20대 대선 후보 TV토론에서의 오류 사용에 관한 질적 연구

허만섭,Heo, Man-Sup 한국콘텐츠학회 2022 한국콘텐츠학회논문지 Vol.22 No.10

The present study aims to explore how fallacies, arguments that seem valid but are not, appear in 2022 South Korean presidential debates. It qualitatively analyzes the candidates' remarks in the first and last presidential debates (240 minutes) using 20 formal and informal fallacy concepts as a theoretical framework. Results show that the three candidates used 23 informal fallacies from 15 categories, including the straw man, red herring, begging the question, complex question, hasty generalization, appeal to the masses, and you too. The candidates relied on fallacies to defend their image and electoral agenda from adversary attacks and to contaminate their opponent's image and agenda. The arguers, who struggled with tough questions, frequently made fallacies as pseudo-arguments to avoid the situation without lying and violating election laws. This study indicates that the fallacy system can be a framework for analyzing crucial political content. Moreover, it warns against the abuse of fallacies in TV debates.

‘수사적 대통령’ 요소의 한국 적용 가능성에 관한 탐색

허만섭(Man-Sup Heo) 한국언론학회 2017 커뮤니케이션 이론 Vol.13 No.2

이 논문은 대통령의 연설에 관한 한국과 미국의 연구 동향을 비교했다. 이에 따르면, 미국의 수사적 대통령 논의는 주로 대통령의 레토릭(여론 설득 능력)에 의해 대통령 직(職)의 성격과 대통령권력의 범위가 변동하는 양상을 다뤄 왔다. 반면, 한국의 연구들은 대통령이 아닌 대통령 후보의 TV토론에 자주 초점을 맞췄으며 대통령을 다룰 때에도 대통령의 설득 메시지 자체보다 이를 둘러싼 이념, 정체성, 상징 담론에 더 주목했다. 이에 따라 한국에선 ‘대통령의 여론 설득’ 문제에 관한 직접적 연구는 미진한 것으로 나타났다. 이 비교 결과를 바탕으로, 이 연구에선 국내 연구에 새로 적용될 수 있는 수사적 대통령 요소로써 의제 설정, 문체, 방어 레토릭, 반응성, 예증, 은유, 시각화, 도덕 레토릭, 고잉 퍼블릭, 선행 경향성, 기대 격차, 하이브리드 대통령이 제안됐다. 한국에서도 여론과 대통력 권력의 조화에 관한 시민적 각성이 각별히 높아지고 있는데, 이 논문은 이 문제에 직결되는 연구 분야를 개척하는 단초를 제공한다. This study compares the research trends of South Korea and the US on the President’s speech (public message). The results show that the discussion of ‘rhetorical presidency’ in the US has mainly focused on ‘persuading the public’ and has dealt with the changes in the nature of presidency and the size of presidential power according to the presidential rhetoric. By contrast, the results suggest that studies in South Korea have paid more attention to the ideological, symbolical, or sociocultural factors surrounding the presidents’ messages than the messages themselves and that the direct research on the presidential rhetoric has been very limited. In this respect, this study argues that some concepts of the rhetorical presidency-such as agenda setting, digestive statement, responsiveness, style, defensive rhetoric, impeachment rhetoric, example, metaphor, visualization, moral rhetoric, persuasion effect, predisposition, expectation gap, and hybrid presidency-can be meaningfully applied to the Korean presidential speech studies. This study provides a starting point for exploring the research areas directly connected to the issue of whether the president can persuade the public opinion in Korea. This paper will enhance the Korean readers’ understanding of the presidents’ rhetorical problems.

유튜브 채널과 TV 채널의 편향성에 대한 네트워크 분석: 공수처 이슈를 중심으로

허만섭(Man-Sup Heo) 한국디지털콘텐츠학회 2020 한국디지털콘텐츠학회논문지 Vol.21 No.8

The present study compared the bias between political YouTube channels and TV channels in South Korea. To this end, I conducted a network analysis of key words and their semantics in 439 headlines on the issue of the Corruption Investigation Office. Results indicate that the conservative YouTube channels mainly used a keyword network that opposes the CIO and criticizes the president and the ruling party with a strong tone. The conservative opposition party objected the CIO. Likewise, the progressive YouTube channels rely heavily on the vocabulary combinations to defend the CIO and attack the conservative opposition party in a firm tone. Among the factors that made the YouTube videos look biased were ‘dichotomous, aggressive, subjective, colloquial, or emotional keyword combinations.’ The TV channels emphasized the pros and cons of the CIO only with indirect vocabulary that quotes comments and facts. Overall, Political YouTube channels more biasedly favored their political side than TV channels in South Korea.

