개혁개방이래 중국 大學의 歷史學 학문체제의 변화 - 重點學科〮 重點硏究中心 건설을 중심으로

최은진 한국중국학회 2011 중국학보 Vol.63 No.-

1990年代后半期, 由中国政府施行的名为建设重点研究基地的大学改革政策是改变历史学专业体系的主要外部原因。 即, 1990年代以来, 历史学者们在国家主导的大学政策所改变的历史学研究体系中, 由于研究方式和条件的变化, 在研究课题的决定方面没有自由权。大学的制度化由在由国家主导的市场机制被强化的情况, 向着大学的历史学科由国家进行编制, 受到研究或者非政治性方向因素影响的情况进行了转变。 211,985工程使大学在量和质方面的探索取得了一定的成果。 所谓的对于大学的规范化和制度化的要求和进展, 巨大的资金投入全面地推动了大学的发展,加快了1990年代以来中国大学的发展速度。 历史学科在准备被选定为重点研究基地的条件和基础的过程中, 通过研究中心学科, 研究人力扩大等, 开启了发展之路, 历史学者们也主动积极地进行了参与。 另外,论文研究成果增加的同时, 水准也得到了提高。 因此史学和存在的危机, 向着历史学的稳全和重点基地活性化的方向进行了转换。 这种外观上健全大学的发展和史学科的稳全, 以及公正的发展等, 明显地产生了外观上的的健全。但是投入巨大资金的国家和省的角度, 研究课题的执行应当与国家需要关联起来, 这在结构上主要在国家选定的首都圈范围。 国家通过强化研究的规范化和基准的方针, 并且过对论文进行两极评定, 对研究资源进行分配, 研究走上了以公利为目的, 成为实现强国梦的工具的道路。 因此, 评价体系出现了以研究课题的目的和两极评价为主的问题。 前面所说的古代史研究的增加和马克思主义历史学的相对退潮,和这点是有关联的。另外, 作为211,985工程的整体问题, 通过选择和集中, 造成了大学发展的不均衡现象对于历史学科也同样有所影响。 对于建设世界一流大学, 政府主导的大学发展政策使大学运营的自主权依然无法得到扩大, 对于模糊的所谓的世界一流大学的目标, 公利性的目标, 没有进行一定的反省和摸索。 历史学果然是在附和政府的研究中心基地建设和目的的过程中走过来的。 因此, 两极研究成果的增加造成了无法保证质的增长的现状。 对此, 问题的提出果然还是主要由政府主导所进行, 而在这方面, 研究的主题和多样性的研究方法论下, 创意性研究的进行是否有实现的可能, 还要看今后重点研究基地政策的走向。

미술매체 점토(Clay)

최은진 계간 미술치료 2016 계간 미술치료 Vol.- No.1

대학생 음주문제와 예방대책

최은진 한국보건사회연구원 2000 보건복지포럼 Vol.44 No.-

성인기의 문제성 음주를 조기에 예방하기 위해서는 대학생 시기의 음주행태를 다각적으로 연구할 필요가 있다. 음주는 상해나 알코올 중독, 기타 질병을 가져오고 친구나 가족 등에게도 피해를 주기 때문이다. 1998년도 한국보건사회연구원 조사에 의하면, 우리 나라 대학생들의 음주율은 87.3%(남자 89.8%, 여자 84.6%)로 나타났으며, 이는 성인음주율 68.4%(남자 83.4%, 여자 54.9%)보다 높은 수준이어서 우리 나라의 미래를 이끌어갈 대학생의 주요 건강위험요인이 음주임을 보여준다. 본고에서는 대학생의 음주현황 및 음주행동의 특성을 살펴보고 이를 예방하기 위한 대책을 논해 보고자 한다.

