일제 말기 한국광복군 여성대원들의 활동 양상

윤정란 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 2006 여성학논집 Vol.23 No.1

본 논문은 일제 말기 한국광복군 여성대원들에 대해 조명하였다. 연구 결과는 다음과같다. 광복군에 입대한 여성들은 독립운동가 집안의 여성 독립운동가와 결혼해서 광복군이 된 여성 국내에서 민족운동에 투신하다 일경을 피해 망명을 한 여성 기생 출신의 여성등으로 다양한 계층의 여성들이었다 이들의 입대동기는 여성들의 권리 신장, 일본군에 의한 가족의 사망, 독립운동가의 권유 등이었다. 활동내용을 살펴보면 여성대원들은 남성들과 똑같이 초모활동 교육과 훈련 선전활동한미군사 합작과 전략첩보활동 국내진입작전과 정진대 활동 등에 참가하면서 세탁 재봉구호대 등의 일도 수행하였다. 여성대원들은 남성대원들에 비해 더 많은 역할을 수행하였는데 이는 광복군에서도 여성들이 성역할 이데올로기에서 자유롭지 못했던 것을 보여준다. This study deals with the Korean Women’s Independence Army. It notesthat the social background of the women who joined the Korean IndependenceArmy was diverse. Many of them were the family members or wives of theparticipants in the independence movement, the women who went into exileaway from the oppression of the Japanese police and those who worked once ina Kisaeng house. The women enlisted in the Army with various motivations. Some thoughtof the enlistment as a way to enhance women’s rights, while others were drawnto the Army with the death of the family members by the Japanese. Among themOh Kwang-Sim and Ji Bock-Young were relatively in high ranks in the Army. They exclaimed “Who can deprive us of the equal rights if we boast toshow men’s capacity and character and if we work and bleed like men for themother country?” and participated actively in the services in the front and therear as male members did. The women who joined hands with men managed to finish militarytraining and exercises, participated in the propaganda campaigns and recruitmentactivities, and shared in strategical secret services for the Korean-American jointmilitary work. However, the women members of the Army could not escape from thestereotyped role of women at the time because they were given extra work thatwomen were supposed to do, such as sewing, laundering and nursing activities.

한국 근대미술의 일하는 여성 이미지에 대한 연구

조은정 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 2006 여성학논집 Vol.23 No.2

근대시기 남성작가들의 의해 그려진 일하는 모습의 여성은 대체로 가부장적 정체성을 드러낸다. 일제강점기의 식민경험은 여성을 억압하는 제도와 사회규범뿐 아니라 여성을 바라보는 시각이나 여성을 재현하는 방식에 적지 않게 깊은 영향을 미쳤다. 한국전쟁기 남성의 부재라는 특수한 상황으로 인하여 여성은 더욱 더 전통적인 역할을 수행하도록 내몰렸다. 이 시기의 미술에서 여성은 개인주의적 직업인이 아니라 가정의생계를 책임지는 가장으로서의 성스러운 임무를 잠시 대체하고 있는 모성으로 나타난다. 결국 한국 근대미술에서 여성의 직업 이미지는 전문적이며 실질적인 경제활동 인구로서의 모습이 아니라 남성적 시각에 의해 파악되는 여성의 사회적 위치를 표현하는한 도구의 표상에 불과함을 확인하게 된다. The identity of patriarchy appears in the images of women in Koreanmodern art as seen by male artists. The experience of Korea as a Japanesecolony has deeply influenced the way women were viewed and portrayed in art,as well as in actual regulation and social norms that oppressed women. Duringthe Korean War, due to an absence from home of men to participate in thewar, the people strongly desired their women to take on a more traditional role. The paintings and sculpture during this time portrayed women as motherssubstituting temporarily in the divine role as head of family who wasresponsible for its liveli-hood, not as career women who tended to be tooindividualistic. In modern Korean art, images of career women prove that theyare nothing but a tool to understand their social status from the male viewpoint,not as professionals who are specialized and practical members actively involvedin the national economy.