신공화주의 논의를 통해 재상상하는 표현의 자유 - 비지배자유와 균형된 미디어 개념을 중심으로 -

손영준 ( Son Young Jun ),허만섭 ( Heo Man Sup ) 언론중재위원회 2021 미디어와 인격권 Vol.7 No.3

이 연구는 신공화주의 논의를 바탕으로 저널리즘의 기초인 표현의 자유를 철학적으로 재상상한다. 자유주의는 표현의 범위를 스스로 정하는 자유로 표현의 자유를 규정하지만, 신공화주의는 사람이 무언의 압박을 받아 스스로 표현을 억제하는 점을 지적한다. 결국, 언론인은 권력자의 임의적, 자의적 간섭에서 완전히 벗어나는 비지배자유 상태에서 표현의 자유를 갖는다. 비지배는 언론사 설립ㆍ경영ㆍ취재ㆍ보도의 독립성을 법으로 보장받는 언론기관의 외적 자유를 끌어낸다. 나아가, 언론인이 사내의 임의적 통제에 대해서도 대항할 수 있을 때 언론기관의 내적 자유는 완성된다. 국가에 대한 시민적 통제인 견제적 민주주의는 균형된 미디어, 독립적 공영방송, 파수견 기관들, 그리고 건강한 공론장으로 구현된다. 특히, 균형된 미디어는 이상적 언론상(像)이자, 표현의 자유를 위한 필수적 장치로 제시된다. 언론사가 편향적일 때 소속 언론인은 자기검열에 나서거나 가시적 간섭을 받음으로써 제한된 표현의 자유만 행사하고 다양한 정보의 제공에 실패한다. 이렇게, 신공화주의 개념들은 표현의 자유를 실질적으로 보장하는 이론적 토대를 제공한다. 표현의 자유는 언론인의 변화를 촉구하는 문화적 실천적 성격을 갖게 된다. The present study philosophically reimagines freedom of speech, the fundamentals of journalism, based on the discussions of Pettit’s (1998, 2000, 2002, 2008, 2012, 2014, 2019) neo-republicanism. Neorepublicanism attempts to transcend the limits of liberalism and communitarianism by grafting the opposing values of freedom and common good to the concept of non-domination. In particular, it is recognized as one of the mainstream political philosophies by providing practical methodologies that guarantee the sovereignty and freedom of citizens in the fields of elections, government, parliament, judiciary, and the media. This study discussed neo-republicanism related to the media from journalism’s perspectives. According to the results, liberalism defines freedom of speech as the freedom to determine the scope of expression for oneself. However, neo-republicanism points out that people used to suppress their expression due to invisible pressure from the powerful. In this case, they decide the scope of expression themselves, but they do not enjoy true freedom. In neo-republicanism, this situation of suppressing speech to avoid conflict with the powerful is defined as a state in which the desire of the powerful controls the speaker’s freedom of expression without visible interference. Nondomination does not tolerate even the possibility that the speaker may be interfered with by someone else’s will one day. The concept of non-domination provides a theoretical foundation for protecting freedom of speech more practically than liberal philosophy. In addition, compared to republicanism, which prioritizes the common good over personal freedom, neo-republicanism advocates freedom of speech much more but sets nondomination, including freedom of speech, as an ultimate goal of the community harmonizing freedom of speech and the common good. After all, journalists have freedom of speech in a state of nondomination that is entirely free from arbitrary interference by those in power. Nondomination entails the external freedoms of the press, whose laws guarantee the independence of the media in its establishment, management, and news reporting. When journalists oppose arbitrary interference in their offices while compiling news, the inner freedom of the press is sufficiently obtained. A civic control over the state, called contestatory democracy, is embodied by balanced media, independent public broadcasting, watchdog bodies, and a healthy public sphere. When a medium is biased, hired journalists only have limited freedom of speech and are likely to fail to provide various information to their audiences. According to the review, neo-republicanism requires journalists to build a balanced media to achieve complete freedom of speech. In particular, balanced media is the image of the ideal media that all journalists must pursue and is presented as an essential device for practicing freedom of speech and the press. Similar to the logic claimed by this theoretical framework, South Korean journalists take into account their politically or economically biased superior’s potential interference and refrain from producing news that does not fit the superior’s taste through their self-censorship. This tendency reduces freedom of speech and diversity in the public sphere. The media’s bias reduces journalists’ freedom, which leads to a vicious cycle that further reinforces the media’s bias in South Korea. As the number of biased media increases, the social credibility of the media declines, the nondomination of civil society weakens due to the distortion of the public sphere, and the crisis of journalism deepens. In this discussion, the issue of freedom of speech has a cultural and practical character that calls for changes in the news production practices of the South Korean media. Few studies have dealt with the relationship between media bias and decreased freedom of speech. Still, in this study, it is clarified in detail through the mediation of neo-republicanism concepts.

코로나19 확산 후 소셜미디어 이용과 무력감·외로움 체감에 관한 연구

손영준(Yeong-Jun Son),허만섭(Man-Sup Heo) 한국디지털콘텐츠학회 2020 한국디지털콘텐츠학회논문지 Vol.21 No.11

The t-test results of this study show that, since the COVID-19 pandemic, South Korean college students’ daily usage hours of YouTube and Instagram have significantly increased, compared to those before the epidemic. However, there was no significant difference in satisfaction with social media between the two times. The stepwise multiple regression analysis results indicate that, during the epidemic, the higher their motives for passing the time with YouTube were, and the more time they spent with YouTube, the deeper helplessness the students felt. The higher their motives for passing time with YouTube were, the deeper loneliness they felt. However, the students’ high motives for communicating with others via Instagram resulted in low levels of loneliness. The present study suggests that, due to the pandemic, college students might easily become “YouTube heavy users” who experience helplessness and loneliness.