정보시스템 혁신을 위한 인적자원 관리방안에 관한 연구

최은진,장윤희,이재범 한국지능정보시스템학회 1998 한국지능정보시스템학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.1998 No.5

中國 鄉村建設運動의 확산과정과 鄕村敎育의 함의

최은진 수선사학회 2020 史林 Vol.0 No.72

In this article, I reviewed the background and the development process of rural construction movement in regard of the transformation of the Chinese educational system since 1920s. During the late days of Qing period, the emergence of new government and the abrogation of state examination to recruit ranking officials acted as a factor to change the whole of Chinese society, leading to the decline of traditional intellectuals and education in rural communities. Although some educational reforms were introduced in those provinces which the native force of local notables was institutionalized with the implementation of local autonomy, the polarization of urban and rural areas was deepened. In this circumstance, the rural education emerged which originated from the thought of ‘Saving the country by education’ during the May 4th New Culture Movement. For the intellectuals who studied abroad in Western Europe, the backwardness of China's rural education was a key factor that hindered the development of the entire community. They believed that education could steer economic development in rural areas and further enhanced the autonomous ability of farmers to participate in political organizations. Among those Do Haeng-ji advocated the training of teachers as farmer-oriented Intellectuals, which influenced Yang Su-myeong and Liu Pae-hon’s rural construction movement. On the other hand, An yangcho established the People's Education Promotion Association of China to promote the education of the common people as the basis of rural reconstruction, which received general supports from the various levels of governments. Yang Su-myeong didn’t exclude modern science and technology, but reiterated the importance of ethical education based on Confucianism, while the People’s Education Promotion Association of China affirmed that the spread of modern knowledge and technology would bring about the improvement of the rural economy. Through the Rural Rehabilitation Committee and the domestic conference, the rural construction developed individually in each region became the government’s initiative to integrate stratified sub-regime. With the financial, human and administrative support from the government, the effective rural construction movement progressed. However the two fundamental problems of the rural community, land tenure system and rent, and the actual development of local autonomy were remained in the theoretical debates. In particular, the progress of rural construction was depended upon the relationship between the local government and the influential class and the central government, and the rural construction movement was also affected by the conflict between these forces. In the process of creating a nation-state, it was the role of intellectuals by presenting the model of social integration through education which was adopted by each local government and the Nanjing government. In addition, the process of integrating rural community through mediation of conflict was closely related to the role of intellectuals and the function of the social integration mechanism of education. It was a historical meaning of rural construction movement. .

雷沛鴻과 廣西省 근대 교육의 중국화

최은진 동국대학교 동국역사문화연구소 2022 동국사학 Vol.73 No.-

