India’s Non-Alignment and its Policy towards East Asia during the Nehru era

Rajiv Kumar(라지브 쿠마르) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2018 신아세아 Vol.25 No.3

본 논문은 네루 시대 인도의 비동맹 정책에서 동아시아 국가들에 대한 인도의 전략을 분석했다. 구체적으로 인도의 동아시아에 대한 기본 정책의 지침을 탐구하고, 그것이 세 가지 원칙을 보유한다고 주장했다. 첫 번째는 불간섭 (non-interference) 정책의 채택이다. 두 번째는 동아시아의 권력 정치를 비판하면서 지역 평화를 위한 중재 역할 (mediatory role)이다. 세 번째는 아시아 협력의 강화이다. 또한, 이 논문에서는 네루 시대 동아시아 정책이 현재 시점에서 어떤 의미가 있는지를 분석했다. This study analyzes India’s policy toward East Asian countries under its nonalignment diplomacy, which was adopted by India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. It reveals basic guiding principles of India’s policy toward East Asia and its three major components: (1) a policy of noninterference; (2) rejection of great-power politics while adopting a mediatory role to promote regional peace; and (3) active involvement in fostering Asian unity. It also analyzes the continuing relevance of India’s nonalignment policy toward East Asia. This study is based mainly on primary sources.

Image-Guided Fine Needle Cytology with Aspiration Versus Non-Aspiration in Retroperitoneal Masses: Is Aspiration Necessary?

Rajiv Kumar Misra,Shaila Mitra,Rishav Kumar Jain,Shilpa Vahikar,Archana Bundela,Purak Misra 대한병리학회 2015 Journal of Pathology and Translational Medicine Vol.49 No.2

Background: Although using fine needle cytology with aspiration (FNC-A) for establishing diagnoses in the retroperitoneal region has shown promise, there is scant literature supporting a role of non-aspiration cytology (FNC-NA) for this region. We assessed the accuracy and reliability of FNC-A and FNC-NA as tools for preoperative diagnosis of retroperitoneal masses and compared the results of both techniques with each other and with histopathology. Methods: Fifty-seven patients with retroperitoneal masses were subjected to FNC-A and FNC-NA. Smears were stained with May-Grunwald Giemsa and hematoxylin and eosin stain. An individual slide was objectively analysed using a point scoring system to enable comparison between FNC-A and FNC-NA. Results: By FNC-A, 91.7% accuracy was obtained in cases of retroperitoneal lymph node lesions followed by renal masses (83.3%). The diagnostic accuracy of other sites by FNC-A varied from 75.0%–81.9%. By FNC-NA, 93.4% diagnostically accurate results were obtained in the kidney, followed by 75.0% in adrenal masses. The diagnostic accuracy of other sites by FNC-NA varied from 66.7%–72.8%. Conclusions: Although both techniques have their own advantages and disadvantages, FNC-NA may be a more efficient adjuvant method of sampling in retroperitoneal lesions.

Multilateral Cooperation in East Asia and the Importance of Leadership Roles of India and Korea

( Rajiv Kumar ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2014 국제관계연구 시리즈 Vol.32 No.0

Korea’s Changing Relations with the United States and China

Rajiv Kumar(라지브구마르) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2015 亞細亞硏究 Vol.58 No.4

본고는 한-미, 한-중 관계의 변화가 한-인 경제 관계의 상승에 어떠한 영향을 미쳤는지 살펴보았다. 한국의 대인도 무역 및 투자 활동이 빠르게 증가하였고, 한국이 인도를 우선적으로 FTA 파트너로 선택하는 등 최근 한국과 인도의 경제 관계는 현저히 달라지고 있다. 그렇다면, 한국이 인도와의 경제 관계를 강화하려는 동기는 무엇인가? 이에 먼저 외생적 요인에 초점을 맞춰 한-인 경제 관계의 발전에 대한 설명을 제시하고, 이것이 한-미, 한-중 관계의 변화에 의해 일어났다는 점을 밝히고자 한다. The major objective of this paper is to explain the shifting upward trajectories of Korea-India economic relations from the perspective of Korea’s changing relations with the United States and China. Korea’s economic relations with India have changed remarkably in recent years, especially given that Korea’s trade and investment activities with India have rapidly increased, and that Seoul has opted for the implementation of one of its first trade pacts with New Delhi. What has motivated Korea to strengthen its economic engagement with India? Focusing on exogenous factors, this study formulates an explanation for this increasing engagement, and argues that Korea’s growing economic alignment with India has primarily been driven by its changing relations with the United States and China.

