송대(宋代) 사람들의 옹저(癰疽)에 대한 인식과 대응: 홍매(洪邁)의 『이견지(夷堅志)』를 중심으로

최해별 대한의사학회 2024 의사학(醫史學) Vol.33 No.1

송대 옹저는 일상생활에서 계층에 상관없이 누구나 걸릴 수 있는 질병이었다. 이 논문은 송대 옹저에 대해 당시 사람들이 발병 원인을 어떻게 설명하고 또 이를 치료하기 위해 어떤 시도와 노력을 했는지 옹저를 직접 앓았던 병자와 가족들의 투병 경험을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 지금까지 송대 질병사 관련 연구는 상한병에 대한 연구가 주로 이루어져 왔고 그 외에 남쪽 지역의 풍토병 또는 온역 등 전염병과 관련된 연구가 주를 이루었다. 이러한 경향 속에 어디서나 누구든 겪을 수 있는 일상의 질병으로서 옹저에 대한 주목은 의미 있어 보이며, 더구나 병자의 시각에서 그들의 경험을 복원하는 것은 기존 연구에서 크게 시도되지 못했던 부분이라 더욱 의미 있다. 이 논문은 송대인의 투병 경험을 복원하기 위해 홍매 『이견지』의 옹저 관련 60여 건의 일화를 분석하였다. 이들 일화는 대략 12세기 전후반에 걸친 사례이며, 병자의 신분은 사대부이거나 사대부의 가족인 경우가 다수를 이루었다. 이들 일화는 모두 옹저와 관련이 있지만 내용상 크게 두 가지 상이한 경향을 띠었다. 하나는 옹저의 발병 경위에 대한 서사가 중심인 일화로서 발병의 원인을 주로 병자의 평소 생활 속 잘못에서 찾는 경향을 보였다. 이는 아마도 옹저의 발병 원인을 명확히 알 수 없는 상황에서 당시 사람들의 옹저에 대한 은유의 방식을 보여준다. 그들은 신에 대한 모독, 직분에서의 과실과 잘못, 살생을 저지른 것 등에 대한 징벌 등으로 옹저의 발병을 이해하는 정형화된 인식(stereotype)을 하였다. 옹저의 발병 경위에 대해 병자의 평소 행실에서 옹저의 발병 사유를 찾는 이러한 정형화된 경향은 사대부 계층에서도 분명하게 나타났다. 특히, 사인의 경우 과도한 법의 집행이나 수탈 및 살생이 주로 거론되었다. 이외에 일반 민의 경우 슬(虱)로 인한, 사인의 경우 단사(丹砂)의 중독으로 인한 사례가 많았다. 정사 열전 자료에서 주로 보이는, 옹저의 발병을 ‘우환(걱정)과 울분(억울함)’ 때문으로 보는 서사 전통은 이견지 등 필기 자료에서는 보이지 않았던 것도 흥미롭다. 또한 외형상의 유사성을 상세히 설명하여 옹저를 음계(陰界)의 처벌 흔적으로 묘사하는 서사적 특징은 이러한 정형화된 인식을 더욱 견고하게 하였고, 관련 일화를 알려 세상 사람들이 경계(警戒) 삼게 해야 한다는 사인들의 생각은 이러한 인식을 확산하는 데 기여했다. 또 다른 하나의 경향은 옹저의 치료 과정에 대한 서사가 중심을 이루었는데, 옹저의 발병 원인과 경위를 은유적으로 사유했던 것과는 다르게 치료에 있어서 그들은 주로 ‘의사’를 찾았다. 옹저를 앓게 되면 대체로 외과의, 양의, 도인 및 옹저 치료에 이름난 이들을 찾아 치료를 받으려고 하였다. 지역에는 신에게서 옹저 관련 비책을 받아 의술이 뛰어난 자, 신묘한 옹저치료약을 보유하고 있는 자, 대대로 돌침을 찔러 옹저를 치료하는 데 유명한 자들이 활동하고 있었고, 이러한 정보가 지역 사회에서는 공유되고 있었다. 이들의 치료는 대체로 옹저를 찢고 고름을 짜내는 외과적 시술이 주를 이루었는데, 병자들은 치료 과정에서 엄청난 고통을 호소했다. 옹저의 치료에서도 사대부 계층은 역시 지역의 이름난 외과의 및 옹저 전문의를 찾아 외과적 치료를 받은 경우가 다수였다. 중국 의학사에서 진맥 중심의 내과적이고 학술사적 의학의 발전에 영향을 미쳤다고 하는 사대부... During the Song period, abscesses (癰疽) were a disease that could affect anyone regardless of their class. This study examines how people at that time explained the cause of abscesses and their efforts to treat them, focusing on the experiences of those who suffered from abscesses and their families. Previous research on disease history during the Song period primarily focused on ailments like colds (傷寒) and infectious diseases (瘟疫), or plagues prevalent in the southern regions of China. On the other hand, examining abscesses as a common everyday illness that could affect anyone and considering them from the perspective of patients’ experiences has remained unexplored in previous studies. To reconstruct the experiences of Song period patients, this study analyzes over sixty anecdotes related to abscesses found in Yi Jian Zhi (夷堅志) written by Hong Mai. These cases span across the mid to late 12th century, with a majority of the patients being from the literati (士人) class or connected to the literati. These anecdotes exhibit two distinct trends. One focuses on narratives