1990년대 남성 주도적 한국시장에서의 글로벌 여성담배 광고의 변형

임인숙(In-Sook Lim),김보미(Bo-Mi Kim) 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 2011 여성학논집 Vol.28 No.1

이 연구는 1988년 강압적으로 한국시장을 개방했던 초국적 담배기업들의 여성시장 확장전략이 갖는 특성을 분석한다. PM사와 BAT사의 대표적인 글로벌 여성담배인 ‘버지니아 슬림’과 ‘휘네스’에 초점을 맞추고, 그들이 자국과 세계시장에서 사용해온 전형적인 광고전략이 한국 상황에서 수정, 폐기되었을 가능성을 탐색한다. ‘버지니아 슬림’은 한국시장에 진입한 후 3년 만에 여성담배로서의 브랜드 정체성을 포기함으로써 1990년대 외산담배시장 점유율 2위를 고수하는 성공을 거두었다. 반면, 전형적인 광고라인을 10여 년 동안 유지했던 ‘휘네스’는 여성담배로서 인지도는 가장 높았지만 시장점유율은 버지니아 슬림보다 훨씬 뒤쳐졌다. 1990년대 여전했던 한국 담배시장의 남성 주도성과 여성을 대상으로 한 담배광고와 판촉에 대한 전면 규제조치는 초국적 담배회사들이 한국여성 소비자를 확보하는데 ‘이중 장애물’로 작용했을 것이다. 그러나 담배광고 규제를 우회하는 간접광고와 판촉 행위들이 다각적으로 이루어진 사실은 글로벌 여성담배의 광고전략 변화가 한국여성 소비자 공략에 대한 포기라기보다는 남녀공용 담배로의 전환일 수 있음을 시사한다. 또한 부드럽고 순한 맛의 여성담배 특성이 성별 이미지보다는 건강 이미지와 결합되는 한, 한국여성들의 감성과 욕망에 호소하는 광고가 부재하더라도 건강한 담배를 자처하는 광고들이 한국여성들에게 호소력을 가질 수 있다. This study aims to analyze the characteristics of transnational cigarette companies’ strategies to expand the female market in Korea after the market opening of 1988. Focusing on ‘Virginia Slims’ and ‘Finesse’, which are the PM and BAT’s representative female brands, this study explores whether their typical advertising strategies were transformed in Korean market. After 3years from the market opening, ‘Virginia Slims’ gave up its brand identity and the strategy was so successful that ‘Virginia Slims’ continued to be 2nd best-selling brand in the imported cigarette market in Korea. In contrast, ‘Finesse’ maintained a typical women’s cigarette image during the 1990s and consequently occupied the highest brand awareness as a female cigarette but lower market share than Virginia Slims. TTCs adapted to a doubly obstructed Korea market with its strong taboo against female smoking and a comparatively stronger legal ban on all cigarette ads targeting women. However, diverse indirect cigarette ads and promotions, which circumvented regulations, suggest that ads transforming was not to give up Korean female customers. Furthermore, the cigarette ads that the soft and mild taste of female brands are associated with healthy image rather than gendered image may appeal to Korean women without touching their emotions and desires.

필리핀 이주 기지촌 여성 ‘쥬시걸’의 민족지적 연구

한정우 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구소 : 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 2014 여성학논집 Vol.31 No.2

