고려 원간섭기 慶華公主의 역할과 위상

김현라(Kim, Hyeon-Ra) 효원사학회 2018 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.53

고려와 원의 혼인동맹은 충렬왕과 제국대장공주의 혼인으로 성립되었다. 세조 쿠빌라이의 뒤를 이은 성종은 팍스몽골리아를 실현한 인물로, 그는 막북지역을 통치하였던 짐김계통의 감말라를 중용하여 중앙집권체제를 완성하고자 하였다. 이에 짐김계통에게만 일자왕호를 수여하여 그 혈통을 중히 여겼다. 이러한 정책은 고려에도 적용하여 감말라의 딸이며 성종의 친조카인 계국대장공주와 충선왕을 혼인시켰다. 이후 짐김계통의 공주는 충숙왕의 두 번째 왕비인 조국장공주와 경화공주이다. 이 중 주목할 공주는 경화공주이다. 충숙왕은 재위 16년에 그의 세 번째 비로 경화공주를 맞아들이고 이어서 복위하였다. 경화공주와 충숙왕의 두 번째 비인 조국장공주는 자매간이므로 충숙왕은 자매혼을 한 셈이다. 자매혼의 목적은 왕의 전 왕후가 소유한 사속인 등을 그대로 승계하기 위한 것이었다. 경화공주와 조국장공주의 父는 짐김계통의 위왕 아목가이다. 경화공주는 충숙왕과 함께 고려에 환국할 때의 행차 규모와 경화부의 설치를 통해 볼 때 몽골공주로서 적지 않은 위상을 가졌다. 이점은 충숙왕이 사망하고 충혜왕의 복위에 즈음하여 원의 사신이 경화공주를 알현하고 또 경화공주가 정동행성 관리의 임명권을 가지고 있는 것 등에서도 지속되고 있음을 알 수 있다. 그런데 충혜왕은 자신의 복위가 불투명한 시점에서 경화공주를 간음하였다. 이에 대해서는 여러 이견이 있지만, 당시 심왕이 노골적으로 조적을 동원하여 고려왕위를 노리고 있는 상황에서 충혜왕 나름의 위기 극복의 방편이라고 생각된다. 즉 충혜왕은 원과 고려내의 경화공주의 위상이 자신의 복위를 이룰 수 있는 중요한 배경이라고 보았던 것이다. 이것은 충혜왕이 복위 이후에도 자신의 위상을 지키는 방법이었다. 그의 동생인 강릉대군이 세자에 책봉되어 원에 숙위할 뿐만 아니라 경화공주의 조카와 혼인하였고, 또한 기황후 집안, 환관 고룡보 등 여러 정치세력을 견제해야 하는 입장에서는 경화공주가 가지는 정치적 가치는 매우 중요하였던 것이다. Koryo and Won "s marriage alliance was formed by the marriage of King Chung - ryeol and Princess Emperor. After Suejo Kubilai, Sungjong realized Pax Mongolian. He tried to complete the central power system by using the Gamma system, which ruled the Mukbuk area, by using Gamma. Therefore, it was awarded the date of the day only to the silkworm, and the line was highly valued. This policy also applies to consideration and marries the daughter of Gamma and the princess of Sungjong, the Princess of the Patriots of Korea, and King Chungseon. King Chungsug was married to two princesses of Mongolian family of KIMUMI and to 11 and 16 years respectively. The former is the fatherland princess and the latter is the princess. These are the daughters of Sisters of the Wang Wang Amok. The year when King Chungsu married the father of the king, Chungsu married the King of Chungsu and the marriage of Princess Kyunghee almost coincided with his returning period. King Chungsu also performed sisters" soul, which had been performed in Mongolia many times. The purpose of the sisters" soul was to inherit the inheritance of the queen"s queen. Princess Hyeonggyeong Princess Princess Hyeongguk after the installation of a hardened portion of the Mongol Princess, such as having a certain status. The envoy of Daewon Empire who came to Goryeo to give Koryeong king (king, king) to Koryeo first recognized Koryeong Princess before King Chunghee. When King Chunghee was summoned to Wondue, You can guess such a situation by participating directly. Meanwhile, after the death of King Chungsug, Chunghee committed adultery with the princess Kyunghee when his return was not easily decided as usual. It is difficult to understand such a situation in the situation where Sims is explicitly mobilizing and pursuing the Koryo Kingdom. However, considering the status of the princess, it can be seen that the adultery case of King Chunghee directly touches the political purpose of his return. In addition, the political situation that occurred after the reign of King Chunghee, that is, his brother, Gangreung Daejun, was married to his nephew of Kyungghwa, The political value of the hardcore princess was very important.