surrounding the onset of abscesses, attributing their cause primarily to the patients’ lifestyle. When the cause of the abscesses was unknown, people metaphorically attributed its onset to perceived blasphemy against God, an act of killing, negligence in duties, or other wrongdoings. This trend is evident among the literati class in particular, where abscesses were often linked to factors such as excessive legal executions or exploitation, and even acts of killing people. Except for those cases, in explaining the cause of abscesses in commoners, there were instances caused by a pediculus infestation, while in case of literati, Dansha (丹砂) poisoning was a common cause. It is interesting to note that the narrative tradition, prevalent in official history biographies, which attributes the onset of abscesses to worries and resentment, was not evident in written records such as Yi Jian Zhi. Furthermore, the detailed description of external similarities, portraying abscesses as traces of punishment from the underground realm (陰界), is a narrative characteristic that solidified such stereotypical perceptions. The literati's notion that they should alert people through these related anecdotes contributed to the spread of this perception. Another trend in these anecdotes was centered around narratives of abscess treatment, where the focus shifted primarily to seeking “doctors,” unlike the metaphorical explanations of abscess onset causes and processes. When afflicted with abscesses, people generally sought out those renowned surgeons, known as Yang-yi (瘍醫), and those famous for treating abscesses. In local communities, individuals who had “received the divine secrets of abscesses,” those possessing their own mysterious abscesses cures, and those famous for generations for treating abscesses by using stone acupuncture were active. Such information about them was shared within the local societies. Their treatment predominantly consisted of surgical procedures to lance abscesses and drain pus, which often led patients to endure significant pain during the treatment process. In many cases, such patients sought treatment from well-known local surgeons and abscess specialists who surgically treated them. The literati, who are said to have influenced the development of pulse-centered medical and academic medicine in China, also sought out surgeons for abscess treatment. Medical formularies compiled by the court as well as privately published ones rarely mentioned surgical methods utilizing tools. The fact that surgical techniques were utilized in local regions at that time indicates a disparity between the official medical practices documented in texts and the practical methods employed in local communities. An analysis of approximately sixty anecdotes related to abscesses shows that abscesses were characterized by unknown ca...