기지촌은 지금 필리핀 여성들이 과거의 ‘양공주’를 대체하고 있다. 본 연구의 목적은 참여관찰과 심층 면접을 통해 평택 주한미군 기지의 유흥업에 종사하는 외국 이주여성들의 이주의 동기와 과정 그리고 현지에서의 삶의 양식을 밝히는 민족지적 연구에 있다. 성매매 여성을 인신매매의 수동적 피해자로만 보는 시각으로부터 탈피해 한국으로의 이주 경험을 여성들의 주체적인 선택이나 삶의 전략의 하나로서 분석한다. 신자유주의 세계화 속에서 필리핀 농촌의 붕괴와 필리핀 정부의 해외 이주노동 장려 정책, 이들을 수입하는 한국 사회의 흡인 요인을 고려하면 필리핀 여성의 한국 기지촌으로의 유입은 여성의 성을 매개로 제도화된 해외이주노동에 의해 조장된다. 구조적 조건과 함께 이주과정에서의 여성의 선택의 과정을 분석하고 쥬시걸로서의 일의 과정에서 나타나는 착취적 요소와 이에 대응하는 여성의 전략을 살펴본다. 기지촌 필리핀 여성 이주자들은 본국에 송금할 수 있는 능력을 가진 노동자로서 독립적이기도 하고 의존적이기도, 기략이 풍부하기도 하고 착취당하기도 한다. 이들은 세계화의 경제 관계의 망에 갇힌, 그러나 로컬 차원의 행위자들이다. 일의 체계는 고용주가 이들을 최대로 활용하여 최대의 이득을 목적으로 하는 데서 비롯된 주스 할당량과 바 파인(bar fine)의 구조로 짜여진다. 이에 따라 계약 임금노동자로서 지급해야 하는 월급보다 성과급(주스 할당/바 파인)의 비중이 훨씬 높고, 이 부분에 계약서상에 없는 벌금이나 외출 금지의 벌칙이 적용된다. 기지촌 성산업에 유입된 필리핀 여성은 형식적으로는 외국인 계약 노동자이다. 그러나 이들이 계약을 하고 한국에 와서 일하는 모든 과정을 관철하는 하나의 본질(epiphany)은 ‘비(非)법, 편법, 합법으로 위장, 법망을 피하기’이다. 이들이 정부의 허가를 받은 외국인노동자로서 수입됐다면 입국 과정에서의 중개자 역할과 고용 과정에서의 벌금제 등 불합리한 고용 행위를 노동권에 입각해 논의하고 시정하여야 한다. The purpose of this study is to examine the experiences of Filipina entertainers at a military camp-town in Korea. It includes motivations, immigration processes, and their work in the clubs. With the ‘feminization of survival’ of the current globalization, the camp-town women have been replaced by foreign migrant women, especially from the Philippines. These women have been usually viewed as trafficked people, victims of forced sex slavery, a view that fails to recognize them as autonomous subjects. In analyzing their migration processes and lives in the clubs, I look at them not as passive agents, but rather as active ones. I have examined various structural causes as the defining factors in the Philippine women’s choices. The economic situation of the Philippines as a debtor country, along with the Philippines policy for enhancing work abroad, have led to this migration as a way of earning foreign currency. Contributing to this movement of women are the lax regulations of broker business, the efforts of the Korean camp town’s club businessmen to import foreign sex workers, a lax process of issuing entertainment visas, and lax regulations over military prostitution as a result of US-Korea relations. The women migrated to Korea to support themselves and their families back in the Philippines. Their considerations of intermarriage migration to Korea were also examined. However, their urgent financial needs have led them to reject patriarchal type marriages to Korean men. Before migration, they have access to information about their general work possibilities, but the extent and quality of this information seem to determine the conditions under which they migrate. Within the club they are struggling to expand their levels of bargaining power vis-à-vis their employers over required juice purchases and bar fines. Overall, Filipina camp-town women appear to be relieved that they are fortunate enough to migrate to Korea for higher incomes. They are independent, capable of sending money to their families, but are also dependent on labor processes which they sometimes circumvent. In order to protect them from exploitation, listening to their own voices should be the first step. To prevent abusive behaviors by brokers and club owners, there should be a system of checks and balances over labor standards, such as regular days off, lifting of the penalty system and curfews.

이화여자대학교 여성정보센터(가칭)설립 방안에 관한 연구

김봉희,장필화 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 2000 여성학논집 Vol.17 No.-

This study was conducted as a preliminary (pilot) study in hopes of establishing a Women's Information Center which will serve as a foundation far improving the academic standard of Women's Studies at Ewha Womans University. It will play an important role in coordinating and circulating information on women's issues and policymaking, as well as support academic events in Women's Studies. Furthermore, this center should ultimately contribute to improving the status of women and as well as the women's studies programs in Korea. This Women's Information Center will work closely with the University Central Library and the Korean Women's Institute at Ewha Womans University. Its primary function will be to serve as a national information center far women by offering a variety of services. For achieving these goals, this center operate as a branch of the University Central Library, but also serve as a professional library for the Korean Women's Institute. Because this will be by far the moat efficient operation system for distributing information on women.