윤택의 생애와 금산

김갑동(Kim, Gap-dong) 호서사학회 2019 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.90

윤택의 선조는 원래 무송현의 향리였다. 그의 아버지 윤수평은 그가 3살 되었을 때에 돌아가셨다. 그리하여 윤택은 할아버지 尹諧에게서 글을 배웠고 자라면서는 고모부인 尹宣佐에게서 공부하였다. 충숙왕 4년(1317) 과거에 급제한 그는 연경으로 충숙왕을 찾아가 독대하면서 그의 사랑을 받기 시작하였다. 충숙왕은 공민왕을 후계자로 지목하여 그에게 부탁하였다. 그리하여 충숙왕 대에는 각종 관직을 거치면서 출세하였다. 西京의 判官을 비롯하여 副代言, 代言 등을 거치면서 왕명 출납과 인사 행정 업무를 맡아 보게 되었다. 그러나 충숙왕의 바램과는 달리 충혜왕이 왕위에 즉위하면서 그는 소외되었다. 그 후 충목왕이 왕위에 올라 羅州牧使에 임명되었지만 충정왕이 왕위에 오르면서 光陽監務로 좌천되었다. 충숙왕의 부탁대로 공민왕을 왕위에 즉위시켜야 한다는 글을 元의 中書省에 올렸기 때문이었다. 그 후 공민왕이 즉위하면서 그는 密直提學에 임명되었다. 그러나 여러 정책에 대한 그의 건의가 받아들여지지 않자 致仕하였다. 아마 이때부터 외가가 있는 금산에 기거하게 된 것 같다. 그러나 가끔씩 상소를 올려 직언을 서슴치 않았다. 한양 천도를 반대하였는가 하면 공민왕이 불교를 깊이 믿는 것을 비판하였고 백악에 궁궐을 짓는 일을 중지하라 건의하기도 했다. 다 받아들여지지는 않았으나 공민왕은 그를 결코 배척하지 않았다. 그만큼 공민왕과 윤택은 믿음으로 맺어진 사이였다. 그러다가 공민왕 10년(1361) 政堂文學으로 다시 치사하였으며 공민왕 12년에는 다시 한번 贊成事로 치사하였다. 그리고 이듬해인 공민왕 13년(1364) 錦州 즉 지금의 금산으로 돌아가 살 것을 공식적으로 인정받았다. 그후 거기서 살다가 공민왕 19년(1370) 82세로 운명하였다. 금산에 살면서 그는 李穡의 아버지 李穀의 문집인 『稼亭集』 跋文을 쓰기도 하였다. 윤택의 아들 尹龜生과 그의 부인은 금산에 내려와 할아버지와 아버지의 묘소를 지키고 사당을 세워 선조들을 극진히 제사하였다. 이런 인연으로 윤구생의 아들 尹紹宗이 이곳에 유배되기도 하였다. Yoon Taek(윤택)`s family was originally from Mu Song-hyun`s local gentry. His father died when he was three years old. So he learned his studies from his grandfather Yunhae(윤해). Later, he was taught by Yoon Sun-jwa(윤선좌). Four years of King Chung-sook(충숙왕) (1317) passed the classical examination system. Then he went to Yeon-kyung (연경) to meet King Chung-sook. King Chung-sook met him and asked him to help his son King Gongmin(공민왕). Thus, during the reign of King Chung-sook, he rose to fame through various government posts. He served as Pangwan(판관), Dae-eon(대언), and served as a clerk for the royal family and personnel administration. However, unlike King Chung-sook`s wishes, King Chung-hye ascended the throne. Then he was left out. Then King Chungmok(충목왕) ascended the throne and was appointed Najumoksa(나주목사). However, after King Chungjeong(충정왕) took the throne, he was degradeded to Gwangyanggammoo(광양감무). It was because he posted on Won(원) dynasty that King Gongmin should be crowned. Later, when King Gongmin took the throne, he was appointed to Miljikjehaka(밀직제학). He proposed various policies. But it was not accepted. Then he retired. Since then, he has lived in Geumsan(금산) where there is his mother’s family. However, he sometimes raised appeals and criticized policies. Nevertheless, King Gongmin never rejected him. It was because King Gongmin and Yoon Taek had a faith relationship. In 13 years (1364) of King Gongmin, He officially returned to Geumsan. While living there, he wrote the preface of Yi gok(이곡)’s work collection. Yoon Gu-saeng(윤구생), the son of Yoon Taek, also lived in Geumsan. He and his wife built a shrine to honor their ancestors. Yoon So-jong, the son of Yoon Gu-saeng, was also banished here.