중국 의학지식 전승의 또 하나의 전통: 송대(宋代) ‘지괴의안(志怪醫案)’의 특징과 의미

최해별 대한의사학회 2022 의사학(醫史學) Vol.31 No.1

During the explanation of the origin of ‘prescription (醫方),’ an interesting phenomena in the accumulation and diffusion of medical knowledge in the Song Period is that many prescriptions contain narratives with bizarre elements, such as those given by God through dreams, received from ‘strange people (異人),’ or from animals appearing in these dreams. This study features an anecdote called ‘zhiguai (志怪) Medical Cases,’ which contains bizarre elements in the dissemination process of prescription, narrative of the treatment experience, and specific content of prescription, called a ‘zhiguai prescription.’ In previous research, such prescriptions were often called a ‘God-delivered prescription (神授方).’ However, a ‘zhiguai prescription’ appears adequate because it includes a number of factors beyond the ‘God-delivered prescription.’ This study examines the background of the intensive emergence of massive zhiguai medical cases in the Song Period, reviews the characteristics and significance of the zhiguai prescriptions in the context of postwar medical history, and finally investigates the influence of the bizarre narrative by tracing the dissemination of related prescriptions. This study found that the zhiguai prescription experiences were different from the so-called ‘academic’ that was formed in the Song Period, and it was ‘another’ method of medical knowledge dissemination based on their narratives. The emergence of many zhiguai medical cases in the Song Period, especially in the Southern Song period, is related to the activities of the literati official (士大夫). The literati officials of the Song Period frequently witnessed strange or anomalous phenomena in their daily life. They relied on them to relieve the powerlessness of reality and left records. In addition, unlike the authors of the zhiguai genre of the previous era, they maintained an attitude faithful to the facts when recording them. The massive appearance of the zhiguai medical cases in the Song Period was the result of the combination of the intention of the literati official who valued medicine their medical knowledge to spread the awareness, their reliance on the strange or anomalous phenomena, and their attitude that emphasized a realistic narrative. The significance of the zhiguai prescription of the Song Period can be found in the supplementation and diffusion of existing medical knowledge. In previous research, these were collectively described as ‘public experienced methods’; however, various characteristics were found by analyzing the nineteen cases of zhiguai medical cases in Yijianzhi (夷堅志) by comparing them with the related contents of the herbal medicine and prescription books of the time. In the use of herbal medicines for specific diseases, there are cases that are unusual or meaningful when compared with existing herbal medicine or prescription books, and thus, this became a decisive basis for the expansion of herbal knowledge in the later period. Moreover, new treatment methods that were not often seen in medical books at the time were introduced, and they have been continuously transmitted to the medical and herbal medicine books since then. Additionally, this study also found cases that were focused on promoting medical knowledge that was not well-known, and the knowledge that must be known, although they were recorded in the existing medical and herbal medicine books. The record of the zhiguai medical cases evidently had its meanings in supplementing and disseminating existing medical knowledge. Prescriptions in the record of the zhiguai medical cases of the Song Period were subsequently recorded in various medical and herbal medicine books, and they handed down until the Ming and Qing period. Later, when a zhiguai prescription was described in a medical book, its bizarre narrative was not omitted, leaving a trace in the name of the prescription. It can be seen that this bizarre...