Fuzzy-Membership Based Writer Identification from Handwritten Devnagari Script

( Rajiv Kumar ),( Kiran Kumar Ravulakollu ),( Rajesh Bhat ) 한국정보처리학회 2017 Journal of information processing systems Vol.13 No.4

The handwriting based person identification systems use their designer`s perceived structural properties of handwriting as features. In this paper, we present a system that uses those structural properties as features that graphologists and expert handwriting analyzers use for determining the writer`s personality traits and for making other assessments. The advantage of these features is that their definition is based on sound historical knowledge (i.e., the knowledge discovered by graphologists, psychiatrists, forensic experts, and experts of other domains in analyzing the relationships between handwritten stroke characteristics and the phenomena that imbeds individuality in stroke). Hence, each stroke characteristic reflects a personality trait. We have measured the effectiveness of these features on a subset of handwritten Devnagari and Latin script datasets from the Center for Pattern Analysis and Recognition (CPAR-2012), which were written by 100 people where each person wrote three samples of the Devnagari and Latin text that we have designed for our experiments. The experiment yielded 100% correct identification on the training set. However, we observed an 88% and 89% correct identification rate when we experimented with 200 training samples and 100 test samples on handwritten Devnagari and Latin text. By introducing the majority voting based rejection criteria, the identification accuracy increased to 97% on both script sets.

신고전적 현실주의(Neoclassical Realism)와 인도 외교정책: 비교 관점에서 본 변화하는 인도의 러시아 관계

RAJIV KUMAR 한국아시아학회 2022 아시아연구 Vol.25 No.1

Drawing on neoclassical realism theory, this paper aims to explain why and describe how contemporary Indian foreign policy is changing with respect to great power politics. It focuses on explaining new changes in India's relations with Russia in comparison with India–US relations. Neoclassical realism suggests that the most significant factor shaping state behavior in international politics is structurally-induced constraints, such as the changing balance of power. This neoclassical realism logic is significant in explaining India's shifting trajectory with Russia in a comparative perspective. To put it simply, the changing balance of power in Asia due to China's rise, combined with Beijing's growing assertiveness, has forced India to deepen its security and economic ties with the US and other liberal democracies in the Indo-pacific. This new geopolitical development has seriously affected contemporary India-Russia ties. This paper demonstrates that: on the one hand, India's security and economic relations with Russia have declined; on the other hand, India’s economic and security relations with the US have strengthened. Yet, as neoclassical realism suggests domestic level dynamics may mitigate structurally-induced constraints in bilateral relations, India’s domestically-generated geoeconomic issues also play roles in mitigating the effects of the balance of power politics in New Delhi's ties with Moscow. This paper seeks to make theoretical contributions to the existing literature by applying neoclassical realism theory to explain new dynamics in Indian foreign policy. 본 논문은 신고전적 현실주의(Neoclassical Realism)이론을 바탕으로 현대 인도의 외교정책이 강대국 정치에 대해 어떻게 변화하고 있는지를 설명하고자 한다. 본 논문은 인도-미국 관계와 비교하여 인도와 러시아 관계의 새로운 변화를 설명하는 데 초점을 맞추고 있다. 신고전적 현실주의는 국제 정치에서 국가 행동을 형성하는 가장 중요한 요소는 세력균형(balance of power)의 변화와 같은 구조적으로 유도된 제약이라고 주장한다. 이러한 신고전적 현실주의의 논리는 인도와 러시아의 관계 변화를 비교적인 관점에서 설명하는데 있어 중요하다. 쉽게 말하자면 중국의 부상에 따른 아시아의 세력균형 변화와 중국의 자기주장 강화가 맞물려 인도는 인도-태평양의 미국 등 자유민주주의 국가들과의 안보.경제 관계를 강화시킬 수밖에 없었다. 이 새로운 지정학적 환경은 현대 인도와 러시아의 관계에 심각한 영향을 끼쳤다. 본 논문은 인도의 러시아와의 안보 및 경제 관계는 악화되었지만, 인도와 미국의 안보 및 경제 관계는 강화되었음을 시사한다. 반면 국내 수준의 역학관계가 양국 관계에 구조적으로 유발된 제약을 완화할 수 있다는 신고전적 현실주의의 주장처럼, 인도의 국내 역학에서 발생한 지경학적 문제는 인도와 러시아의 유대관계에서 작용하는 세력균형 정치의 영향력을 완화시키는 역할을 하고 있다. 본 논문은 인도 외교정책의 새로운 변화를 설명하기 위해 신고전적 현실주의의 이론을 적용하여 기존 문헌에 이론적으로 기여하고자 한다.