교황 요한 22세가 보낸 편지에 나오는 Regi Corum은 고려의 충숙왕인가?

안재원 수원교회사연구소 2016 교회사학 Vol.0 No.13

교황 요한 22세가 보낸 서신에 나오는 Regi Corum은 과연 고려의 충숙왕이었을까? Regi Corum은 고려의 충숙왕이 아닐 가능성이 높다. 여기에는 두 가지 이유가 결정적이다. 하나는 Regi Corum을 고려의 충숙왕으로 읽기 위해서는 문헌학적인 관점에서 텍스트의 내적 증거들이 요청되는데, 그 증거들이 서신 내에서 발견되지 않는다. 요컨대, Corum의 문법적인 형태를 고려해 볼 때, Corum은 Ci이고 이는 Khitan에 더 근접해 있으며, Khitan은 그런데 Chigista로 자연스럽게 연결된다. 또 다른 가능성도 있다. Sece de Chigista를 Seecede Chingista로 읽을 수 있다. 이 경우도 고려와는 무관하다. 다른 하나는 텍스트의 외적 증거가 없다. 필사본의 Regi Corum이 고려인들의 왕이라면, 역사적으로 고려에 그리스도교도들이 오래전 있었고 그 수가 많았음이 입증되야 한다. 이에 대한 문헌 기록이 없다. 또한 니콜라우스 대주교가 칸발리크로 가는 여정 가운데에 고려가 포함되어 있어야 한다. 요한 22세의 서신은 실은 아비뇽에서 북경으로 가는 여정에서 여행의 안전을 보장하는 통행증이었다. 그러기에는 고려는 지리적으로 극동에 위치해 있다. 마지막으로, 이미 14세기에 통용되었던 고려의 명칭이 있었다. 몽고어로 Solangi 혹은 한자어로 Caule가 그것들이었다. 사정이 이와 같다면, 필사본의 Regi Corum을 “고려인들의 왕” 으로 읽을 수는 없다. 결론적으로, Regi Corum은 고려의 충숙왕으로 읽을 수 없다. 이 주장의 성립을 위해서 요청되는 내적 증거이든 외적 증거가 없기 때문이다. This paper is to explore the possibility whether Regi Corum mentioned in the letter from the Pope John the 22nd is to be identified as King Chungsuk of Goryeo. My conclusion is negative, based on two evidences. First, it is hard to find any evidence in the letter in question to support that Regi Corum refers to King Chungsuk. For example, grammatically to see, the nominative plural case of Corumis Corior Cithat sounds very close to Khitan. The Khitanis also related to Chigista. In this regard, one can provide another reading that Chigista might be a misspelling of Chingista. Second, no external evidences exist that allow us to interpret Regi Corum as King of Goryeo. There should be at least three respects to support such interpretation. First, there should be historical materials to varify that there existed de facto a number of Christians in Goyreo. Second, according to my reading, the letter of Pope John XXII was to be regarded as a pass that vouched a safe journey from Avignon to Kanbaliq. If this is the case, Corum should be located between Avignon and Kanbaliq and Goryeo was too far to the East to be a candidate. Finally, Goryeo used to be known to Europe by two names by medieval authors: Cauleand Solangi.