한국사회학에서의 여성연구 : 통합(integration)과 분리(segregation)의 이중전략

Jae Kyung Lee 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구소 : 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 2014 여성학논집 Vol.31 No.2

이 연구에서는 한국사회학에서 여성연구의 특성과 한계를 분석하고, 향후 여성(또는 페미니스트)사회학의 발전을 위한 이론적, 방법론적 과제를 논의하였다. 이를 위해 한국사회학회 기관 학술지인 『한국사회학』과 한국여성학회 기관학술지인 『한국여성학』을 주된 분석 자료로 사용하였다. 1980년대 이후 여성사회학 연구는 여성노동에 대한 관심증가, 여성학의 제도화, 여성운동의 확대, 여성 연구자 증가 추세를 배경으로 두 가지 경로를 통해 발전해 왔다. 우선 주류 사회학에서의 여성연구는, 1960-1970년대는 여성부재의 사회학, 1980-1990년대는 여성연구의 양적 성장이라는 특징을 보였다. 2000년대부터 여성사회학 연구는 양적 증가뿐 아니라 연구 주제 및 영역의 확장이라는 질적 성장을 이루어왔으며, 이러한 경향은 오늘날에 이르고 있다. 한편 1984년에 한국여성학회가 설립된 이후 페미니스트 사회학연구가 등장하면서 주류 사회학에서 분석되지 않았던 주제 및 개념을 분석하면서, 사적인 것으로 간주되었던 쟁점을 학문적 주제로 이끌어냈다. 방법론적으로도 심층 면접, 구술사 등 다양한 질적 방법을 사용함으로써 양적 분석에서 간과되어 왔던 여성경험의 의미를 해석해 왔다. 그러나 사회학 내에서 여성연구는 젠더 정체화와 젠더 양극화로 인해 젠더 위계와 불평등이 (재)생산되는 한계를 보여주었다. 따라서 향후 한국사회학에서 여성연구가 확장되고 사회학 지식생산에 개입하기 위해서는, 주류 사회학에서 여성연구의 확대와 주류 사회학과 거리를 둔 페미니스트 사회학 발전이라는 두 가지 전략, 즉 통합과 분리 전략을 넘어서 사회학에 대한 페미니즘의 보다 적극적 개입이 요구된다. This paper aims to discuss theoretical and methodological considerations for future development of feminist sociology by analyzing the implications and limitations of feminist studies in Korean Sociology. For this, it collects and analyzes data from the Korean Journal of Sociology and the Journal of Korean Women’s Studies. Given the context of increased interests on the issue of female labour, institutionalization of women’s studies, galvanizing of women’s movements, and a large increase of female scholars, feminist sociology studies have developed in two directions since 1980s: first, feminist studies in the mainstream sociology rarely focused on gender issues in the 1960s and 1970s, but quantitative growth and development was achieved in the 1980s and 1990s; second, feminist sociology studies have developed both quantitatively and qualitatively in terms of issues and concerns since 2000. On the other hand, with the establishment of the Korean Association of Women’s Studies in 1984, feminist sociology studies have carved out a vibrant new field of inquiry which has been regarded as a private and trivial issue within the mainstream sociology. Methodologically, they have developed diverse qualitative methods including in-depth interviews and women’s oral histories, which allow reinterpreting and reconstructing women’s experiences and memories that have been expressly denied and excluded. Feminist studies in Korean Sociology, however, have faced some limitations caused by gender polarization and gender identification. Based on these analyses, this paper sets an agenda for expanding feminist studies in Korean sociology and intervening in the process of knowledge construction in sociology. This goal can be achieved by two strategies, which may require strengthening feminist studies and developing feminist sociology by going beyond integration and segregation.

아시아 지역 여성 역량강화를 위한 한국 공적개발원조(ODA) 방안 : 인도와 필리핀의 기술직업교육훈련(TVET) 사례를 중심으로

김효정,마정윤,이슬기 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 2014 여성학논집 Vol.31 No.1

