영화학회 회원여러분들의 건승을 기원합니다

조희문 한국영화학회 2011 한국영화학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.2011 No.6

한국영화의 새로운 시도와 문제점

조희문 현대미학사 1995 공연과 리뷰 Vol.- No.4

여성의 정치참여확대와 법의 역할: 라틴아메리카의 젠더쿼터법 적용 사례

조희문 한국 포르투갈-브라질 학회 2013 포르투갈-브라질 연구 Vol.10 No.2

Currently 12 countries in Latin America have been implementing gender quota laws. It is a affirmative action to increase a certain percentage of women to enter into a parliament in a short period of time. All of these countries have adopted legal candidate quotas system. The adoption of gender quota laws in these countries has played a key role in increasing congresswomen. However, the adoption of gender quota laws itself does not mean the high percentage of women entering the Congress. Among these countries Argentina, Mexico, Ecuador, Bolivia and Costa Rica show the high rate of expansion, while some countries such as Brazil and Panama show low performance. Costa Rica with a long democratic tradition adopted a quota of 40 per cent, while countries with different levels of democratic tradition adopted a low quota of 20 per cent as the case of Paraguay with a long tradition of authoritarian government. Analysing comparatively the quota laws of these countries we could find some common interesting points. These laws mandate commonly the placement of women candidates in a possible line in candidates list. For example, in most cases these laws apply zipper system putting the names of men and women candidates alternatively in candidates list. Furthermore, these laws provide the provision of strong sanctions for non-compliance. According to the electoral laws the candidate lists which do not comply with the gender quota provisions will not be admitted by the election authority. The strong sanctions could be found in most of countries with good performance, such as that the political party whose candidate list is rejected could not compete in the election area. This paper proposes Argentina as success case and Brazil as troublesome case to show that good quota law and policy management could produce good result in increasing congresswomen. In conclusion, the paper tries to suggest which conditions and provisions are essential to guarantee a good gender quota law through the analysis of the latin american countries' laws and practices. Atualmente 12 países da América Latina têm implementados as leis de cotas de gênero. É uma ação afirmativa para aumentar uma certa porcentagem de mulheres a entrar no parlamento em um curto tempo. Todos esses países adotaram sistema de cotas de candidato legal. A adoção de lei de cotas de gênero nestes países tem desempenhado um papel fundamental no aumento das congressistas. No entanto, a adoção de lei de cotas de gênero em si não garante o alto percentual de mulheres que entram no Congresso. Entre esses países Argentina, México, Equador, Bolívia e Costa Rica mostram a alta taxa de aumento, enquanto alguns países como Brasil e Panamá apresentam baixo desempenho. Costa Rica com uma longa tradição democrática aprovou uma quota de 40 por cento, enquanto os países com diferentes níveis de tradição democrática adotam uma baixa quota de 20 por cento, como o caso do Paraguai, com uma longa tradição de regime autoritário. Ao analisar comparativamente as leis de cotas desses países podemos encontrar alguns pontos interessantes comuns. Essas leis impõem comumente a colocação de mulheres candidatas em uma possível linha de seleção na lista de candidatos. Por exemplo, na maioria dos casos, essas leis se aplicam sistema de zíper colocando alternativamente os nomes de homens e mulheres na lista de candidatos. Além disso, essas leis prevêem a aplicação de fortes sanções para o não cumprimento. De acordo com as leis eleitorais as listas de candidatos que não estejam em conformidade com as disposições de lei de cotas de gênero não serão admitidas pela autoridade eleitoral. As sanções fortes poderiam ser encontradas na maioria dos países com bom desempenho, por exemplo, tal como o partido político que cuja lista de candidatos é rejeitada não poderia competir na área de eleição. Este artigo propõe a Argentina como caso de sucesso e o Brasil como um caso problemático para mostrar que a lei de quota boa e a boa gestão política poderiam produzir um bom resultado no aumento das mulheres congressistas. Em conclusão, este trabalho tenta mostrar quais condições e disposições são essenciais para garantir uma boa lei de cotas de gênero por meio da análise de leis e práticas dos países latinos americanos.