고려 원간섭기 慶華公主의 역할과 위상

김현라 효원사학회 2018 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.53

Koryo and Won 's marriage alliance was formed by the marriage of King Chung - ryeol and Princess Emperor. After Suejo Kubilai, Sungjong realized Pax Mongolian. He tried to complete the central power system by using the Gamma system, which ruled the Mukbuk area, by using Gamma. Therefore, it was awarded the date of the day only to the silkworm, and the line was highly valued. This policy also applies to consideration and marries the daughter of Gamma and the princess of Sungjong, the Princess of the Patriots of Korea, and King Chungseon. King Chungsug was married to two princesses of Mongolian family of KIMUMI and to 11 and 16 years respectively. The former is the fatherland princess and the latter is the princess. These are the daughters of Sisters of the Wang Wang Amok. The year when King Chungsu married the father of the king, Chungsu married the King of Chungsu and the marriage of Princess Kyunghee almost coincided with his returning period. King Chungsu also performed sisters' soul, which had been performed in Mongolia many times. The purpose of the sisters' soul was to inherit the inheritance of the queen's queen. Princess Hyeonggyeong Princess Princess Hyeongguk after the installation of a hardened portion of the Mongol Princess, such as having a certain status. The envoy of Daewon Empire who came to Goryeo to give Koryeong king (king, king) to Koryeo first recognized Koryeong Princess before King Chunghee. When King Chunghee was summoned to Wondue, You can guess such a situation by participating directly. Meanwhile, after the death of King Chungsug, Chunghee committed adultery with the princess Kyunghee when his return was not easily decided as usual. It is difficult to understand such a situation in the situation where Sims is explicitly mobilizing and pursuing the Koryo Kingdom. However, considering the status of the princess, it can be seen that the adultery case of King Chunghee directly touches the political purpose of his return. In addition, the political situation that occurred after the reign of King Chunghee, that is, his brother, Gangreung Daejun, was married to his nephew of Kyungghwa, The political value of the hardcore princess was very important. 고려와 원의 혼인동맹은 충렬왕과 제국대장공주의 혼인으로 성립되었다. 세조 쿠빌라이의 뒤를 이은 성종은 팍스몽골리아를 실현한 인물로, 그는 막북지역을 통치하였던 짐김계통의 감말라를 중용하여 중앙집권체제를 완성하고자 하였다. 이에 짐김계통에게만 일자왕호를 수여하여 그 혈통을 중히 여겼다. 이러한 정책은 고려에도 적용하여 감말라의 딸이며 성종의 친조카인 계국대장공주와 충선왕을 혼인시켰다. 이후 짐김계통의 공주는 충숙왕의 두 번째 왕비인 조국장공주와 경화공주이다. 이 중 주목할 공주는 경화공주이다. 충숙왕은 재위 16년에 그의 세 번째 비로 경화공주를 맞아들이고 이어서 복위하였다. 경화공주와 충숙왕의 두 번째 비인 조국장공주는 자매간이므로 충숙왕은 자매혼을 한 셈이다. 자매혼의 목적은 왕의 전 왕후가 소유한 사속인 등을 그대로 승계하기 위한 것이었다. 경화공주와 조국장공주의 父는 짐김계통의 위왕 아목가이다. 경화공주는 충숙왕과 함께 고려에 환국할 때의 행차 규모와 경화부의 설치를 통해 볼 때 몽골공주로서 적지 않은 위상을 가졌다. 이점은 충숙왕이 사망하고 충혜왕의 복위에 즈음하여 원의 사신이 경화공주를 알현하고 또 경화공주가 정동행성 관리의 임명권을 가지고 있는 것 등에서도 지속되고 있음을 알 수 있다. 그런데 충혜왕은 자신의 복위가 불투명한 시점에서 경화공주를 간음하였다. 이에 대해서는 여러 이견이 있지만, 당시 심왕이 노골적으로 조적을 동원하여 고려왕위를 노리고 있는 상황에서 충혜왕 나름의 위기 극복의 방편이라고 생각된다. 즉 충혜왕은 원과 고려내의 경화공주의 위상이 자신의 복위를 이룰 수 있는 중요한 배경이라고 보았던 것이다. 이것은 충혜왕이 복위 이후에도 자신의 위상을 지키는 방법이었다. 그의 동생인 강릉대군이 세자에 책봉되어 원에 숙위할 뿐만 아니라 경화공주의 조카와 혼인하였고, 또한 기황후 집안, 환관 고룡보 등 여러 정치세력을 견제해야 하는 입장에서는 경화공주가 가지는 정치적 가치는 매우 중요하였던 것이다.