송(宋),원(元)시기 "검험(檢驗)지식"의 형성과 발전: 『세원집록(洗寃集錄)』과 『무원록(無寃錄)』을 중심으로

최해별 한국중국학회 2014 중국학보 Vol.69 No.-

宋元時期是以往留傳下來的中國傳統"檢驗知識"具有規모幷得到髮展的重要時期。南宋宋慈的≪洗寃集錄≫和元代王與的≪無寃錄≫正好體現척宋元時期檢驗知識髮展的具體趨嚮。≪洗寃集錄≫在以往零散的檢驗知識基礎上,積極吸收檢驗官在現場的經驗,作爲一本檢驗書,形成了一定的規모和體係。≪無寃錄≫積極反映了元朝頒佈的≪攷試程式≫中有關檢驗知識的內容,把타作爲標準,重組≪洗寃紀錄≫的內容。經過這種過程,檢驗知識更加得到係統化。首先,本文通過分析≪洗寃集錄≫和≪無寃錄≫的序,對於兩者的編撰經緯和背景進行比較。宋慈雖然寫到參攷"自≪內恕錄≫以下凡數家",但他特意寫척檢驗官的"更歷"的重要性,幷强調檢驗官在現場經驗的積류。最後,他公開蒐集"士大부或有得於見聞及親所歷涉척於此集之外者"。與此不同,王與可以把朝廷以≪攷試程式≫的形式頒佈的檢驗知識作爲標準,他寫到"以省部見降攷試程式爲特循之本"。地方官應該檢驗的內容及判別死因的標準通過元朝頒佈的≪攷試程式≫得到公認,王與把타作爲標準再次整理以往的檢驗知識。從中可見,宋慈處於蒐集零散的檢驗知識幷進行整理的時期,而王與處於檢驗知識在以往積류的基礎上根據"公認"的標準更爲具有體係的時期。其次,本文對於≪洗寃集錄≫和≪無寃錄≫的體例,特別是對於死因分類的項目進行比較。相對來說,≪無寃錄≫的死因分類項目更加細密,各個項目安排的順序得到合理。王與根據≪攷試程式≫的相關內容,再次整理≪洗寃紀錄≫的相關項目。其中有些重複的內容得到整理,有些分散在各處的內容得到集中在一起。靈外,≪無寃錄≫根據≪攷試程式≫的內容新設項目,如≪辜內病死≫等。從中可見,宋元時期檢驗知識經過≪洗寃集錄≫和≪無寃錄≫的整理和補充得到係統化和體係化。再次,本文對≪洗寃集錄≫和≪無寃錄≫的具體內容進行分析,特別是對於"他物、手足、刃物"的毆打殺傷方麵,分析了兩者的異同,髮現兩者顯然有繼承關係。首先爲了攷察≪洗寃集錄≫的成就,本文對於≪摺獄龜鑒≫和≪洗寃集錄≫的相關內容進行比較。與≪摺獄龜鑒≫相比,≪洗寃集錄≫在刃物殺傷方麵,使用更加準確的用語,對於屍首狀態及其原因提척更詳細說明,這樣的補充一定척於現場的檢驗官員在實踐經驗中得到幷經過有人蒐集的知識。相對來比,王與雖然整理幷補充以往的檢驗書,但他說"不敢妄意改易"。在實際上,≪洗寃集錄≫的內容雖然經過順序的調整及內容的整理,但其內容基本上都收入在≪無寃錄≫。以"他物、手足、刃物"的毆打殺傷爲例,王與的≪無寃錄≫都收入同樣的內容。但是,王與在≪無寃錄≫提到宋元時期在法律上所謂"他物"的範圍有所不同的規定,幷且對於≪洗寃集錄≫和≪攷試程式≫之間的不同說法以及留傳下來的不同意見等進行攷證脩正。他在攷證的過程中,有時參攷醫書,把醫書的內容作爲根據,脩正了"食氣상之辨"相關的不同說法。從中可見,到≪無寃錄≫的時代檢驗知識척現更加專門化的傾嚮。 總之,通過≪洗寃集錄≫和≪無寃錄≫的序、體例、內容的比較分析,觀察到宋元時期檢驗知識髮展的具體傾嚮。南宋時期≪洗寃集錄≫反映척零散的知識通過現場經驗的積류而形成了具有一定規모的知識體係,元初≪無寃錄≫反映척以≪攷試程式≫爲標準,相關內容更加具有係統化的趨嚮。在內容方麵,≪無寃錄≫在收入≪洗寃集錄≫內容的基礎上,還寫척當時有所改動的法律規定,寫到通過醫書攷證的內容等。經過這樣的脩改和補充,宋元時期檢驗知識更加體係化和專門化。