This paper examines the characteristics and significance of Lei Pei Hong’s educational thought, focusibng on his educational activities in the 1930s and the Anti-Japanese War period and subsequent years. Lei Pei Hong was a local educational intellectual who was born into the poor Guangxi province and he dedicated in the distribution of basic education. At this time of China, the village construction movement was being developed individually in various regions. While Lei’s education movement was included as one of those village construction movements, it was directed toward a social reform movement to overcome the limits of the region. Especially, he tried to adapt the trends of western education that he acquired from his experience of studying in the United States in accordance with the reality of China. He advocated the popularization of education which was a conclusion he naturally reached in the process of seeking indigenous education. However, Lei perceived the ideology and experience of wetern education on the basis of Sun Yat Sen’s educational ideas that the role and direction of education should be clisely connected to the revolutionary theory and be a tool to promote the revolution. For the realization of 天下爲公 of Sun Yat-sen, Lei Pei Hong’s idea of popularizing education was carried out in detail while serving as the head of the Guangxi Provincial Office of Education several times. This paper examines Lei’s efforts to reform the school system, especially the process of embodying the national education system as an alternative to the 6·3·3 school system of 1921. Facing the underdeveloped economic situation and the reality of Japanese aggression, he considered the Guangxi’s national education system based on the popularization of education as a realistic school system. In addition, Lei concentrated on establishing and operating the national primary school and the secondary school. He believed that the establishment of the national basic school could be a solution for urgent adult education by combining with children’s education, and that of national middle school could be both for teacher training and secondary school. Later, he established the Seojiang A cademy for a higher education. Lei openly supported the replacement of the new militarist government in Guangxi. As shown in the Guangxi authorities’ (of new militarist) oppression against the research institutes he represented, such as the Guangxi Basic Education Research Institute and the Guangxi Education Research Institute, there appeared the limitations of the combination of politics and education. In conclusion, Lei Pei Hong’s conception on the national education system and the experience of implementationt was an important attempt to pursue a Chinese-style education system. 본 연구는 雷沛鴻이 빈곤한 廣西省 출신으로 이 지역을 무대로 1930년대와 항일전쟁시기와 그 이후까지 전개한 교육활동을 통해 그의 교육사상의 특징과 의의를 살펴본 것이다. 당시 향촌건설운동이 지역마다 시행되고 있었는데 雷沛鴻의 교육운동이 이러한 향촌건설운동의 범주에 포함되면서도 지역의 한계를 넘어서기 위해 사회개조운동을 지향했다는 점을 살펴 보았다. 특히 미국 유학을 통해 서구의 교육사조를 접하고 이를 수용하는 과정에서 교육대중화를 주창하였는데 이는 중국의 현실에 부합하는 토착화된 교육을 모색하는 과정에서 도출된 것이었다. 그러나 雷沛鴻은 서구의 교육사상과 경험을 쑨원의 혁명사상에 기반한 교육의 역할과 지향점의 근간에서 수용하였는데 이는 辛亥革命에 대한 그의 인식과 黨化교육을 수행하였던 것에서 드러났다. 孫文의 天下爲公의 실현을 위한 敎育爲公을 표방한 雷沛鴻의 교육대중화 사상은 廣西省 교육청장을 수차례 역임하며 구체적으로수행되었다. 특히 본고에서는 교육의 대중화를 신교육의 중국화라고 인식한 雷沛 鴻이 1921년의 6·3·3제도에 대한 대안으로 민족교육체계를 체계화해 나간 과정을 살펴보았다. 낙후된 경제상황과 일본의 침략이라는 현실에서 중국의 실정에 부합한 학제로 교육대중화에 기반한 廣西의 국민교육체계를 구체화한 것이었음을드러내었다. 雷沛鴻은 廣西 新桂系의 건설방침을 지지하고 시급한 성인교육을 아동교육과 결합한 국민기초학교의 설립과 운용, 사범교육의 문제를 해결하고 국민기초학교의 취지에 부합하는 상급학교로서의 국민중학의 시행, 나아가 국민대학인 西江學院을 설립했다. 그러나 廣西기초교육연구원과 廣西교육연구소 등 그가 원장과 소장으로 있던 연구기관에 대한 新桂系 廣西당국의 탄압에서 나타나듯 정치와 교육의 결합이 지니는 한계도 나타났다. 그러나 雷沛鴻의 민족교육체계의 구상과 시행경험은 중국적인 학제를 모색한 중요한 경험이었다는 점에서 의미가 크다고 하겠다.