14세기 高麗 太廟의 혁신과 변천

이강한 진단학회 2010 진단학보 Vol.- No.109

There are a lot of things unknown about what actually happened to the Goryeo national shrine in the dynasty's latter half period, and especially in the 14th century. Yet it seems like there was a significant scale of renovation done to the national shrine, marking a stark departure from how it originally had been. King Chungseon-wang is renowned for bringing in a new element, a series of 'flank chambers', in order to maintain the original number of individual chambers('9') while reducing the number of Myo figures from '7' to '5'. By doing so he restored the original features of the national shrine of the early days of the Goryeo dynasty. And while also embracing advanced foreign discussions regarding national shrine operations and incorporating all those new theories into the design of the Goryeo national shrine, he also implemented two sets of principles regarding national shrine operations, namely applying the ‘Do'gung Byeoljeon' system to the seat arrangements of the 5 designated 'Myo' figures, and maintaining the ‘Dongdang Ih'shil' system in seat arrangements of the flank chambers. We can see that new theories were only implemented to the former's arrangements, and the flank chambers were maintained unaffected, continuing to serve the Goryeo government's own needs and agendas. Such internal system was also maintained afterwards. During the reign of king Chungsuk-wang the So/Mok order inside the shrine became a topic of hot debate, and such discussions were triggered by the suggestion of an official named Jo Ryeom. As king Chungseon-wang died and it became necessary to rearrange the seats inside the shrine to make room for the newcoming tablet of Chungseon-wang, he suggested to add other functions to the flank chambers, and most importantly he suggested that the internal seat arrangements of the flank chambers be changed, and essentially be reversed. Such suggestion was to inevitably neutralize the original intentions behind Chungseon- wang's new design of the Goryeo shrine, so Chungsuk-wang rejected it, and the internal system established by Chungseon-wang prevailed. Such characteristic of the Goryeo national shrine was maintained during the reign of king Gongmin-wang as well, and was even applied to the Special Shrine(Byeolmyo), which was meant to enshrine the tablets that had been removed from the national shrine. We can see that from Yi Je Hyeon's discussions of the 22 tablets' seat arrangement inside the Special Shrine. From all the renovations made to the Goryeo national shrine, the changes it went through and the principles that were maintained in the process, we can see that the Goryeo kings, who were all well versed in foreign(Yuan) institutions and culture, and who were eager to apply and incorporate them into their own governance of the Goryeo society, also managed to merge it with their own understanding of the original and traditional practices and principles of the Goryeo dynasty, in terms of the operations of the Goryeo national shrine. 14세기 고려 태묘제도의 변천과 관련해 알려진 바는 그리 많지 않다. 종래의 연구는 대체로 5묘 9실제의 형성, 7묘 9실제로의 변화, 그리고 이후 무신집권기와 몽골침공기의 태묘 붕괴상에 주목해 왔다. 그러나 더욱 중요한 변화가 충선왕대 이래 전개되었음이 확인된다. 충선왕은 원과의 관계를 고려해 태묘의 묘수를 5묘로 줄이면서도, ‘夾室’을 도입해 총 9실을 만듦으로써 고려전기 덕종대의 태묘제 원형(5묘9실제)을 복구하였다. 그러나 그는 한편으로, 당시 원내에서 진행되고 있던 태묘제 정비 상황 및 거론되던 최신 논의 또한 수용해 태묘제 운영을 전반적으로 보완하고자 하였다. 이에 그는 ‘都宮別殿之制’를 수용, 태조의 ‘中室’ 배치 관례 및 ‘1국왕 1廟’ 원칙 등에 근거해 寢園 5廟를 배치하되, 자신이 새로 도입한 夾室들은 不遷之主의 西夾室 배치 등에서도 엿볼 수 있듯이 (이전 고려 태묘내 廟室 배치에서 견지돼 온) 同堂異室制的 운영을 지속하였다. 이러한 이원적 구성은 원의 태묘제 논의사항을 고려 태묘제에 접목하면서도, 고려 태묘 내부의 전통적 모습 또한 유지하기 위해 선택되었다. 그러한 이원적 구성은 이후에도 견지되었다. 충숙왕대에 접어들어 태묘내 昭穆의 方位 문제가 중요한 논란의 대상으로 떠올랐는데, 관료 趙廉은 충숙왕에게, 충선왕의 祔廟를 계기로 협실의 기능을 확대하고, 무엇보다도 협실 내부의 배치를 바꿀 것을 건의하였다. 이러한 건의는 본질적으로 5묘에 적용되던 신위배치 방식을 협실에까지 연장 적용함으로써, 충선왕이 확립한 고려 태묘제 내의 독특한 이원적 구성을 무효화하는 맥락의 것이었다고 할 수 있다. 충숙왕은 고려 태묘 나름의 고유성이 침훼될 것을 염려해 이를 거부하였고, 그 결과 고려 태묘의 이원적 구성도 견지되었다. 그리고 이때 온존된 고려 태묘제도의 이원적 구성은 이후의 別廟 논의에도 영향을 미쳤다. 공민왕대 이제현은 별묘 내 22릉의 배치문제를 논하면서 도궁별전제도와 동당이실제도가 공존하게끔 별묘를 설계함으로써, 충선왕, 충숙왕 이래의 태묘내 이원적 구성을 별묘에까지 확대 적용하였다. 이러한 고려 태묘 내부의 고유한 운영원리는 충선왕이 고안하였고 충숙왕이 보전하였으며 공민왕이 확대하였다. 당시 국왕들이 하나의 제도에 고려‧원 양국의 영향과 체례를 혼용하였음을 14세기전·중반 고려 태묘제도의 정비 과정을 통해 살펴볼 수 있다.