‘악핵독종(惡核毒腫)’ 치료에서 ‘치혈지통(治血止痛)’으로: 중국에서의 유향(乳香)에 대한 인식과 활용의 변천사

최해별 의료역사연구회 2023 의료사회사연구 Vol.11 No.-

Ruxiang, one of the most commonly imported herbs, has been mentioned in Chinese literature since the Wei and Jin periods. With the growth of overseas trade during the Tang and Song periods, the massive importation of herbs, including Ruxiang, brought about significant changes in the understanding and utilization of Ruxiang. This study examines historical changes in the perception and utilization of Ruxiang in China. In the literature of the third century, Ruxiang was mentioned as a “strange item from the south” and understood as a “medicinal herb.” Particularly during the sixth century, TaoHongjing(陶弘景)’s Bencaojingjizhu本草經集注 focused on the therapeutic effects of Ruxiang for treating carbuncles and abscesses, and specific prescriptions that used Ruxiang were related to these ailments. This understanding continued until the early Tang Dynasty, during which Ruxiang was mainly used for treating carbuncles and abscesses or intestinal gas and bad odor. The perception of the efficacy of Ruxiang changed in the eighth century. Notably, ChenCangqi(陳藏器) emphasized its efficacy in treating stroke, female infertility, blood circulation, deafness, and diarrhea in Bencaoshiyi本草拾遺. However, there are no records of Ruxiang being used to treat these conditions in formulary books(醫方書) compiled during that time as well as in Waitaimiyao外台祕要. By the end of the late Tang and Five Dynasties periods, with the establishment of local governments and the development of overseas trade, the importation of Ruxiang increased considerably, resulting in significant changes in how it was perceived and used. With Rihuazibencao日華子本草 compiled in the southern region in the tenth century, a more advanced understanding of the efficacy of Ruxiang emerged, which included protecting the regularity of Qi(氣), protecting the waist and knees, stopping pain, and promoting skin regeneration. Additionally, Taipingshenghuifang太平聖惠方 compiled during the Song Dynasty included various prescriptions that reflected the changing perception of Ruxiang’s efficacy since the eighth century, including treatments for stroke, female infertility, and diarrhea. Bencaotujing本草圖經 from the mid-Northern Song Dynasty emphasized the efficacy of Ruxiang in treating blood and promoting circulation, a fact that was further confirmed in Taipinghuiminhejijufang太平惠民和劑局方 prescriptions added during the Southern Song period. Ruxiang’s effectiveness in ‘boosting the meridian circulation,’ which was particularly mentioned in the added prescriptions during the Southern Song period came to be highlighted by Yishuixuepai易水學派 and medical scholars such as Zhangyuansu張 元素 and Wanghaogu王好古 during the thirteenth century. In conclusion, in the sixth century, Ruxiang was understood to be effective at treating carbuncles and abscesses and dispelling negative energy. Such an understanding of Ruxiang’s efficacy shifted toward an emphasis on its ability to invigorate blood circulation and alleviate pain in the eleventh to thirteenth centuries. This evolution reflected an expanded understanding of Ruxiang’s efficacy and the gradual establishment of an increasingly theoretical framework to explain it. Additionally, the expanded understanding of Ruxiang’s efficacy can be observed in the many usages to which it was put in medical books, which expanded significantly from the tenth and eleventh centuries onward, during the time of large-scale Ruxiang importation. The appearance of medical prescriptions that used Ruxiang in the Song Dynasty’s Taipingshenghuifang太平聖惠方 likely resulted from the expanded understanding of Ruxiang’s efficacy and the increased importation of Ruxiang from the late Tang Dynasty to the Five Dynasties periods. 대표적인 해외 유입 향약(香藥)의 하나인 유향은 위진 시기부터 문헌 기록에서 확인이 되며, 이후 당송 교체기 해외 무역이 활발해져 향약의 대량 유입이 가능해짐에 따라 유향에 대한 이해와 활용에도 커다란 변화가 나타난다. 이 논문은 중국에서의 유향에 대한 인식과 그 활용의 역사를 복원하였다. 3세기경 문헌 기록에서 유향은 남방의 ‘기이한 물건’으로 소개되기도 또 ‘본초’로서 이해되기도 하였다. 특히 6세기 도홍경이 본초경집주를 편찬할 즈음은 ‘옹저’의 치료 효과에 주목하였고, 같은 시기 유향이 사용된 구체적 의방 역시 이와 관련된 것이 주를 이룬다. 이후 당 전기까지 이러한 이해는 지속된다. 주로 옹저나 창양 치료 및 악취 제거 등에 쓰였다. 유향의 효능에 대한 인식의 변화가 나타난 것은 8세기인데, 진장기는 본초습유에서 유향의 효능에 대해 처음으로 중풍, 부인의 난산과 혈기, 이롱(귀머거리), 설사 멈춤 등 효능을 강조하였다. 그러나 당시 편찬된 의방서에서는 이들 병증과 관련한 치료에 유향이 쓰인 사례는 보이지 않는다. 당말 오대시기에 이르면 지방 정권의 수립과 더불어 그간의 해외 무역의 발전으로 유향이 대량 유입되면서 유향의 인식과 활용에 상당한 변화가 나타난다. 10세기 남방의 오월에서 편찬된 일화자본초에서는 유향의 효능에 대해 더욱 진일보한 인식이 나타나는데, 정기를 보호하고, 허리와 무릎을 보호하며, 통증을 멈추게 하고 피부를 자라게 한다는 내용이 더해졌다. 그리고 송 초 편찬된관방 의방서 태평성혜방은 8세기 이래 중풍, 부인 난산 및 설사 치료 등 그간의 유향의 효능에 대한 인식의 변화가 반영된 다양한 의방을 실었다. 북송 중기 소송의 본초도경에서는 유향의 혈의 치료를 강조하기 시작하였고, 본초도경의 ‘치혈’과 ‘지통’의 이해는 태평혜민화제국방 중에서도남송 시기 추가된 의방에서 주로 확인되며, 특히 이 시기 추가된 의방에서언급되었던 ‘활경락’ 등의 효능은 13세기 ‘역수학파’라 불리는 이고와 왕호고등에 의해 ‘여러 경락의 통증을 다스림’에 효과적이라는 설명으로 강조된다. 결론적으로, 유향의 효능에 대한 이해는 6세기 전후 옹저 치료와 나쁜 기운의제거를 위주로 하는 이해에서 11-13세기 혈을 돌게 하고 통증을 멎게 하는것 등으로의 인식의 변화를 보인다. 이는 유향의 효능에 대한 이해의 확장과더불어 그것에 대한 설명이 점점 이론화된 틀에 의해 구축되는 과정을 보여준다. 아울러 유향의 효능에 대한 인식의 확장은 의방서에서 유향을 다양하게활용하는 모습과 함께 볼 수 있는데, 의방서의 활용은 유향의 대량 유입이이루어진 시기 즉 10세기 및 11세기 무렵 유향의 활용이 본격적으로 확대된다고 볼 수 있다. 송 초 태평성혜방에서 유향을 활용한 의방이 대거 등장한것은 아마도 당 중기부터 오대시기까지 유향의 효능에 대한 인식의 확대와더불어 당 말부터 해외에서 유향의 대량 유입이 본격화되면서 나타난 결과라 할 수 있겠다.