Assessing the Quality of Democracy in India: Rule of Law, Participation, and Competition

Rajiv Kumar(라지브 구마르) 한국아시아학회 2020 아시아연구 Vol.23 No.1

민주주의의 질을 평가하기 위한 분석적 틀이 학계에 도입된 이후, 많은 선행 연구들이 이를 위해 새로운 분석적 틀을 이용하여 전 세계 민주주의의 질을 평가하기 위한 노력을 기울여 온 바 있다. 본 연구는 인도의 민주주의의 질을 평가함으로써 이러한 지속적인 학문적 추세에 학문적 기여를 하고자 하며, 이를 위해 민주주의에 있어서 세 가지 차원인 법의 지배, 참여, 경쟁이라 주제를 탐구한다. 이 연구는 인도가 법의 지배와 관련하여 자유롭고 독립적인 헌법을 갖추었다는 점에서 민주주의의 질이 높지만, 국가의 만연한 부패로 인해 법의 지배의 원칙에 위배됨을 보여준다. 정치적인 참여를 위한 공식적인 권리와 관련하여 인도의 민주주의는 높은 질적 수준을 보여주지만, 인도 여성과 젊은이들의 의사 결정에 있어 지속적으로 낮은 수준의 참여와 같은 중요한 문제가 제기되며 이는 보다 넓은 행위자들의 정치적 참여를 방해하고 있다. 경쟁과 관련하여, 본 연구는 정기적인 민주 선거, 평화로운 권력 이전, 독립 선거위원회의 존재가 국가의 민주주의 질을 강화 시켰 왔음을 보여준다. 그러나 정당 자금 조달과 관련된 잘못된 규제는 인도 민주주의를 개선하기 위한 문제가 여전히 잔존함을 보여준다. 마지막으로, 이 연구는 인도의 민주주의에 대한이 평가가 가지는 의의를 설명한다. Since an analytical framework to assess the quality of democracy was introduced to academia, a large number of recent scholarly studies have made a serious effort to evaluate the quality of democracy around the world using a new analytical framework created for this purpose. This study makes an academic contribution to this ongoing scholarly trend by assessing the quality of democracy in India. In doing so, this study focuses on three procedural dimensions of democracy: rule of law, participation, and competition. This study demonstrates that, with regard to the rule of law, India’s development of a free and independent constitutional arrangement indicates that the quality of its democracy is high. Yet, due to rampant corruption, a threat to the rule of law, the country still has much to accomplish. In terms of participation, the quality of Indian democracy is high if one considers the formal rights of political participation. However, critical issues such as the persistently low levels of participation in decision making by Indian women and young people seem to hamper greater political participation. With regard to competition, this study shows that regular democratic elections, the peaceful transfer of power, and the presence of an independent electoral commission have strengthened the quality of democracy in the country. However, the poor regulation of political party funding suggests that some issues still need to be addressed for the betterment of Indian democracy. The final section of this study sheds light on the implications of this assessment of India’s democracy.

New Threat Perceptions, Domestic Political Changes and India’s Shifting Strategy toward the U.S.-China Rivalry

( Rajiv Kumar ) 한국국방연구원 2023 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.35 No.2

The rise of the U.S.-China rivalry has posed an increasing strategic challenge for Asia’s middle powers, given that great power competition forced them to take sides between Washington and Beijing. While many countries are reluctant to reveal their strategic choices between the two major powers, India, under the Narendra Modi government, has shown a noticeable change in its approach toward the U.S.-China rivalry that requires a fresh evaluation. In this context, this article examines the recent changes in India’s strategic response to the U.S.-China competition. It argues that New Delhi’s changing threat perception of China from a collaboration partner to a security threat, combined with a domestic political change from a multiparty coalition government to a majoritarian government led by the right-wing party, has contributed to some crucial changes in India’s strategic choices. More specifically, new threat perceptions and domestic political changes have led India to lean toward the United States vis-à-vis China on various key geostrategic issues. This paper discusses several such issues to show how a majoritarian government led by Modi has taken a different approach toward the U.S.-China competition than the previous multiparty coalition government. To illustrate, the Modi government strengthened bilateral and multilateral strategic and defense ties with the United States to counter its China challenge. It also stands with the United States over the ongoing U.S.-China trade and technology war. On the other hand, the Modi government terminated the previous government’s constructive engagement policy toward Beijing by bringing new changes in India’s approach toward China, including strategic disengagement, soft confrontation, and economic decupling. This article concludes that India’s new strategy profoundly affects Asia’s geopolitical and geoeconomic landscape.