고려 충숙왕대 인사정책 연구: 재추의 관직겸임 양상을 중심으로

이강한 역사학회 2019 역사학보 Vol.0 No.244

King Chungsuk-wang of Goryeo(1313-1330; 1332-1339) probably went through the most difficult experiences, compared to other Goryeo kings of the 14th century. Since his enthronement in 1313 he remained under control of the former king (his father), and around 1320, when he was finally ready to rule the country by himself he was suddenly called to and detained in the Imperial capital for five years. Before that and also later on, he was continuously harassed by his political enemies who either wanted to replace him with the Shim lord Wang Goh, or replace the Jeongdong Haengseong provincial government with a new one to monitor Goryeo more closely. Due to such circumstances, people today remember his reign as a long but unfruitful one, mired by the king’s own incompetence and lack of care for his subject’s wellbeing. In this article, his personnel appointments, the king’s ultimate way of governing, are examined to verify his sincerity and conviction. Examination of how he controlled the powerful Jaeshin and Miljik figures, in terms of what kind of posts of the Three Ministries, the Gamchalsa(Saheonbu) Monitor office and the Samsa Expenditure Committee he provided them with, reveals that for nearly thirty years, king Chungsuk managed to reduce their power one by one, raised the autonomous nature of the monitoring office, and use the Samsa office to support his own policy stance. These aspects urge us to reexamine the legacy of Chungsuk, to have a better understanding of the political intricacies and policy details of his reign. 충숙왕(1313-1330; 1332-1339)은 13-14세기 고려 국왕 중 정치적 시련을 가장 많이 겪은 경우라 할 수 있다. 즉위 직후에는 부왕 충선왕의 영향력에서 벗어나지 못했고, 1320년을 전후해 친정을 시작한 이후에는 원제국을 방문했다가 북경에 억류당했다. 심왕옹립 세력 및 입성운동파 세력의 정치적 공격에 시달렸고, 내부적으로는 정치, 경제적 혼란을 마주하였다. 그 결과 재위기간이 상당히 길었음에도 불구하고 눈에 띄는 업적은 적었으며, 이에 당대의 정치적 문란함을 방치한 무능력한 군주로 오랜 동안 여겨져 왔다. 본고에서는 과연 그가 능력과 의지를 결여한, 즉 역사적 비판을 받아 마땅한 군주에 불과했는지의 여부를 그의 인사정책을 통해 살펴보고자 하였다. 정부운영에 대한 그의 정책적 입장을 살피기 위해 당시 그가 재신과 밀직으로 하여금 3부, 사헌부 및 삼사의 관직들을 어떻게 겸임시켰는지를 살펴보았다. 검토 결과, 30여년에 이르는 재위기간 동안 그는 험난한 정치지형 속에서도 재신과 밀직들의 권력을 꾸준히 제한해 갔음이 관찰된다. 재신이 극도의 반왕적 성향을 노출하고 밀직은 견제가 필요할 정도로 그 위상이 향상된 상황에서, 그에 효과적으로 대처하는 동시에 충선왕의 가혹한 재정세입책을 철회하기 위해, 새로운 인사를 전개한 결과로 판단된다. 1321년 이래 1320년대말까지 재신직을 보유한 선대 측근들을 견제하기 위해 재신들의 6부직 겸임 폭을 줄이고, 그 와중에 6부와 관련해 권한이 비대해진 밀직들에게는 삼사사 직 겸임을 불허했으며, 복위 후 사망할 때까지 밀직의 6부직 겸임, 재신의 삼사직 겸임까지도 중단하여, 재추와 6부, 재추와 삼사의 ‘격절’을 단계적으로 강화하였다. 아울러 재추의 감찰대부(대사헌) 겸임도 줄여 나감으로써 감찰기구의 중립성을 강화하였다. 향후의 연구에서 충숙왕대 국정의 이런 면모에 대한 추가 검토가 이뤄지길 기대해 본다.