송대(宋代) "유부자(有夫者)" 간통(姦通)에서의 "모살기부(謀殺其夫)" 처벌: "간처(姦妻)"의 처벌에 대한 법률 논쟁을 중심으로

최해별 한국중국학회 2013 중국학보 Vol.67 No.-

唐宋時期的通姦中往往척現因其所髮生的殺傷犯罪, 本論文主要攷察到宋代朝廷如何處理"有夫者"通姦中髮生的"謀殺其夫"案件. 特別是關註了在"因與人姦緻夫於死" 的情況下, 卽"姦人(姦夫)殺其夫"的情況下法官즌樣處罰"姦妻"的問題. 因爲타的通姦成爲丈夫死亡的間接原因, 對타的處罰往往成爲當時法官所關註及討論的對象. 本文分別攷察了宋代對"姦妻"處罰的法律規定, 在司法現場中的相關判例以及其中的法律論爭. 關於唐宋時期姦罪的硏究, 到目前有較多的成果, 但對通姦所引起的夫妻之間殺傷罪方麵, 沒有進行專門的硏究. 繼承唐律的『宋刑統口規定了"姦夫"殺死本夫時"所姦妻妾雖不知情, 與同罪", 但反映南宋時期的『慶元條法事類口記載"妻不知情者, 奏裁". 圍繞這一法律規定的變化, 文中攷察了兩宋時期的相關判例, 其中 幾個案件引起了中央官僚的激烈論爭: 神宗元豊六年(1083)在邵武軍髮生的阿陳案件,孝宗淳熙六年(1179)前後在南康軍髮生的阿梁案件及光宗紹熙元年(1190)前後在舒州髮生的阿王案件. 通過分析這些法律論爭, 我們得척了如下的內容: 關於處罰"姦妻"的法律方麵: 第一, 雖然我們在『慶元條法事類口中才조到"妻不知情者, 奏裁"的規定, 但在北宋元豊時期已存在州軍上奏處罰姦妻案件的事例. 可見, 這一傾嚮北宋前中期已經開始척現. 第二, 『慶元條法事類口的規定中仍有"妻不知情者"的條件, 但是, 通過元豊年間阿陳案我們觀察到姦妻知情者也屬於"上奏"的範圍. 第三, 中央機構複審這類案件的過程中, 最關鍵的要素就是證明姦妻的"加功"與否, 卽證明타的"共殺"與否. "從而不加功"和"加功"分別處罰的原則在唐律中隻鍼對"凡人"之間的殺傷罪, 而現在我們知道元豊時期這一規定已被適用於"夫妻之間"的殺傷罪. 總之, 兩宋時期對姦妻的處罰上척現了愼重判處死刑的傾嚮, 幷且處罰的層次也逐漸細節, 卽"加功"與否成爲判刑的標準. 關於法律論爭所反映的政治方麵: 對地方州軍所奏上的姦妻案件, 中央官僚的立場明顯分爲兩種, 卽處死和免予處死. 但是, 他們所論爭的內容不隻停留在於處罰姦妻的問題本身. 處罰姦妻隻是表麵上的內容, 實際上他們通過論爭表明了種種的政治立場. 主張判處姦妻死刑的杜紘比較傾嚮於以"禮", "律"作爲判決根據, 也强調"奏裁"製度的弊端, 反對"生死惟奏與否"的現況. 他主張處死阿陳是與此相關的. 주熹也保有反對"奏裁"製度的立場, 曾經指척過奏裁帶來刑案拖延等問題. 주熹還强調"人理", "三綱" 等, 把타作爲判決根據. 陳傅良引用了"與同罪"的律條, 也强調"三綱", "『春추口之義"等傳統價値. 與此相反, 主張免予死刑的司法機構及官僚, 比較重視有無"同謀共殺"的實際根據, 沒有確定"共殺"的情況下, 他們維持愼重的態度, 不輕易判處死刑. 靈外, 葛필擔心"追逮及於無辜"所導緻的"傷和氣", 也强調朝廷處理"疑獄"的原則. 這些都構成爲主張免予阿梁斬刑的根據. 站在這一立場的官僚比較傾嚮於重視"奏裁". 總之, 從對阿陳案, 阿梁案, 阿王案的法律論爭, 我們觀察到: 兩宋時期"律"和"칙"的對立, "人理"及"三綱"和實際法律根據(共殺與否)的對立, 反對奏裁和重視奏裁的對立以及地方和中央的對立. 從這些對立中我們終於髮現了重視儒家價値及傳統經律的官僚們和要把司法權歸屬於中央的皇權之間的緊張關係. 總之, 兩宋時期在處罰姦妻的司法現場中, 척現了愼重判處死刑幷處罰程度逐漸分層的傾嚮. 這種傾嚮在一定程度上與當時奏裁製度的成熟相關. 處罰姦妻的問題往往成爲當時政治上存在的種種對立關係暴露척來的地點. 通過攷察三件判例及論爭, 我們髮現這些對立關係中要掌握司法權力的中央(皇權)顯示更加强勢的傾嚮. 這種傾嚮導緻處罰姦妻更加愼重及細節判刑的結果, 幷構成爲與以後時期不同的兩宋時期的特點. 我們已知道元, 明, 淸時期척現了在處罰姦罪上更加保守的傾嚮, 也척現了新儒家秩序更加蔘透到性別秩序的傾嚮. 本文解釋了與此類趨勢截然不同的兩宋時期的特點.