문화속의 과학 - 기술과 상상력은 영화의 힘

조희문,Jo, Hui-Mun 한국과학기술단체총연합회 1999 과학과 기술 Vol.32 No.6

영화는 과학기술의 산물이다. 멸종한 공룡을 영화의 주인공으로 내세운 '쥬라기 공원'이나 컴퓨터 이미지만으로 만들어진 영화 '토이 스토리' 등이 바로 새로운 기술과 상상력에 탄생한 것이다. 프랑스나 미국처럼 일찍이 산업과정을 거친 나라들에서 영화가 먼저 시작되었고 과학적 기반이 두터운 나라들의 영화가 경쟁력을 주도해 온 것이다.

2017년 브라질 노동법개혁과 함의 - 노동소송을 중심으로

조희문 한국 포르투갈-브라질 학회 2018 포르투갈-브라질 연구 Vol.15 No.2

In 2017 Brazil revised the Labor Law (Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho, CLT). Over 100 articles were revised, including amendments and new articles. The revision of the Labor Law reflects the characteristics of the 4.0 industrial revolution and puts flexibility into the labor law. The key to the revision of the labor law is to make it easier for employers to diversify employment and easy in dismissal. This revision has had a significant influence from the reform of the Spanish labor law in 2012. The amendment of the labor law has great significance in the fact that it chose legal theory of private law, among the public law theory, the private law theory, and the social law theory as the legal characteristics of the Brazilian labor law in Brazilian academic circles. Minimizing the government interference and ensuring autonomy of negotiation parties, employers and employees, are useless, if procedural rules are not effective. This paper is a study on the implications of the amendment of the Brazilian labor law on the Brazilian labor market. Even if employment and dismissal are eased, it is useless if the resolution of labor disputes is not effective. This paper examines the rationale for the amendment of the Brazilian labor law, and analyzes the main amendments of labor procedural norms to derive the overall implications of labor law reform. This revision has had a significant influence from the reform of the Spanish labor law in 2012. The amendment of the labor law has great significance in the fact that it chose legal theory of private law, among the public law theory, the private law theory, and the social law theory as the legal characteristics of the Brazilian labor law in Brazilian academic circles. Minimizing the government interference and ensuring autonomy of negotiation parties, employers and employees, are useless, if procedural rules are not effective. This paper is a study on the implications of the amendment of the Brazilian labor law on the Brazilian labor market. Even if employment and dismissal are eased, it is useless if the resolution of labor disputes is not effective. This paper examines the rationale for the amendment of the Brazilian labor law, and analyzes the main amendments of labor procedural norms to derive the overall implications of labor law reform. 브라질은 2017년에 노동법(Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho, CLT)을 대폭 개정했다. 조문개정과 신설 등 총 100여 조문 이상을 증보수했다. 노동법개정은 보수정당인 PMDB당이 4차 산업의 특성까지 반영하여 기업위주로 노동법에 유연성과 탄력성을 넣었다. 노동법 개정의 핵심은 고용의 다변화와 해고의 수월성을 통해 기업이 고용을 수월하게 하도록 한 것이다. 이번 개정은 2012년 스페인의 노동법개정이 상당한 영향을 미쳤다. 노동법개정은 브라질학계에서 대립된 노동법의 법적 성격인 공법설, 사법설 그리고 사회법설 중에서 다수설인 사법설을 택했다는 점에서 큰 의미가 있다. 정부의 최소화하고 사주와 근로자간의 자율적 협상을 보장하고 있다. 동 논문은 사법설입장에서 개정된 브라질 노동법 개정이 브라질경제와 노동시장에 미치는 함의에 대한 연구이다. 고용과 해고가 수월해졌다고 하더라도, 노동분쟁의 해결이 효율적이지 않으면 별효력이 없다. 동 논문은 브라질 노동법개정의 이론적 근거를 살펴보고, 노동소송의 주요 개정내용을 분석하여 노동법개혁의 전반적인 함의를 도출하고자 했다.