건강증진사업의 근거생산과 활용에 관한 연구

최은진 한국보건교육건강증진학회 2008 한국보건교육·건강증진학회 학술대회 발표논문집 Vol.- No.-

순종 사망과 장례과정 -1926년 4월부터 6·10만세운동까지-

최은진 한국독립운동사연구소 2024 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.- No.87

1926년 4월 25일 순종이 사망하자마자 일제 경찰은 전국의 경계를 강화했다. 4월 26일 임시 각의에서 순종의 장례를 국장으로 치르기로 결정했으며, 궁내성은 순종의 사망 일자를 하루 늦은 4월 26일로 이날 늦은 밤에야 정식 발표했다. 총독부는 순종의 국장을 고종의 국장보다는 간소하게 치르려고 했다. 한편 이왕직에 대한 비난이 비등했는데, 장례를 준비하며 준비 물품 관리를 소홀히 한 것 등의 이유 때문이었다. 총독부에서 열린 국장위원회에서 국장일은 6월 10일로 정해졌는데, 일반적으로 조선 국왕의 장례는 5개월이 걸린 반면 일제하 순종의 장례는 47일로 그보다 훨씬 짧았다. 이는 대한제국 황실이 일제하 이왕가로 격하되었기 때문이다. 경찰은 순종 국장과 5월 13일 조선박람회 개회에 대비해 국내 경계와 국경 경비를 매우 강화했다. 조선 주재 육군에서도 6월 9~11일 동안은 조선헌병사령부 안에 경비사령부를 두고 일부 군대를 배치하는 등 조치를 취했다. 그런데 6월 6일경 천도교도 등의 6·10만세운동 준비 움직임이 사전에 발각되면서, 경찰은 대활동을 개시했다. 마침내 6월 10일 장례일이 되었다. 장례 절차는 순조롭게 진행되지만은 않았다. 당국의 간섭으로 신련 앞에 모실 명정을 내여 모시지 못하고 명정을 채여에 숨겨 모시는 등 문제가 있었다. 또 이왕직에서 실수로 유릉을 모시는 절차 중 가장 큰 제전을 빠뜨리는 일이 발생하기도 했다. 그리고 장례를 치르는 와중에 6·10만세운동이 발발했다. 거의 장례 행렬이 출발한 때부터 지나는 길목마다 학생들이 중심이 되어 격문을 뿌리며 조선독립만세를 부르다가 현장에서 체포되었다. 결국 국장일에 6·10만세운동이 발발한 것은 중대 문제가 되어 일본 궁내성은 물론 내각과 총독부와 이왕직의 책임 문제가 거론되었다. As soon as King Sunjong passed away on April 25, 1926, the Japanese police strengthened security across the country. On April 26, the Japan’s temporary cabinet meeting decided to hold King Sunjong’s funeral as a state funeral, and the Department of the Imperial Household officially announced the date of King Sunjong’s death as April 26, a day later, late that night. The Japanese Government General of Chosun intended to hold King Sunjong’s funeral more simply compared to King Gojong’s. Meanwhile, there was significant criticism of the Office of the Yi Dynasty, due to reasons such as neglecting the management of supplies while preparing for the funeral. At the funeral committee held at the Japanese Government General of Chosun, the funeral date was set for June 10. Generally, the funeral process for a king of Chosun took 5 months, but the funeral of King Sunjong under Japanese colonial rule was much shorter than that, only 47 days. This was because the imperial family of the Korean Empire was downgraded to the Yi Royal Family under Japanese colonial rule. The police have greatly strengthened domestic and border security in preparation for King Sunjong’s funeral and the opening of the Chosun Exposition on May 13. The Japanese Army stationed in Chosun also took measures, such as setting up a security command within the Chosun Military Police Headquarters and deploying some troops from June 9 to 11. Around June 6, the preparations for the June 10th Independence Movement, led by members of the Cheondoism religious group and others, were discovered in advance, and the police began large-scale activities. Finally, June 10, the day of the funeral, arrived. The funeral process did not proceed smoothly. Due to the interference of the authorities, there were problems such as not being able to properly display the name tablet in front of the spirit palanquin and hiding it in a instrument instead. Additionally, the Office of the Yi Dynasty made a mistake by omitting the biggest ritual during the burial at Yureung Royal Tomb. And while the funeral was taking place, the June 10th Independence Movement broke out. Almost from the moment the funeral procession departed, students took center stage at every street corner passing by, scattering proclamations and chanting for Chosun’s independence, but they were arrested on the spot. In the end, the outbreak of the June 10th Independence Movement on the day of the state funeral became a serious issue, and the issue of responsibility of the Department of the Imperial Household, the Cabinet, the Japanese Government General of Chosun, and the Office of the Yi Dynasty was discussed.

간접흡연감소 정책의 방향

최은진 한국보건사회연구원 2003 보건복지포럼 Vol.81 No.-

Evaluation of the Dependence of the Exposure Dose on the Attenuation Correction in Brain PET/CT Scans Using 18F-FDG

최은진,정문택,장성주,최남길,한재복,양남희,동경래,정운관,Yun-Jong Lee,류영환,Sung-Hyun Choi,Kyeong-Jeong Seong 한국물리학회 2014 THE JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN PHYSICAL SOCIETY Vol.64 No.1

This study examined whether scanning could be performed with minimum dose and minimumexposure to the patient after an attenuation correction. A Hoffman 3D Brain Phantom was used inBIO 40 and D 690 PET/CT scanners, and the CT dose for the equipment was classified as a low dose(minimum dose), medium dose (general dose for scanning) and high dose (dose with use of contrastmedium) before obtaining the image at a fixed kilo-voltage-peak (kVp) and milliampere (mA) thatwere adjusted gradually in 17 - 20 stages. A PET image was then obtained to perform an attenuationcorrection based on an attenuation map before analyzing the dose difference. Depending on tubecurrent in the range of 33-190 milliampere-second (mAs) when BIO 40 was used, a significantdifference in the effective dose was observed between the minimum and the maximum mAs (p <0.05). According to a Scheffe post-hoc test, the ratio of the minimum to the maximum of theeffective dose was increased by approximately 5.26-fold. Depending on the change in the tubecurrent in the range of 10-200 mA when D 690 was used, a significant difference in the effectivedose was observed between the minimum and the maximum of mA (p < 0.05). The Scheffe posthoctest revealed a 20.5-fold difference. In conclusion, because effective exposure dose increaseswith increasing operating current, it is possible to reduce the exposure limit in a brain scan can be reduced if the CT dose can be minimized for a transmission scan.