Taking the developmental state seriously: Why South Korea outperformed neoliberal regulatory states in rapid coronavirus disease 2019 vaccinations and saving lives

Kumar Rajiv 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2023 International Area Studies Review Vol.26 No.4

Coronavirus disease 2019 claimed more than three million lives worldwide in 2020, giving national governments the most urgent task for 2021 to achieve high vaccination rates to save lives. The World Health Organization declared that “vaccines are the most critical tool to end the pandemic and save lives.” In this context, South Korea (hereafter, Korea) achieved a remarkable milestone by outperforming the United Kingdom and the United States in vaccinations rate, where the world's earliest vaccination programs started. Thanks to its high vaccination rate, Korea recorded less than 100 deaths per million populations in 2021 compared to more than 1000 in the United Kingdom and the United States. Why Korea leaped ahead of the United Kingdom and the United States in rapid vaccinations that saved many lives? To answer this question, I first conceptualize contemporary Korea as a developmental state which retained its institutional capacity despite its transition from authoritarianism to liberal democracy, distinguishing it from the UK and the US's neoliberal regulatory states, where reforms hallowed out state capacity. I then advance two core claims. First, Korea surpassed the United Kingdom and the United States in vaccine rollout because of its developmental state-type goal-oriented autonomous policymaking and strong institutional capacity, manifested as Korea's central agency deployed a command and control vaccination program led by a coherent health bureaucracy. Second, the Korean state's strategic intervention in the market and its capacity to foster public–private partnerships to realize national goals boosted its vaccinations. Finally, the paper suggests how neoliberal regulatory states in the global north can learn lessons from the Korean experience in rebuilding state capacity to deal with the future global pandemic.

From The Hindu Growth Phase to The Moderate Growth Phase: The Role of the State in Economic Transition in India

Rajiv Kumar(라지브 쿠마르),Chanwahn Kim(김찬완) 한국아시아학회 2019 아시아연구 Vol.22 No.2

이 연구는 발전국가론의 관점에서 힌두저성장 시기(1950 ~ 1980)를 마감한 1980 년대 인도 경제성장전환단계를 설명하기 위해 국가의 중요성을 분석하고 있다. 경제자유화가 성장을 촉진한다는 기존의 연구와는 달리 본 연구는 1980 년대 인도가 저성장을 벗어나 경제성장를 이룩할 수 있었던 주요 요인으로 강한 국가의 출현을 들고 있다. 인도는 1980 년 인디라 간디와 1984 년 라지브 간디가 이끄는 인도국민회의 압도적 총선승리와 더불어 집권여당에 대한 좌파정당들의 정치적 간섭이 줄어들면서 강한 국가의 출현을 경험하게 되었다. 본 연구는 세가지 측면에서 분석이 이루어졌다. 첫째, 인도는 당시 내부적으로 재분배를 강조하는 사회주의 경제정책 대신에 성장을 강조하는 새로운 경제발전 전략으로 수정하는 경제정책을 받아들였다. 둘째, 인도는 또는 경제성장을 촉진하기 위해 기존에 추구하지 않았던 국제경제정책을 받아들였다. 셋째, 인도는 선출직 국회의원들보다는 서구교육을 받은 경제관료들에게 더 많은 권한을 주면서 경제정책 결정 팀을 운영해나갔다. 이 모든 것은 강한 국가가 있었기 때문에 가능했다. 따라서 1980 년대 인도의 경제성장을 설명함에 있어서 강한 국가의 역할은 매우 중요하다. 저성장의 힌두성장단계에서 중성장단계로의 경제전환에서의 국가의 역할을 보여주는 본 연구는 최근 인도 경제성장에 대한 연구를 재검토해야 될 학문적 필요성을 제시해주고 있다. Drawing from the perspective of developmental state theory, this study sheds a light on the significance of state in explaining India’s economic growth transition in the 1980s that marked the end of the slow Hindu growth phase (1950 ~ 1980). Contrary to existing studies which attribute the acceleration in growth to liberalization, this study suggests that the emergence of strong state in the 1980s was the major factor, which paved the way for the upward economic growth trajectory in that decade. As this article shows, India witnessed the rise of strong state, with the massive landslide victories of the Congress party led by Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi in 1980 and 1984 respectively, combined with the decline of political constraints imposed by left parties on the ruling party. This rise of strong state, as our arguments goes, provided an impetus to adopt development-oriented strategy. This paper demonstrates it at three levels: First, India adopted a new type of strategy at the domestic-level to prioritize economic growth, instead of emphasizing redistribution, which was a shift away from socialism to pro-growth strategy; second, it also changed its international economic approach to accelerate economic growth, which was not seen in the previous decades; third, a significant change was also made in economic policy-making team by giving more power to western-educated economists vis-à-vis elected lawmakers. All these was possible as strong state was in place; hence the role of strong state is key in explaining economic growth in the 1980s. After showing the role of state in economic transition from the slow Hindu growth phase to moderate growth phase, the findings of this article also raise important scholarly question of re-examining the ‘evolution’ of the India’s economic growth in recent years.