고려 충숙왕의 전민변정 및 상인등용

이강한(Lee Kang-hahn) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.72

Goryeo King Chungsuk-wang displayed a couple of interesting policy initiatives, in the area of governmental finance during his reign, which lasted for more than 25 years. In the former half of his reign(1314~1325), he chose not to continue his father(King Chungseon-wang)'s policy of revising the tax system and increasing extraction upon several sources. Instead, he started to correct certain problems that cropped up during Chungseon-wang's governance, by rectifying powerful beings' malpractices of illegally taking custody of commoners or making them lowly persons, and by determining legitimate ownerships over land units. Then during the latter half of his reign(1325~1339), he and his vassals & cronies started enlisting merchant figures(and people who had working relationships with such merchants) into the political arena for governmental service. With the success of former king Chungseon-wang's financial policies, the monetary status of the Goryeo dynasty was significantly enhanced(in the eary 14th century), and Chungsuk-wang was initiating his financial policies (in 1318) in a very different climate. Benefitting from his father's accomplishments, quite naturally he tried to eliminate the problems caused by his father's policies instead of pointlessly rehashing it. With Chungsuk-wang's efforts, several things that went without being appropriately dealt with, were granted attention that they duly desired. Yet when Chungseon-wang was exiled to a remote location inside the Yuan empire in 1320, and Chungsuk-wang was held captive in the empire's capital and was forced to reside there for five years until 1325, short-term expenditure of the government skyrocketed, and the positive effects from Chungseon-wang's former financial reforms also started to disappear. Facing such crisis, Chungsuk-wang had to devise new plans to fight the recurrence of a financial dry-up that haunted the government for decades so he and his followers started to recruit merchants with relationships to commercial activities, in order to utilize them in the government's efforts and attempts of exploring new possible options that would enhance the revenue of the government. And it should also be noted that all these policy initiatives displayed by Chungsuk-wang indeed featured some probable influences from the contemporary governance of the Yuan imperial government as well. Emperor Jen-tsung was well known for his negation of his predecessor Wu-tsung and’s financial policies. He pursued a more tempered financial policy, and abandoned all kinds of artificial projects designed to raise the governmental income level, while trying to alleviate and mitigate several social problems that were left unattended by his predecessor's governance. Jen-tsung's stay in the reign almost overlapped with the early half of Chungsuk-wang's governance, so a probable relationship and a possible inspiration between the governance of those two leaders might have been in works. Then during the latter half of Chungsuk-wang's governance, the sitting emperor of the empire was Emperor T'aiting, who infamously supported Muslim merchants' activities in and out of the empire, and promoted the Yuan government's trade relationships with entities of financial and commercial potentials throughout both the inland and maritime silkroads. Chungsuk-wang's 5 year stay in Yuan during the early 1320s, and his later return visit to Yuan in the early 1330s when he was forced to temporarily relinquish the Goryeo reign to his son, overlapped with the period of T’aiting’s and his successor Wen-tsung's promotion of trade relationships, so he had the opportunity to observe all the proliferated investments and fierce retrieval of profits that were being conducted throughout the empire at the time. Acquired knowledge of the entire procedure involving inland and maritime trade and transactions with the West Asian Muslim world would have deeply inspired Chungsuk-wang, and must have been vastly inform

고려 충렬~충정왕대의 밀직-재신 간 轉職 양상 검토

이강한(Lee Kang-Hahn) 고려사학회 2019 한국사학보 Vol.- No.76

충렬왕대 고려 첨의부가 강등되고 충선왕이 즉위 및 복위 당시 밀직사의 위상을 강화하면서, 재신과 밀직(추밀) 각기의 위상은 물론 양자 간의 관계까지도 변화하였고, 그러한 변화는 당시 밀직↔재신 간 전직 사례들에서 확인되는 바가 있다. 충렬왕대의 경우 제1밀직이 최하위(제5) 재신 등으로 이동하는, 즉 고려 전,중기에도 그리 많이 관찰되지 않는 극단적인 사례들이 다수 확인되며, 이전부터도 재신에 비해 열위였던 밀직의 위상이 더욱 낮아진 상황을 보여준다. 그러나 뒤이어 전개된 충선왕의 복위연간에는 이런 사례들이 사라지고, 2,3등급의 밀직이 역시 2,3등급의 재신으로 이동하는 사례 등이 현저하게 증가해 충숙왕대로 이어진다. 충숙왕대에 접어들어서는 드디어 ‘하위밀직이 고위 재신으로’ 이동하는, 즉 밀직의 재신대비 위상이 상대적으로 ‘제고’된 듯한 사례들이 급증하며, 이런 추세가 충혜왕대까지도 이어진다. 그러다가 충목왕 이후부터는 다시금 ‘고위밀직이 하위재신으로 가는’ 사례들이 많아지지만, ‘낮은 밀직이 높은 재신으로’ 가는 경우도 여전히 적지 않게 발견된다. 14세기전반 재추간 전직 사례들에서 관찰되는 이러한 변화는 13-14세기 고려정부의 운용양상과 관련해 주목할 만한 부분이다. 아울러 당시 재신・밀직의 6부・어사대・삼사 관직 겸임 관행에도 일정한 변모를 초래했을 가능성이 높아 보인다. The Cheom’ui-bu office was demoted with King Chung’ryeol’s enthronement, and later the Miljik-sa office was promoted by his son King Chungseon. The changes these two offices went through also changed the status of all the Jaeshin and Miljik ministers, as well as the dynamic between them. The true nature of such change is yet to be explored, and one avenue we could pursue is some old and new characteristics behind the Miljik-Jaeshin transfers. During Chung’ryeol’s reign, there were many cases -unlike earlier periodsin which the Miljik ministers had to reach the highest Miljik seat to occupy even the lowest Jaeshin seat as his next post. This signifies the Miljik’s rather handicapped status compared to that of the Jaeshin figures. Then during Chungseon’s reign, such cases vanished, and more leveled kinds of transfer cases surfaced. Later during king Chungsuk’s and Chung’hye’s reign such cases would increase and even feature new cases that would suggest the status of the Miljik figures were no longer disadvantageous compared to the Jaeshins’ at all. Although during the reigns of young kings like Chungmok and Chungjeong cases from the Chung’ryeol days returned, but the trend launched back in Chungseon’s days also remained intact. This new trend in the early half of the 14th century must have affected all corners of the Goryeo governmental operations, and must be adequately understood in the near future. This article is an effort to kickstart such discussion.

