1990년대 이후 중국 淸史學界의 사회사 연구동향

유장근 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2009 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.39

笔者是在1990年代以后清代史学研究里出现的变化中关注于社会史的研究。在中国历史学界上,社会史包含两种意味。一个是在年报学派中使得发展的方法论和那个特征适用于中国史研究;另一个是意味着在构成人类 社会全体要素中社会领域的集中研究,其实是说在学界里不仅要揉和两种要素,而且最近接受前者的倾向有点更占优势。 在中国正式性的社会研究是开始于1980年代末期批判历史的政治附属,历史学在意识精神上归还给历史学家。再就 历史学家们判断说,很难理解不会活用研究方法和视角的复杂长久的中国历史。 笔者采用社会史的研究方法是为了更深刻宽广的理解清代史,还有可能确定深化的程度。在这之中,特别的是清代史学家们在日常生活、社会福利、灾害和救济、生态环境方面长期的研究检讨,这些对于社会整体的变化和由怎样的衔接进行分析工作。这一点是近来正如在中国显露出的新问题一样,是政府和社会要及时解决的课题。并且历史学家着手于掌握人民不是阶级斗争的主体而是要幸福生活的人格体,以这一认识的转变为出发点来重视社会史。 并且,在划分清代史时一向是死板的时代划分,就以鸦片战争为时期界线把近代和近代以前的划分开来也比起以前已更不具有说服力。社会史的研究对长期的展望清代史也有帮助,把清代史和今天的世界史联系起来琢磨,在清代史的整个时期中试着捕捉近代性的影子 毕竟议论还很活跃的。 就算这样,社会从国家到具有自律性的层次阶段上看是不在前进的,中国社会史学会像用阐明公式一样,让社会史的研究终究因为在国家提出的政策目标履行的前提下进行。以这样的制度看清代史,是在世界史的范畴里或是在和现代的关系里可能都会受到制约。

1990년대 이후 중구 청사학계(淸史學界)의 사회사 연구동향

유장근 梨花女子大學校 史學硏究所 2009 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.39

제6부 이화사학연구소 창립40주년 기념 학술대회 발표논문: 9~10세기 한국인의 해외활동 -중국연해지역을 중심으로- : 이정기 일가의 산동 지역 활동

지배선 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2003 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.30

일본 기독교 여성교육의 성과와 전망 : 1910~1940년 도쿄기독교여자대학의 상호 문화적 교류 사례를 중심으로

小檜山ルイ 梨花女子大學校 史學硏究所 2000 梨花史學硏究 Vol.27 No.-

김마리아(1892-1944)의 교육관 ― 실력양성론 형성과 구체화를 중심으로 ―

이방원 ( Lee¸ Bang-weon ) 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2020 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.61

Kim Maria was a “female Korean independence activist” who devoted her whole life for the independence of Korea. She said that “I married with the independence of Korea” with confidence. To understand activities of Kim Maria who sought the ways for independence and put into practice in her whole life, this study aims at investigating traces of forming, changing and developing her theory for fostering capacity as the way for national salvation in her life. When she was young, Kim Maria grew up in the family who felt responsible for local community and in open home environment accepting Christianity. She expanded her responsibility to country and people as Japan invaded was realized. In her teens, she studied at Chungshin Girls’ School which cultivated the Christian education and the spirit of independence she met fighters for independence at “Kim Brothers Store” which was managed by her uncles, Kim Yuno and Kim Pilsoon. She also cured soldiers who were wounded in the protest against the dissolution of Korean Army in 1907 in Severance Hospital. Through these experiences, she decided to devote her life for Korean independence. During studying in Japan, she set up her resolute idea on the necessity of the education for women. She thought that education was essential to become “human” and women must be educated to be appropriate and helpful in Korea and committed to society. For Korean independence, she returned to Korea with the statement of the February 8th Independence Declaration and contributed to plan the March 1st Movement. However, she witnessed failures of the March 1st Movement and Korean Patriotic Women's Society in Korea and the division of Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai. She realized that fostering capacity could be base for independence and went study abroad to the United States of America. When she started her study in the U.S., she already decided to devote herself to Korean education and contribute to the independence and development of Korea. In the U.S., She strengthened her capacity by studying in Park University, Chicago University, Graduate School of Education in Columbia University and New York Theological Seminary. Through these studying and other experiences in the U.S., she developed her theory for fostering capacity to the stage that a individual citizen must effort to have his own leadership, choose leader and cooperate for the success of activities of that leader. She thought that a individual citizen must be the pivot of society. In her theory of fostering capacity, she had particular attention to the education for women. She had consciousness about the situation that a man was in center and a woman was excluded or in only auxiliary role. She thought that a woman was designated to be a “human” who can live freely. Her purpose of education for women was that a woman must go into the scene of missions of times equally with a man and stand as the independent subject of her own life and of the independence and development of her homeland. It meant that a woman must be the subject of independence beyond the auxiliary role. Kim Maria’s theory for fostering capacity was formed, changed and developed by her growth and having various experiences. The purpose of fostering capacity was not limited to the independence and expanded to the process of national development after independence. Her emphasis on education for women was not for only the liberation of women. She thought that men and women together must participate in the independence and development of nation. She did not leave her theory as only theory. After returning to Korea, she practiced her theory in teaching in Martha Wilson Seminary for Women and cultivated the spirit of independence.

