호적문학의 수용과정

하정옥 성균관대학교 인문과학연구소 1982 人文科學 Vol.11 No.1

Hu Shi was a forerunner of the modern Chinese literary movement. He insisted that the vernacular was the only instrument for the creation of a new literature for China, and frankly announced that the classical language in which the old literature had been written was already a dead language. Discussion along this line was first started in a small coterie and it was not until early in 1917 that Hu Shi's ideas were embodied in a proposal. Following the guide of historical evolution, this article contained the following basic points Literature is something which undergoes changes with the lapse of time. Each age has its own literature....... It could be safely assumed in accordance with the point of view of modern historical evolution that vernacular literature should be the orthodox literature of China. According to his own estimation, Hu Shi was too preoccupied with the moderation of the historian to be successful in revolutionary activities. What was needed most urgently in the literary revolution was an impatient vanguard, which role was filled by his friend, Chen Du-Xiu. After the publication of Hu Shi's article in the January, 1917, number of the popular monthly Xin Qing-nian, with the French title La Jeunesse, Chen threw the first bomb in February and hoisted the banner of a literary revolution. In 1918 new grounds were gained by the revolution. The official organ, Xin Qing-nian, was edited at Peking, where both Chen and Hu had joined the faculty of the National Peking University, and vernacular had been adopted as the official medium of the monthly. In April, Hu Shi published an article on constructive theories for the literary revolution. In this article the main point he made was summarized in ten Chinese words as $quot;literature written in a national language and a national language with literary capabilities.$quot; In this thesis, my researches have been concentrated on his literary and philosophical thoughts in defining his influence on modern Korean literature. For that purpose, I collected his articles and writings in magazines and other periodicals published in Korea in the 1920s and 1930s, before I made a systematic analysis of and study about them. The magazines which contains his articles include Gaebyuk, Dongmyung, Moon-chang, Haewae Moonhak, Hyundae Pyungnon, Chosunji Kwang, Dongkwang, Shinsaeng, Shinheung, Shindonga, Samchulli, and the newspapers carrying his writings include Donga Ilbo and Chosun Ilbo. Among the translators and those who provided explanatory interpretations are Baik-hwa Liang, Yoon-jae Lee, Youk-sa Lee, Byung-soon Chung, Sang-eun Lee, Nae-dong Chung, Un-joon Shin, Chun-suk Oh, Kang-soo Kim, Sung-han Hong, Se-hoon Won and so on. And I classified these articles and writings into four fields : literary critics and theories, new poems written in vernacular, his thoughts and pragmatism, and current affairs. It may be concluded that Hu Shi exerted a significant influence upon our country in terms of literature and thought. In a way, it is to be realized from the fact, among others, that most of the translators paid a high respect to him as a great man of thoughts. It is not easy, however, to identify in a short space of time the extent of his influence upon modern Korean literature.

李汝珍의 生平과 著作

河正玉 淑明女子大學校 1980 論文集 Vol.20 No.-

Li Ru-zhen was born in 1763 in Daxing, Hopei province in China and probably died in 1830. At a time when passing the Imperial Civil Service Examinations was the prerequisite for an official career, and an official career was the only way of living open to scholars, he rebelled against Ba-Gu Wen or the Eight-Legged Essay, a fixed style of composition which was one of the requirments of the Examinations. Thus, he failed to pass any but county level of the Imperial Examinations. At about twenty in 1782, he was brought to Haichow in Kiangsu province by his elder brother, who had been appointed an official in the Salt Bureau there. He was immediately attracted by the profound learning of the great scholar Ling Ting-kan(1757-1809), with whom he studied the classics, linguistics, and phonology. With an almost endless appetite for content subjects, he also became an expert in astrology, medicine, mathematics, rhetoric, poetry, calligraphy, painting, music, chess and parlor games, all of which contributed to the writing of his novel. For one brief period in 1891, he went to work in the Honan provincial government as an assistant to the magistrate, and there had a part in building dykes to prevent the flooding of the Yellow River. We do not know how good a dyke-builder he was, but it's a fair chance that while there, he did not try very hard to advance his position in government. He was a man of active mind, and that he did not support himself or have an official post did not mean that he was idle. During the Qing Dynasty, China was ruled by the Manchus, who persecuted Chinese scholars. The Qing rulers were particularly sensitive to scholars dealing with the history of relations between the Chinese people and the border tribes. A mere glance at the numerous instances making up the so-called literary inquisition, in which many innocent writers were mercilessly punished, will impress the modern reader with the wisdom of choice made by the great majority of schoars of those days in seeking refuge in philological and exegetical commentaries on the Confucian classics and in the bypaths of ancient semantics and phonolgy. As a result, the cherished standard in scholarship was evidence based on facts. With the growth of this new ideal of erudition and emphasis on verifiable knowledge it was only natural that the learned would belittle what was avowedly fictional. A great exception to the rule was a scholar who excelled in many specialties and who had distinguished himself especially in phonological researches, but whose luck in the competitive examination halls varied inversely with the growth of his erudition. Toward the end of his life, spending his days listlessly at the seaport county of Haichow, he devoted more than ten years to the writing of a peculiar novel, Jing-hua-yuan or the Romance of the Flowers in the Mirror. His one novel, Jing-hua-yuan, consisting of a hundred chapters, shows remarkable diversity in both narrative content and purpose. Critics has observed that it is encyclopedic in scope, and suggested that it reflects the wide range of interests and activities prevalent among scholars in early nineteenth-century China. The author's intention has been variously interpreted as private entertainment, display of erudition, or social criticism. It may be the most succinct statement of this diversity to descibe the work as an inimitable blend of mythology and adventure story, fantasy and allegory, satire and straight instruction, throughout informed with learning and sustained by wit, with an admixture of games and puzzles for the unhurried readers. Before he tried his hand at a novel, he had won recognition as a scholar with a treatise on phonology entitled Yin-jian or the Mirror of Phonology, a work in which he contrasted ancient pronunciation with current speech, a daring innovation in the field. It was probably his refusal to become circumscribed by the technique of the Eight-Legged Essay that made him bold enough to become a novelist. Besides, his keen appetite for oriental chess made him have collected the chess manuals and publish shou-zi-pu or the Genealogical Table of Oriental Chess Playing, which contains more than two hundred playing cases of the celebrated chess players in Kangxi, Yongzheng, Qianlung and Jiaquing period in Qing Dynasty.