宋⋅元 시기 ‘檢驗지식’의 형성과 발전: 『洗冤集錄』과 『無冤錄』을 중심으로

최해별 한국중국학회 2014 중국학보 Vol.69 No.-

宋元时期是以往留传下来的中国传统“检验知识”具有规模并得到发展的重要时期。南宋宋慈的≪洗冤集录≫和元代王与的≪无冤录≫正好体现出宋元时期检验知识发展的具体趋向。≪洗冤集录≫在以往零散的检验知识基础上,积极吸收检验官在现场的经验,作为一本检验书,形成了一定的规模和体系。≪无冤录≫积极反映了元朝颁布的≪考试程式≫中有关检验知识的内容,把它作为标准,重组≪洗冤纪录≫的内容。经过这种过程,检验知识更加得到系统化。首先,本文通过分析≪洗冤集录≫和≪无冤录≫的序,对于两者的编撰经纬和背景进行比较。宋慈虽然写到参考“自≪内恕录≫以下凡数家”,但他特意写出检验官的“更历”的重要性,并强调检验官在现场经验的积累。最后,他公开搜集“士大夫或有得于见闻及亲所历涉出于此集之外者”。与此不同,王与可以把朝廷以≪考试程式≫的形式颁布的检验知识作为标准,他写到“以省部见降考试程式为特循之本”。地方官应该检验的内容及判别死因的标准通过元朝颁布的≪考试程式≫得到公认,王与把它作为标准再次整理以往的检验知识。从中可见,宋慈处于搜集零散的检验知识并进行整理的时期,而王与处于检验知识在以往积累的基础上根据“公认”的标准更为具有体系的时期。其次,本文对于≪洗冤集录≫和≪无冤录≫的体例,特别是对于死因分类的项目进行比较。相对来说,≪无冤录≫的死因分类项目更加细密,各个项目安排的顺序得到合理。王与根据≪考试程式≫的相关内容,再次整理≪洗冤纪录≫的相关项目。其中有些重复的内容得到整理,有些分散在各处的内容得到集中在一起。另外,≪无冤录≫根据≪考试程式≫的内容新设项目,如≪辜内病死≫等。从中可见,宋元时期检验知识经过≪洗冤集录≫和≪无冤录≫的整理和补充得到系统化和体系化。再次,本文对≪洗冤集录≫和≪无冤录≫的具体内容进行分析,特别是对于“他物、手足、刃物”的殴打杀伤方面,分析了两者的异同,发现两者显然有继承关系。首先为了考察≪洗冤集录≫的成就,本文对于≪折狱龟鉴≫和≪洗冤集录≫的相关内容进行比较。与≪折狱龟鉴≫相比,≪洗冤集录≫在刃物杀伤方面,使用更加准确的用语,对于尸首状态及其原因提出更详细说明,这样的补充一定出于现场的检验官员在实践经验中得到并经过有人搜集的知识。相对来比,王与虽然整理并补充以往的检验书,但他说“不敢妄意改易”。在实际上,≪洗冤集录≫的内容虽然经过顺序的调整及内容的整理,但其内容基本上都收入在≪无冤录≫。以“他物、手足、刃物”的殴打杀伤为例,王与的≪无冤录≫都收入同样的内容。但是,王与在≪无冤录≫提到宋元时期在法律上所谓“他物”的范围有所不同的规定,并且对于≪洗冤集录≫和≪考试程式≫之间的不同说法以及留传下来的不同意见等进行考证修正。他在考证的过程中,有时参考医书,把医书的内容作为根据,修正了“食气颡之辨”相关的不同说法。从中可见,到≪无冤录≫的时代检验知识出现更加专门化的倾向。总之,通过≪洗冤集录≫和≪无冤录≫的序、体例、内容的比较分析,观察到宋元时期检验知识发展的具体倾向。南宋时期≪洗冤集录≫反映出零散的知识通过现场经验的积累而形成了具有一定规模的知识体系,元初≪无冤录≫反映出以≪考试程式≫为标准,相关内容更加具有系统化的趋向。在内容方面,≪...

南宋 시기 지방관의 부부관계 관련 쟁송의 처리 -『淸明集』의 판례를 중심으로

최해별 동양사학회 2020 동양사학회 학술대회 발표논문집 Vol.2020 No.8

The Contest between Life-Oriented and Specialization : A Study on the Self-treatment Phenomenon in Ming and Qing Dynasties in China

최해별 대한의사학회 2022 의사학(醫史學) Vol.31 No.1

It is natural for people to think that the increasing popularity of seeking medical treatment and the continuous development of medicine are the important embodiment of the progress of human civilization. Generally speaking, the progress of medical technology and the abundance of medical resources mean that the phenomenon of self-treatment is reduced. However, this study of Chinese medical history found that it had always been a common choice to seek self-treatment for people in all social classes, from literati and bureaucrats to ordinary people in remote mountainous areas, especially during the Ming and Qing Dynasties in China. Such records can be seen especially when looking through historical materials such as medical books, local chronicles, genealogies, notes, and anthologies. Although medical skills in Ming-Qing era were more developed than previous eras and the local medical resources were more abundant, from ordinary people in remote areas to elite groups such as literati and officials, people often regarded self-treatment as a basic choice when they or their family members fell ill, no matter whether they had the ability or the opportunity to delay medical treatment. This article aims to explore the logic and root behind this seemingly contradictory phenomenon. Therefore, this research first raises the question: what accounted for this seemingly contradictory phenomenon? In response to this question, this study confirms the following: Firstly, low barriers to entry and high rewards drove people of varying qualifications into the medical profession, and good doctors were hard to find; thus, self-treatment was no worse than the alternatives. Secondly, in the Ming-Qing dynasties, Confucian physicians tended to write more practical prescriptions, which gave many people the opportunity to improve their own medical knowledge and provided great convenience for self-treatment. Thirdly, since the mid-Ming Dynasty, the high medical cost had caused serious difficulties for ordinary people to seek professional medical care, so they tried their best to save themselves when they fell ill. On this basis, this study further found that the deeper reason for this phenomenon lies in the incoordination between the high degree of daily life style of traditional medical treatment and the corresponding low degree of medical specialization and professionalism. Then, this leads to another question: is this incongruity a historical norm or a product of a certain historical stage? This article argues that during the Ming-Qing era, in the macro trend, the two showed a competitive relationship. However, in the context of a broader and more microscopic time and space, is this competitive relationship valid? Especially at present, chronic non-communicable diseases are becoming the biggest threat to human health. With the professional development of medical technology, the trend of medical life-style has also become a reasonable way to fill the gap from highly authoritative medical treatment and take on the responsibilities of their own health. This kind of medical specialization and life-style seems to be developing in parallel. Therefore, it can be concluded that the dissonance between the two is only the product of a certain historical period. Finally, this study raises another relevant question: what are the social and cultural implications behind the parallel development of medical life and specialization? This is a question to be answered in future research on the topic.

