국제 군비통제 방향 및 대응방향

최강 한국전략문제연구소 1999 전략연구 Vol.6 No.2

From the perspective of arms control, the 1900s looks very similar to the 1970s when major efforts were given to anns control and visible outcomes were achieved. The successful conclusion of INF, START, CFE, indefinite extension of NPT, CWC and CTBT can be considered as some positive outcomes of the post-Cold War. Furthermore, in the post-Cold War era, efforts have been directed not only toward passive nonproliferation but also to proactive counterproliferation. Along with increased international efforts in arms control the discussion of regional, multilateral security cooperation has become very active. Since the establishment of ARF in 1994, the discussion of and attention over regional security issues and cooperation at the governmental level has expanded. While the Northeast Asian states used to be rather reluctant to discuss multilateral security cooperation and dialogue, nowadays the mood for multilateral security dialogue has become more mature. The aforementioned situation has brought us many challenges in dealing with international arms control and multilateral security dialogue. Since its entry into the UN in 1991 and into the Geneva CD in 1996, South Korea is posited to pay careful attention to the international arms control activities and to take pro-active stance. To consolidate the background for peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula, South Korea must analyze international arms control issues and related activities. International arms control of the 1900s have the following characteristics. First, arms control has become multilateral in nature, rather than bilateral Second, the scope and target of arms control has expanded. Not only nuclear weapons but also other WMDs and conventional weapons and related technologies have become the target of arms control Third, the focus has been shifted from stopping of vertical proliferation to stopping of horizontal prolifertation. Furthermore, efforts to counterproliferation have begun to replace those of passive non-proliferation. Fourth, consequently, arms control itself has become a conflict between "the haves" and "the have-nots" --the North vs. the South. Fifth, to secure compliance and observation of various arms control agreements and regimes, verification and monitoring mechanisms have been strengthened. Sixth, impact of arms control has become wide and deep since each arms control measure will affect not only military sector but also civilian and industrial sectors as being seen in the case of CWC and Wassenarr Arrangement. Finally, regional talks on security cooperation and arms control have become quite active. For example, ARF has become a forum to discuss some arms control measures. All these trends imply that the scope of arms control regarding South Korea has expanded. Since South Korea is faced with North Korean threat, it cannot take part in all arms control measures without reservation. On the other hand, given its status in international community, South Korea cannot simply ignore and resist the trends of international arms control in the post-Cold War era. South Korea's policy of arms control must be balanced between its effect of dealing with North Korean military threat and its contribution to regional and international peace and stability. South Korea must utilize arms control as a means to institutionalize its external security environment and to increase its status and importance in regional and international community. For this purpose, it must widen its scope of arms control. Internally, policy coordination and consultation among the concerned government agencies are further enhanced due to the increased impact of arms control upon the society. In formulating and implementing arms control policies, South Korea should make a balance between universality and uniqueness of South Korea's security environment. South Korea tends to emphaisze its unique security environment as an excuse of being not so active in international arms control For this, South Korea must differentiate arms control issues by taking into accout each issue's nature and impact. Some issues must be dealt with by the two Koreas, whereas others must be transfered to international society. In other words, depending upon the nature of arms control issue, South Korea must select a venue for arms control and differentiate its approach. South Korea must formulate its arms control policy based upon its analysis of relations between international arms control and inter-Korean arms control To carry out arms control policy effectively, South Korea must secure and mobilize experts, either civilian or government, and enhance inter-agency cooperation at the governmental level.

헤이트 스피치 근절을 바라며 - 가와사키시에서의 시민과 행정의 대책

최강이자(崔江以子) 심미안 2019 문학들 Vol.- No.58

21세기 한ㆍ미 안보협력: 포괄적 안보동맹으로의 전환

최강,김태효 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2000 신아세아 Vol.7 No.1

급변하는 동북아정세, 주요 도전과 과제

최강 한국외교협회 2013 계간 외교 Vol.- No.104

Post-김정일 시대의 한반도 정세 전망

최강 국립외교원 외교안보연구소 2011 IFANS FOCUS (국문) Vol.2011 No.9

남북한 신뢰구축

최강 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 1997 한반도 평화체제의 모색 Vol.0 No.-

한미동맹 현황과 발전을 위한 과제: 제3차 한미 정상회담 결과를 중심으로

최강 국립외교원 외교안보연구소 2008 (IFANS)주요국제문제분석 Vol.2008 No.23

A Prospect for US-North Korean Relations beyond the BDA Issue

최강,박준성 통일연구원 2007 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.16 No.1

The February 13 Agreement has provided us not only opportunities but also challenges. We have just entered into a long, possibly rocky, process of denuclearizing North Korea. In order to keep the momentum of the denuclearizing process, several things need to be kept in focus. First of all, it is quite essential to pay keen attention to domestic political dynamics of the United States and North Korea, that is, how domestic political dynamics are related to the issue of North Korea as a whole and the North Korean nuclear problem in particular. Second, we should be more concerned with and keenly aware of changes in regional setting and strategic alignment, most importantly the US-China relations. The United States has found that Chinese cooperation is essential in solving the North Korean problem and China has been cooperative. Many more consultations are going on between the United States and China. To solve North Korean problems well beyond nuclear ones, South Korea needs to find ways to utilize the unfolding US-China cooperative relations and to be part of it. So while maintaining and strengthening South Korea-US-Japan TCOG relations, it would be worth seeking a new trilateral cooperation, or at least consultation, mechanism among South Korea, the United States and China. Thirdly, it is necessary to look beyond the current North Korean nuclear problem and to see not only the trees but also the forest since the North Korean nuclear problems are related to more fundamental North Korean problems. North Korean nuclear problem is a symptom of North Korean problems and one of many issues we should tackle in the process of realizing true peace and stability on the Korean peninsula. Last, but not least, as we have seen in the BDA case, technical details matter. Especially, to realize a swift and fast implementation of denuclearization, much more detailed homework should be done in advance. And real technical expertise is required. Meetings and consultations among technical experts are essential, and, through this, it would be possible to breed common understanding and common language, that would back up the political determination in real terms. To keep the momentum of the Six-Party Talks going and realize the denuclearization of North Korea, much more comprehensive understanding and detailed/focused approaches are required. For that purpose, South Korea should intensify its consultation and coordination with the US and seek all cooperation it can find in other participating countries, especially China.

'대인지뢰 전면금지협약'의 평가와 전망

최강 고려대학교-民국제관계연구원 1997 국제관계연구 Vol.2 No.4

국제 군비통제와 한반도 군비통제

최강 고려대학교 一民국제관계연구원 1997 국제관계연구 Vol.2 No.2