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        제1차 세계대전 종전 후 개조론의 확산과 한국 지식인

        허수 한국근현대사학회 2009 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.50 No.-

        The Paris peace conference, which was to handle the postwar problems of World War I, was held with the anticipation for independence of the colonized, including Chosun. The conference based its fundamentals on Woodrow Wilson’s fourteen points, which had included the self-determination of peoples. Wilson’s points were where the colonized found a way of light in their road to independence. Wilson’s declaration of self-determination was a political promise that had been made by the Allied Nations during the war for their own needs, so the colonized nations were highly expecting from the Paris conference. However, President Wilson’s fourteen points were only to counter the reality where the Soviet Russia, which had succeeded in communist revolution, was earning moral righteousness through measures such as self-determination. It was a symbolic gesture to display morality through democracy and self-determination on a war that was regarded highly immoral. The points were exceedingly ambiguous and had a long distance from the reality of the Great Powers. Wilson, who declared the fourteen points, was the highest sovereignty of the United States, a member of the wartime allied nations. President Wilson’s interest was to end the war based on the old order, and build a democratic new order around the United States. The fourteen points expressed Wilson’s ideal conceptions about the new order. The Paris peace conference, which was to handle the postwar problems of World War I, was held with the anticipation for independence of the colonized, including Chosun. The conference based its fundamentals on Woodrow Wilson’s fourteen points, which had included the self-determination of peoples. Wilson’s points were where the colonized found a way of light in their road to independence. Wilson’s declaration of self-determination was a political promise that had been made by the Allied Nations during the war for their own needs, so the colonized nations were highly expecting from the Paris conference. However, President Wilson’s fourteen points were only to counter the reality where the Soviet Russia, which had succeeded in communist revolution, was earning moral righteousness through measures such as self-determination. It was a symbolic gesture to display morality through democracy and self-determination on a war that was regarded highly immoral. The points were exceedingly ambiguous and had a long distance from the reality of the Great Powers. Wilson, who declared the fourteen points, was the highest sovereignty of the United States, a member of the wartime allied nations. President Wilson’s interest was to end the war based on the old order, and build a democratic new order around the United States. The fourteen points expressed Wilson’s ideal conceptions about the new order.

      • KCI등재후보

        동학·천도교에서 ‘천(天)’ 개념의 전개 — 천에서 신으로, 신에서 생명으로 —

        허수 한림대학교 한림과학원 2012 개념과 소통 Vol.0 No.10

        The concept of Chun(天, Heaven) in Donghak and Chundogyo can be divided into three periods. In the first phase(1860∼1904), it had not been conceptualized yet, and terms like ‘gaebyeok’, which was closely linked to social reformation, were used relatively rarely. The universal characteristics implicit in cheondo(天道) were constrained by the regional nature of Donghak. In the second phase(1905∼1917), when the term ‘Chundogyo’ took the place of ‘Donghak’, there was a general trend in which the religious body accepted Western religious concepts and the theory of universal development, though they found it difficult to explain the origin of its religious name, ‘Chundo’. They embraced the modern viewpoint on God and replaced the existing ‘Chun’ with ‘God’, which was then defined as the ‘daehwaljeong (大活精) of the universe’. In the third phase(1918∼1933), there was a extension into the broader society, and the concept of ‘Chun’ or ‘God’ became secularized and politicized. Lee Don-hwa, a leading exponent of this movement, endeavored to differentiate it from other competing political ideas like socialism by emphasizing the concepts of ‘saengmyeong (生命)’ and ‘jisangcheonguk (地上天國)’. 동학·천도교의 ‘천(天)’ 개념을 살펴보면 제1기(1860∼1904)에는 ‘천’에 대한개념화가 이루어지지 않았으며 사회개혁과 밀접하게 연관된 ‘개벽’ 등의 용례는 상대적으로 매우 적은 빈도를 보였다. ‘천도(天道)’에 내포된 종교적 보편성은 ‘동학’이라는 지역성에 의해 제약되었다. ‘동학’을 ‘천도교’로 개칭한 초기인 제2기(1905∼1917)에는 교단 차원에서 ‘천도’라는 교명의 유래를 설명하는 데 곤란함을 노정하면서도 큰 흐름은 서구근대의 종교 개념이나 보편적인 발달론 등을 수용하는 데로 나아갔다. 근대적 신관(神觀)을 받아들이면서 기존의 ‘천’은 ‘신’으로 바뀌었고, 이것은 ‘우주의 대활정(大活精)’으로 설명되었다. 제3기(1918∼1933)에는 천도교의 활동이 사회로 확산되면서 ‘천·신’ 개념이 세속화·정치화되었다. 이를 주도한 이돈화는 ‘생명’과 ‘지상천국’ 개념을 강조하면서 사회주의 등 여타 경쟁적 정치 이념과 스스로를 차별화하고자 노력하였다.

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      • KCI등재

        The Significance of the Concept of Minjung and Changes Thereto: With a Focus on the 1920s

        허수 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2012 Korea Journal Vol.52 No.4

        The term minjung (people) as it started to be used during the 1920s in Korea was defined as the “indefinite majority or all members of the nation” or the “subjugated class.” However, the emergence of the socialist movement resulted in the meaning of minjung becoming one rooted in two stages. Minjung came to include varied meanings such as the “majority of the nation,” “political actors,” and the “illiterates and proletarians” in 1920-1921, and started to contain socialist notions of class by 1922-1923. Accordingly, cultural movement activists, who had interpreted minjung on both idealist and realist levels, began to discuss the term based on the social development theory, focusing on how to actualize socialist idealism under a colonial reality. To this end, socialists started to prefer the vanguard-based notion of daejung (public) from 1925 onwards. The use of the term daejung was further expanded in the 1930s.

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