본 연구는 아시아 지역 여성의 역량강화를 위한 한국 공적개발원조(ODA)를 모색하는데 있어 기술직업교육훈련(TVET)에 주목한다. 한국의 교육 분야 개발협력은 아시아를 중심으로 기술교육과 일자리에 대한 TVET를 중점적으로 지원해왔다. 그러나 여성의 역량강화라는 목표에 있어 TVET의 예산, 기획, 시행 및 평가 정도는 성중립적(gender neutral)이거나 때론 몰성적(gender blind)이었다. 한국국제협력단(KOICA)의 2012년 교육예산은 전체예산의 약 23%를 차지하는 반면 여성을 직, 간접적 목적으로 하는 TVET의 예산은 전체 예산의 약 1%였고, 기존의 여성 대상 TVET 사업들은 대개 여성 노동의 특성을 고려한 접근성이 부재했다. 이에 본 연구는 해외의 ODA 사업 중 젠더통합적인 TVET 사례를 아시아 여성의 역량강화 관점에서 살펴보기 위해 시민사회(CSO)에 대한 다자간 프로그램 원조 사례인 인도의 맨발학교(Barefoot College)와 양자 간 프로그램 원조 사례인 필리핀의 여성경제역량강화교육을 분석하였다. 이 두 TVET 사례의 특징은 단순히 여성을 임금노동 시장으로 편입시키는 것이 아니라 여성이 처한 현실에 대한 폭넓은 이해를 바탕으로 경제적 역량강화를 이루고 있는데, 이를 위한 주요한 요소로는 개인과 지역 공동체의 통합적인 발전, 여성노동에 대한 전체적인 접근, 여성들 간의 차이 고려를 통한 접근성 증대, 성별고정관념을 넘어선 여성노동에 대한 충분한 고려 및 남녀 모두에 대한 성 평등 의식 고양 등이 요구되고 있다. This study aims to analyze TVET(Technical Vocational Education and Training) for Korean ODA(Official Development Aid) to enhance Asian women's empowerment. Educational development cooperation in Korea aids in priority TVET to expand technical education and job creation for recipient countries. However budget and planning and evaluation of TVET were generally gender neutral or gender blind. This study found the aid budget of KOICA's TVET projects on women was less than 1% and existing TVET projects of ODA for women or gender equality in developing countries failed to analyze and adjust the women's status of local labor market and characteristic of women's labor. To understand the gender integrated TVET, it reviewed TVET cases of foreign ODA the 'Barefoot College' program in India funded by UNDP and UNESCO, and 'Gender-Responsive Economic Actions for the Transformation'(GREAT) in Philippine funded by CIDA. These two cases are not just added women into wage labor market, its approach was based on the comprehensive perspective of women's economic empowerment which includes several factors that the integrated development between individuals and local community level, holistic approach of women's labor, advancement of access through the consideration of women's differences, overcoming the gender stereotypes of women labor and raising the gender equality awareness.

한국 여성사 정립을 위한 여성인물 유형연구 Ⅳ : 1945년~1948년 The Period of United States Military Government

이배용,김정선,이승희,김점숙,김수자 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 1996 여성학논집 Vol.13 No.-