文學革命運動의 背景과 展開

河正玉 단국대학교 중어중문학과 1976 中國文學報 Vol.- No.3

후스(胡適)와 新詩

河正玉 숙명여자대학교 학생위원회 1981 淑大學報 Vol.21 No.-

현재 홍콩 중문대학에 가 있는 대만 시단의 중견인 위광중교수는 『만약 오사기의 신시를 어린이라고 한다면 현대시는 소년에 비유할 수 있다』고 했다. 여기서 우리가 유의해야 할 점은 「신시」와 「현대시」라는 용어의 문제이다. 물론 「신시」라는 용어는 원래 중국의 전통시를 일컫는 「구시」라는 말에 대칭되는 말로 쓰인 것이므로 넓은 의미에서 신시는 현대시의 범주 안에 포함시킬 수도 있겠으나, 소위 문학혁명(1917)이후 대륙시대의 그것을 1949년 12월 자유중국이 대만으로 옮겨 온 이후 얼마간의 진공시기를 거쳐 점차 일기 시작한 현대시운동의 산물인 이른바 현대시와는 구분해서 쓴 말이다.

임신과 출산, 인구-숫자로부터 여성의 건강- 권한 강화로

하정옥 한국모자보건학회 2013 한국모자보건학회 학술대회 연제집 Vol.2013 No.2

소아 용혈빈혈(Hemolytic anemia in pediatrics)

하정옥 대한소아청소년과학회 2007 Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics (CEP) Vol.50 No.6

To understand the hemolytic anemia (HA) in children, the diagnostic approach and management of hereditary and acquired HA are described. The hereditary hemolytic anemia (HHA) can be classified according to the pathogenesis into three types : RBC membrane defects, hemoglobinopathies, and RBC enzymopathies. Clinical characteristics, laboratory findings and molecular defects of these three types are presented briefly. In Korea, HHA due to the RBC membrane defect, hereditary spherocytosis had been reported often but HHA due to hemoglobinopathies and RBC enzymopathies had been thought to be relatively rare. With recent development in the molecular diagnosis, β thalassemia, mostly heterozygote, G6PD and pyruvate kinase deficiency have been reported with gene characterization. If the patients with microcytic hypochromic anemia show unproportionally low MCV or MCH or refractory to the iron therapy, hemoglobin electrophoresis and gene analysis for thalassemia or other unstable hemoglobinopathies need to be done accordingly. The global movement of the population especially from the region prevalent of hemoglobinopathies or enzymopathies to Korea warrants considering broad spectrum of etiology for the diagnosis of HHA. Aquired HA resulting from extracellular factors such as autoimmune HA from warm antibody, cold agglutinin and paroxysmal cold hemoglobinuria as well as nonimmune HA are described briefly.

「增補文獻備考」所載 中國傳入韓國之書籍

하정옥 한국출판학회 1972 出版學硏究 Vol.- No.-

국가적 미션 수행으로부터 무엇으로?

하정옥,윤태웅(사회자),정연보(토론자) 한국과학기술학회 2014 한국과학기술학회 학술대회 Vol.2014 No.12

여성주의, 여성건강운동, 돌봄의 가치와 간호학의 결합

하정옥 한국간호과학회 2012 한국간호과학회 학술대회 Vol.2012 No.10

유아의 연령, 성별 및 기질에 따른 어머니의 양육스트레스와 대처행동

하정옥 한국사회복지지원학회 2009 사회복지지원학회지 Vol.4 No.1

이 연구는 유아기 자녀를 둔 242명 어머니의 양육스트레스와 대처행동에 관한 연구이며, 유아의 기질은 Buss 와 Plomin(1990)의 EAS로, 양육스트레스는 Crnic과 Greenberg(1990)의 PDH로, 스트레스 대처행동은 Lazarus 와 Folk man(1984)이 개발한 대처방식척도(The Wats of Checklist)로 측정하였다. 연구 결과 자녀의 연령과 성별에 따른 양육스트레스는 유의미한 차이가 없는 것으로 나타났으나, 기질에 따른 양육스트레스에서 소극적 안정형은 유의미한 정적인 결과를 보였다. 또한, 자녀의 연령과 성별·기질에 따른 대처행동은 유의미한 차이가 없고, 양육스트레스가 적을수록 문제 중심 대처행동이 많았으며, 자녀의 연령이 높을수록 대처행동이 높게 나타났다.