “Peace Agreement” on the Korean Peninsula. 2018年是朝鲜半岛局势握手言和、转危为安的一年,朝鲜半岛局势出现新的转圜,但也存在新的挑战,联合国安理会对朝鲜的制裁问题越来越引起国际社会的关注,朝鲜对于联合国安理会的制裁的不满情绪日益严重。在制裁效果上,联合国安理会的制裁虽然对朝鲜经济造成严重打击,但是并没有达到迫使朝鲜放弃核武器的目的,不免使大家怀疑对朝制裁措施是否必要且合理。目前,朝鲜半岛无核化已经走到了关键时刻,朝鲜提出了一些条件作为“弃核”的交换,其中就包括联合国安理会逐步撤销对朝鲜的制裁措施。但是联合国安理会至今依然坚持对朝鲜的制裁,随着制裁时间越来越长,制裁的一些负面因素逐步显露出来。联合国安理会对朝鲜的制裁决议,存在着制裁的使用受政治因素影响、制裁内容间接抵触人道主义原则等缺陷。本文认为联合国在这样的情况下需要把控节奏,在各方复杂的利益纠葛中积极发挥主导作用,为维护东北亚地区局势稳定争取更大的行动空间。其一,要积极创造朝鲜重返NPT的条件;其二,要积极推进签订朝鲜半岛《和平协定》。

      • KCI등재

        习近平-金正恩时期的中朝关系

        리단 부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2018 인문사회과학연구 Vol.19 No.1

        In February 2013, North Korea’s launched its third nuclear test, after which the relationship between China and DPRK has fallen into an unprecedented indifference and alienation. In terms of the nuclear test and other adventures of the DPRK, China stated its support for the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. China has participated in and fulfilled the UN’s resolution on sanctions against the DPRK. In addition, the dislike of DPRK in the general public of China is rising. Some scholars even have proposed the cancellation of the alliance treaty between China and DPRK. However, under the circumstances of the sanction the international social community, the communication between China and DPRK continues quietly. The visits between the state officials and in techniques did not stop. The development of economy and trade is stable. And Progress has been made in the channel construction between China and DPRK. Therefore, this paper holds that during the period in which Xi Jinping and Kim Jeong-eun are in power, the relationship between China and DPRK showed the characteristics of alienation and contact. And the policy towards DPRK of China is limited support and limited opposition. For China, the contact with DPRK is necessary to control the crisis. On the one hand, China seeks for the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. On the other hand, China hopes this contact can prevent Kim Jeong-eun from creating tension and other taking behaviors. For the sake of the respective core interest, the contact and alienation between China and DPRK will continue within a short period of time. 2013年2月,朝鲜的第三次核试验使中国和朝鲜关系陷入空前的冷淡和疏远。对朝鲜进行核试验等冒险行为,中国通过外交部声明阐明了中国支持朝鲜半岛无核化的立场。在此背景下,本文从朝鲜第三次核试验之后中朝两国关系的发展现状着手,分析两国发展的特点进而探求两国关系的实质。因为中朝同盟本身所具有的不对称性,本文着重从中国的角度梳理了中朝新一代领导人执政之后的双边关系,本文研究结果如下:中国坚持朝鲜半岛无核化的原则更加明确,反对朝鲜的冒险行为的举措更加坚决,中国就朝核、导等威胁地区安全的行为保持了与国际社会的沟通,更加切实地履行联合国安理会的各项决议。中朝关系出现了疏远的动向,中国对朝鲜问题坚持了底线原则,对威胁地区安全、给中国核心利益带来负面影响的因素坚决反对和抵制;朝鲜作为中国的同盟国,在外部威胁和内部急需稳定的需求下,在核武路线似乎日趋接近顶峰,中朝两国的核心战略利益相左致使两国的政治外交关系出现了疏远迹象。但是,中国坚持朝鲜半岛和平稳定的立场没有变化,坚持半岛问题和平解决的立场没有发生变化。即中国反对朝鲜的冒险行为,坚持朝核问题的和平解决立场,呼吁有关各方采取冷静克制的态度,避免半岛局势的恶化。中朝关系在国际社会制裁局面下出现了冷淡和不谐之音。中国反对朝鲜进行核试验及其危及地区局势的冒险行为,参与了国际社会对朝鲜的制裁,履行联合国安理会的对朝制裁决议。但是,国际社会的制裁和中朝两国的交流并没有成正比,双方通过政府层面和部长级和特使级的交流保持了沟通,两国通过科技交流保持了稳定态势。这种接触对于中国而言,在一定的程度上防止朝鲜滑向不可预知的方向,有助于中国对朝鲜半岛危及的管理;对于朝鲜而言,坚持和中国的接触与沟通无疑是其保持体制生存所需,这种需求既是政治层面的需求,也是经济层面的需求。中朝两国的疏远和接触因两国核心利益所需在短时间内将会持续

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