The target period of this study was the "Period of United States Military Government". This was the brief period from the declaration of military government by the U.S. Force stationed in the southern part of the Korean peninsula, with tile unconditional surrender of the Imperial Japanese Army until the establishment of the Republic of Korea as an independent entity on August 15, 1948. Despite its brevity, this period has been recognized as important, during which basic frameworks of capitalist economy and national authority were founded. This study explores women's lives and activities during the period and examines how the period restricted and reflected women's lives and activities. The content of the study is summarized as follows: The major trends that are significant during the period for women are: the expansion of education and acquiring of franchise by women. These were not a result of the women's movement, but of the policy of the US military government that claimed to establish and preserve "democratic order". The crucial problem at the time was, how women should utilize the given opportunities. Under the US military government, which advocated a liberal-democratic system, many changes were generated in consciousness along with changes in life style and other patterns. In particular, "equal lights between men and women" was thought of as a public value. Therefore the realization of "equal rights" was considered as a prerequisite for democratic order. In other words, the period was recognized as one of women's liberation from oppressive bonds, coinciding with liberation from Japanese Imperial Rule. In this period, western liberal culture was rapidly influencing South Korea and women's consciousness was thus also changed. Under these influences, a new image was emerging and making an impact on family structure. This was the image of progressive couples, wherein attempts were made to promote a new relationship of understanding and love between mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law who had traditionally been in conflict in the pre-modern family. During this period women became very active participants in socia1 spheres. In politics, women's activities in creating a nation state wet¡¤e significant. This was evident in the work of organizations in the women's movement. Their activities, however, were restricted by conflict between right and left wing political groups who were in acute confrontation with each other over the issue of deciding on a future direction for a new Korean nation state. This inevitably led to women's organizations focusing their energies on the establishment of the nation state, the hot issue of the period, and consequently, they abandoned the specific goals of the women's movement. In the meantime women who had obtained the right to vote could become the subjects as well as the objects of national politics, for instance, women took an active part in policy-making and there were 18 women candidates in the May 10th election under the military government. However, there were several harriers in women's be coming active agents in politics, for example, traditional concepts of "politics is a man's Job", a distrust of women's abilities and so on. The May 10th election was a memorable moment, when women used their votes for the first time in Korea and realized the aforementioned problems once again. While women failed to advance to the forefront of politics, yet this was a good opportunity for them to grapple with ways and means for reducing the barriers hindering women's political participation, while they Critically reviewed their past activities. In economic sectors, women were active participants. The change in their economic situation during the period was two-fold and can be characterized as follows: First, there was a quantitative increase of women workers, as till then occupations open to women had been limited for a few "new (modern) women" and subsequently became open to the general (ordinary) women. Second, women's employment opportunities were extended to include what were traditionally "men's occupations". In particular, women's participation in professional jobs was enlarged. This was closely linked to the expansion of educational opportunities, which in turn, accelerated their economic participation. Women's greater social participation was, however, only possible on the condition that they do not perform their new roles at the expense of their familial duties. In the circumstances, the traditional notion of "women's place is at home" was not over come ; household chores and child rearing were still women's burden. These were recognized as factors crucial for enhancing women's social activities, and various attempts were made to solve the problem at societal levels, but not in personal or private spheres. Thus these were limited and remained ineffective. In conclusion, the period of US military government in Korea encouraged women to improve their status and change their roles within the new social environment of Liberation and the influx of western culture. This can also to called transitional period, during which traditional patriarchal ideology still dominated over women's life. Although women's enhanced social participation was understood as a "new direction of social progress", it had to be compatible with family life and the ideology of "hyon-mo yang-ch'o" (wise mother and good wife). The latter ideology was maintained as defining the image of the good woman. Thus the period of US military government can be depicted as one of transition, in which traditional values about women altered and new ones emerged.

여성주의 번역 윤리와 Kyung-sook Shin/Chi-young Kim의 'Please Look After Mom'의 독자들

양혜원 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 2023 여성학논집 Vol.40 No.1

With the success of the Please Look After Mom in the U.S. publishing market, studies on its translation and the translator have proliferated. Given that translator (and her translation) have often been seen as derivative of the author (and his work) leading to the invisibility of the translator, this attention from the academics is a long-waited change, and even more so from feminist perspective since its main argument regarding translation has been that women as translators were subjected to men as authors. However, the emphasis on the domestication strategy of Please Look After Mom as the cause of its success is not consistent with feminist translation ethics that has supported foreignization. Against this background, this study examines various readers from academics and critics to general women readers and their respective ways of reading Kyung-sook Shin/Chi-young Kim's Please Look After Mom in a effort to take an alternative approach to feminist translation ethics. It is an experimental method aimed at addressing the hidden elitism in feminist translation ethics’ emphasis on difference and heterogeneity. With this aim in mind, I first look at feminist translation theory on ethics and discuss Lawrence Venuti and Gayatri Spivak’s theory, and then discuss its limits, and finally analyze various readers of Please Look After Mom, from the academics and critics to general women readers. Through this method I show how difference and heterogeneity is not achieved by the translation strategy of foreignization but by the readers who read according to his or her taste and interest. Thus, the emphasis on difference and heterogeneity in feminist translation ethics needs to be rethought from the reader end since translation is foremost a way of reading. Please Look After Mom의 미국 시장 성공으로 번역과 번역가에게 쏠리는 관심은 여성주의 번역의 관점에서 긍정적인 현상으로 볼 수 있는데, 여성주의 번역논의의 핵심 중 하나가 여성/번역가의 남성/저자에 대한 파생적이고 비가시적인 위치에 대한 저항이었기 때문이다. 그러나 이 번역 소설의 성공 요인으로 중요하게 꼽히는 전략이 현지 언어(target language)의 구미에 맞게 길들인(domesticated) 번역이라는 점에 있어서는, 낯설게 하기(foreignize)를 주요 방법이자 윤리로 주장해온 여성주의 번역논의와는 결이 다르다. 이러한 배경에서 본고는 여성주의 관점에서 Please Look After Mom의 번역 현상을 논할 방법을 모색하기 위해 Kyung-sook Shin/Chi-young Kim의 Please Look After Mom을 읽는 독자들에 주목한다. 글의 순서는 먼저 여성주의 번역논의에서 번역의 윤리가 대두하게 된 배경을 간략하게 살펴보고, 국내 번역논의에서 중요하게 다루어진 로렌스 베누티(Lawrence Venuti)와 가야트리 스피박(Gayatri Spivak)의 번역이론과 윤리론을 살펴본 후에 그 번역이론의 한계를 논하고, 이어서 학자, 비평가, 그리고 대중 독자들이 각기 Please Look After Mom을 읽는 방식을 펼쳐서 보여준다. 이러한 전개 방식을 통해서 이 글에서 궁극적으로 보여주고자 하는 것은, 여성주의 번역에서 주장하는 번역의 윤리로서 이질성(heterogeneity)과 차이(difference)는 번역의 방법과 무관하게 비평학자에서부터 평범한 여성 독자에 이르기까지 각자 자신의 이해관계에 따라 서로 다르게 읽는 독자들의 독서 행위에서 나타난다는 것이며, 여성주의 번역 윤리에서 논하는 차이에 대한 고려는 이러한 독자의 차이 또한 중요하게 고려해야 함을 결론적으로 주장한다.