일본 기독교 대학 교육의 성과와 전망

宋蓮玉 梨花女子大學校 史學硏究所 2000 梨花史學硏究 Vol.27 No.-

한국 기독교 여성교육의 성과와 전망 : 이화여자대학교를 중심으로

이배용,손승희,문숙재,조경원 梨花女子大學校 史學硏究所 2000 梨花史學硏究 Vol.27 No.-

전시체제하 일본의 국민학교 체련과(體錬科) 교육 ― 그 실제와 한계 ―

함예재 ( Ham¸ Yejae ) 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2020 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.61

On entering into the (Second) Sino-Japanese War in 1937, Japanese society turned into the war footing. The Japanese Army, long been prepared for the total war, has been concerned about physical strength of young conscripts thereby the issues of reduced physical strength of the public emerged from the physical examination for conscription. Japanese Army pointed out the Japanese education as one of the causes of reduced physical strength of the public and so does the Ministry of Education that took the issue as one of major problems to be resolved. Engaged the war, the educational system was revised by which the elementary education faced the sweeping change of an introduction of elementary school cultivating Japanese nationals in 1941. Children in the elementary school were out of subjects to be mobilized for the war however they were regarded and treated as young nationals as well as valuable human resources for the future. Thus, the measures to resolve issues associated with reduced physical strength were reflected in the course of education in elementary school, and in this context, the physical training education was intensified. The time assigned to the lessons for the subject of physical training in a week, which corresponds to the course of physical education in the elementary school, had increased almost twice with changes in contents and objectives of the education. Regarding the objectives of the lessons of the subject of physical training, the physical training, as well as spiritual exercising, intended for the intensification of national power and defense strength. That is, the subject of physical training mediated the connection between mind and body of students, by which the physical body of individuals was transformed into the physical body of nation. In the course of lessons, the subject of military arts was selected as one of regular courses thereby the ‘Spirit of Japan’ emerged and consequently resulted in the systematic rearrangement in contents of physical training. However, contrary to the objectives of education of national significance presented by the Ministry of Education, the ways of receiving educational courses in the actual education field exhibited limitations. The extensively enlarged objectives and complexity of contents in lessons for the education were regarded by teachers as estranging them from actual reality. Besides, the situation, lacking resources and foods, also limited the accomplishment of educational objectives of the enhancement physical strength through physical training and education. Consequently, the solution, for the issue of reduced physical strength which exerted the intensification of education of physical training in the background, was unavailable through employment of physical training and education.

韓國史의 普遍性과 特殊性

李基白 梨花女子大學校 史學硏究所 1973 梨花史學硏究 Vol.6-7 No.-

백제 熊津 都城의 왕궁 위치와 조영과정

여호규 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2017 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.55

The issue of debate for the location of the palace inside the Ungjin(熊津) capital of Baekje is yet to be resolved: one side argues that it was inside the Gongsan-seong(公山城) fortress, while the other argues that it was on the streets of Gongju city. The former argument considers the nature of the Ungjin capital as one similar to that of the early years’ Hanseong(漢城) capital, while the latter considers it more similar to the future Sabi(泗沘) capital. In reality, the Ungjin capital seems to have had qualities that must have come from both of those capitals altogether. An examination of the Ungjin capital’s in-between qualities -through written records and archaeological findings- we can conclude that inside the Gongsan-seong fortress there would have been a palace built for emergency situations, and on the streets of Gongju there would have been a palace for ordinary times constructed. In the 3rd year of King Munju-wang’s reign, which was right after the capital transfer to Ungjin, there was a huge renovation made to the emergency palace at Gongsan-seong, for several military reasons. The vestige in the front square of the Ssangsu-jeong structure -which is on a high ground- must have been where the (emergency) palace was, while the Seong’an village vestige -which is fairly low- would have been where supplementary facilities to the palace or the Jeongcheong office or even other official bodies must have been stationed. We can see that right after the capital transfer to Ungjin the capital city itself was created at Gongsan-seong, which featured aspects similar to those of the early years’ [Hanseong era’s] Mongchon toseong. Later, when situations inside and also outside the country were stabilized, between the 8th and 11th years of King Dongseong-wang’s reign, the Primary palace (for ordinary times) and a Namdang(南堂) chamber in Gongju were renovated. This resulted in large-scale streets and sections being established inside Gongju, with the Royal palace standing on the same level and other structures positioned around it, in a formation which we could also spot in future capital Sabi. Dongseong-wang even attempted to construct a structure called Imryu-gak(臨流閣) in his last years in order to establish a whole new ritual space with the Palace at its center, but was unfortunately stopped by his own vassals. In essence, the Ungjin capital city must have looked -in its early days- more like the early Hanseong city, but would have come to feature elements of the future Sabi city since the days of King Dongseong-wang. But during Dongseong-wang’s days an artificial -and new- Defense Wall[羅城] was never created, and only the natural mountain ridges surrounding the Gongju city were used as an alternative instead. In that regard, as failing to finalize the appearance of a Grand Capital City, the Ungjin Capital city was definitely sort of an Interim-phase one which connected the early Hanseong capital to the subsequent period’s Sabi. The shortcomings of Ungjin capital ultimately prompted the authorities to move the capital once again, and the transfer to Sabi was a process of remedying the problems involved with Ungjin.