충숙왕대의 征東省官

金蘭玉(Kim, Nan-Ok) 역사교육연구회 2017 역사교육 Vol.141 No.-

King Chungsuk(忠肅) had difficulty in exercising his royal authority during his reign due to intervention of King Chungsun(忠宣), the ex-king, at the beginning; ibsungchaekdong(立省策動)-the schemes for establishing Jeongdonghangseong (an institution of Mongo for interfering in Goryeo affairs)-and the recollection of the king’s rights in the middle phase; and restriction in his power by abdication and re-accession to the throne in relation to King Chunghae in his late reign. Under the reign of King Chungsuk, most of the Jeongdong-sungwkan officials who were Goryeo had not only some connection to the Yuan but also a strong personal relationship with the king, and the position of sungkwan was succeeded even in some families. The Goryeo sungkwan(省官) officials sought for keeping the king safe and secure, while their counterparts of the Yuan did not. The Yuan sungkwan officials tried to apply the Yuan legal system to Goryeo, an attempt that provoked a strong opposition; took the lead in ibsungchaekdong. Above all things, the original roles of officials in Jeongdonghangseong were not clearly shown in activities of the Jeongdong-sungkwan during the reign of King Chungsuk; it is uncertain whether their political behaviors were performed under the position of Goryeo officials or as the stance of officials in Jeongdonghangseong. Moreover, it is doubtful whether Jeongdonghangseong was effective on controlling or subjugating Goryeo, for most the Goryeo sungkwan officials supported King Chungsuk. In this context, it is necessary to re-examine what were the ways of mediating between the two countries and controlling Goryeo in the period of establishing Mongol-Goryeo relationship.

忠肅王의 密敎大藏 金字寫經

邊東明(Byeon Dong-myeong) 역사학회 2004 역사학보 Vol.0 No.184

King Chungsuk gave orders to transcribe the Esoteric Buddhist Scriptures with gold letters in the late Koryo Dynasty. It was not a collection of the sacred writings of Esoteric Buddhism all around, but mere a Buddhist collection of Dharani Sutras together. According to the early document of Chosun Dynasty, there were engraved woodblocks of this Dharani Sutras in Sanscrit, and these would have been delivered to Japan in the early years of King Sejong, So we assume that the Esoteric Buddhist Scriptures must have been written in Sanscrit. King Chungsuk ordered his subjects to edit and copy 130 volumes of the Esoteric Buddhist Scriptures, in which he added new 40 volumes to previously existing 90 volumes. These were, so to speak, a enlarged new editions. There was a great possibility that these new 40 volumes were the Sutras of the late Esoteric Buddhism connected with the Tibetian Esoteric Buddhism in Yuan, which were introduced to the late Koryo Dynasty and influenced the Sutras, The Great Esoteric Sutras which he wanted to transcribe with gold letters was a whole collection of Dharani Sutras involving the late Esoteric Buddhist Scriptures in Tibetian Buddhism, and this would have been written in Sanscrit. The skillful workmen of the Geumjawon(金字院) completed his work around May in 1328 in a short period of time. It seems that Chongjijong(摠持宗) which was distinguished in curing diseases with chanting Sutras at that time participated in this work of writing gold letters. King Chungsuk was a person who had great tendency to rely on miracle of blessing. He performed this work to wish to have If good luck. But this work must have been driven by his political ambition rather than his private wish. Actually, overcoming aftereffect of detention in Yenching and successfully dealing with an attack on the King by Shenyang party, he intended to keep the throne. With emphasis on displaying disease treatment and repulsing the attack on the King by Shenyang party, the king ordered his ministers to write the Esoteric Buddhist Scriptures with gold letters so that he was able to keep the throne with Dharani Sutras' power. In short, with the work of Dharani Sutras which were deeply related to Chongjijong's disease treatment, he tried to attain his political purposes.