여성청소년 성재생산건강권 개념과 정책제언

장필화(Pilwha Chang),이명선(Myoung Sun Lee),노지은(Jieun Roh),김성애(Sung Yae Kim) 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 2017 여성학논집 Vol.34 No.1

본 연구는 여성청소년 성재생산건강권을 지난 20여 년간 국제사회가 합의해온 여성의 인권과 발전, 여성 임파워먼트와 성평등에 기여하는 데 주요한 개념으로 가져오면서, 이러한 성재생산건강권을 보편적으로 보장하고 증진할 수 있도록 정부 정책이 포괄적인 전략을 제공해야 한다는 인식하에 한국의 여성청소년 성재생산건강권 관련 정책을 분석 하고 정책적 대안을 모색하고자 하였다. 본 연구는 문헌 조사 연구를 바탕으로 크게 세 가지 연구 내용으로 구성된다. 첫째, 여성청소년 성재생산건강권의 필요성과 개념을 이 해하기 위하여 국제사회에서의 여성청소년 성재생산건강권 논의에서 나온 주요 쟁점들 을 살펴보았다. 둘째, 「제4차 여성정책기본계획」(2013-2017), 「제5차 청소년정책기본계 획」(2013-2017), 「제3차 국민건강증진종합계획」(2011-2020) 등 국내 여성/청소년/건강 관련 주요 기본 계획에 나타난 여성청소년 성재생산건강권 관련 정책 방향과 주요 정책 내용 분석을 통해 그 의의와 한계를 분석하였다. 셋째, 여성청소년의 개인적, 사회적 인권으로서 건강권 및 성평등한 사회를 위한 보편적 접근권으로서 성재생산건강권을 위한 정책 제언으로 여성/청소년/건강으로 각 분리된 정책을 아우르는 여성청소년 성재생산 건강권을 명시하는 정책 관점 및 정책 개선의 필요성 등을 제시하였다. This study analyzes government policies connected to the Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights(SRHR) of Korean adolescent girls and seeks new policy alternatives for the future. The study argues that government policies should provide a comprehensive strategy for universally guaranteeing and promoting SRHR for women and girls that have contributed over the past two decades to women s rights, development, empowerment and gender equality with full support from the international community. The study was based on literature research and consists of three main sections. First, in order to understand the necessity of SRHR for adolescent girls and how they are conceptualized, an overview is given of the major arguments appearing in discussions that have taken place in global society. Second, the significance and limitations of women,youth and health policy focusing on adolescent girls were analyzed through an analysis of policy directions appearing in basic governmental plans including the 4th Basic Plan for Women s Policy(2013-2017), the 5th Youth Political Action Plan(2013-2017) and the 3rd Health Plan 2020(2011-2020). Third, the study demonstrates the need for policy perspectives and new concept specifying SRHR policy for adolescent girls and encompassing separate policies for gender/youth/health. This will promotes the values of health rights and gender equality as individual and social rights as well as universal access to human rights.