宋代 檢驗 제도에서의 결과보고: “驗狀”類 문서를 중심으로

최해별 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2013 이화사학연구 Vol.- No.47

从北宋真宗咸丰三年(1000)开始,朝廷颁布了有关检验制度的诏敕,至南宋时期检验制度得到了比较完整的体系。这一完整的过程中,我们能发现立法者特别关注检验制度中“结果报告”的阶段。对于结果报告阶段的不断修补,反映了朝廷把以往由胥吏、仵作行人等左右的检验事务尽量转让给州县地方官的意图。就是说,州县地方官派遣检验官,让他掌握检验事务及向州县报告检验结果,以期得到更为真实的检验结果。这种努力的结果引起了报告检验结果的多种“验状”类文书的发展。咸丰三年(1000),州县正式负责当地检验事务,而由州县派遣的检验官以“验状”报告检验结果,宣和六年(1124)下诏要求在“验状”里明确记录检验结束时间及申发“验状”的日时后,即时向州县报告。以后,淳熙元年(1174)实行了「检验格目」,要求「检验格目」中明示“于当日某时差某人赉初(复)检单状”,这样保障了更透明的报告检验结果的过程。嘉定四年(1211)在江西提刑徐似道的建议下,实行了「正背人刑」,更加保障了报告检验结果的公开性。最后,淳祐年间(1241-1252)规定了“非系经隔日久,辄称尸怀不验者”的处罚规定,控制了对“无凭检验”情况的报告。总之,宋代朝廷把检验的事务从胥吏、仵作等下级实务者转让到州县地方官及路的提点刑狱司,其具体的方式就是建构各种文书行政的体系。整个检验事务进行的“节次”及其结果的“报告”分别通过文书,得到了更有效的运营。州县通过包括“验状”、「正背人刑」及“无凭检验”状等的“验状”类文书负责检验实务及报告;提点刑狱司通过「检验格目」掌握包括派遣检验官、进行检验以及最后"点检"的全过程。包括「正背人刑」的 “验状”类文书和「检验格目」,两者的切秒的结合及发展就是元代的“检尸法式(尸帐式)”。 从这个意义上,宋代在整个检验制度发展的历史上是非常重要的一个时期。

논문(論文) : 南宋 시기 婚姻節次의 법적 효력: 혼인관계의 증명 및 혼약 "?悔"의 판결을 중심으로

최해별 이화사학연구소 2011 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.43

目前學界對宋代婚姻禮俗的硏究已有?富的成果,但是,關于婚姻禮俗在實際司法現實中的作用,特別是其法律意義上的效力,沒有進行充分的討論。本文主要考察的問題是:南宋司法現場中,在法官證明合法的婚姻關系以及處理"?悔"婚約的訴訟事件時,婚姻禮俗作爲判決的根据發揮즘樣的作用。 唐、北宋以及南宋時期有關婚約的法律規定沒有顯著的變化,但是,婚姻禮俗本身在唐宋之際變化較大:婚姻程序更加覆雜;每一階段留下相應的文書。南宋時期,婚姻程序的每一階段,在證明合法的婚姻關系時,發揮重要的作用。在司法現場,草帖、正帖、婚書、禮物狀、聘財、寫婚書的人、主婚者、媒人等婚姻禮俗上的文書、物質、人的三個要素緊密地保證合法的婚姻關系。 南宋時期的法官基本上認識到,在處理"?悔"婚約的事件時,若只依?法律規定而判決,其判決往往沒有符合于現實的條件。因此,他們不得不重視"人情"的要素。法官重視"人情"的傾向使他們更加重視"親迎禮",相比之下,"聘禮"喪失了其法律意義上的效力。法官判決雙方婚約的无效后,他們還是强調"聘財的返回"。婚約的締結或放?必須帶動聘財的送、還,?聘財的所有權發生轉換,因此,法官非常重視證明送、還聘財的證書,如"禮物狀"、"領狀"等。 摠之,法官重視"人情"的傾向,這在一定程度上反映南宋時期執法者不能只用相關的法律規定而一律地介入幷控制民衆的婚姻糾紛。因此,法官更爲重視婚姻禮俗中雙方"議婚"的過程,以期更加保證婚約的效力,幷減少引起糾紛的因素。在這樣的背景下,南宋時期婚姻禮俗中的"契約因素"越來越濃厚.