브라질의 통상외교정책과 한국

조희문 한국라틴아메리카학회 2008 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.21 No.3

This article aims to analyse the core elements of the Brazilian foreign trade policy that play a central role in establishing foreign trade diplomacy. Since baron Rio Branco had established the Brazilian foreign policy, Brazil has followed traditionally regional isolationism based on South America, preferring in the same time multilateralism such as GATT/WTO instead of FTA or BITs. This foreign policy is very similar with the American foreign policy which has maintained isolationism based on Americas favouring multilateralism. However, as the US policy shifted from isolationism to bilateralism and regional economic integration establishing NAFTA in the early 90s, Brazil also has moved into the same direction, creating the MERCOSUR and celebrating several BITs. When Lula took power in 2003, he began to apply foreign trade policy more aggressive than Cardoso government. He had a very active role in creating Unasul based on the MERCOSUR, to maintain balance of power with the US leading FTAA negotiation through the EU FTA negotiation, and struggled to establish Brazil's negotiation status in Doha round leading agricultural exporting countries' interest. In fact, Brazil's trade policy has been influenced very strongly from macro-economic policy and industrial policy internally and foreign policy externally. Before 90s economic and industrial policies were import-substitution oriented to protect domestic industries. Moreover, a limited number of big companies had been involved in export-import trade which made foreign trade policy little influenced by domestic policies. Consequently, national congress made little reluctance to foreign trade policy of the federal government. However, this honeymoon relationship between legislative power and government broke up when liberal foreign trade policy began to produce negative impact on domestic industries, resulting foreign trade policy more influenced by domestic policies. After domestic market open, foreign market access became a most important goal of the Brazilian foreign trade diplomacy, considering that Brazilian agricultural products are very competitive internationally. This shows that Korea should consider very carefully the Brazilian foreign trade diplomacy when she analyses the possibility of FTA negotiation with MERCOSUR. In this aspect, it seems interesting that Korea should take initiative in knocking FTA negotiation with MERCOSUR as she has been negotiating with US, EU, Chile that are heavy competitors of agriculture export. With this competition environment in Korean market among foreign competitors, domestic consumers could have more benefits and korean products could get more foreign market access benefits.

일제강점기 시대 '조선키네마'설립과 영화제작 활동에 관한 연구

조희문 한국영화학회 2006 영화연구 Vol.0 No.29

A Study on the Running and transition of 3 cho-sun kinema's, fllm companies of early korean film history Between the year of 1924 and 1943, 3 'Cho-sun Kinema' film companies has established and made each own Films. Firstly cho-sun kinema co. has opened in 1924 at Busan, the second big city of korea, . Joined by local big shots including a monk, a medical doctor, a gun shop owner. and that company made four films like ' the tragedy of the sea' ' the lover of the king' ' the make up of the God' Second one is cho-sun kinema production. opened at seoul, the capital of korea. in 1926. The owner of company was a business man who runned 'the Yotoya', a hat shop. That company has made 6 films including 'Arirang' 'The Drifting Hero'. and soon became most popular and influential film company at that time. but internal conflict between Na woon gyu, the Star of the company, and other members. Third one was cho-sun kinema co. Known as another new company with cho-sun kinema production. Actually that company was same company of cho-sun kinema production. After several conflict between the Membersof that company, the company has changed system, a private owned to a joint stock company. so new cho-sun kinema co. is sequel of cho-sun kinema production.

중국 제5 세대 영화와 첸카이거

조희문 새얼문화재단 1997 황해문화 Vol.17 No.-

‘한국영화’의 개념적 정의와 기점(基点)에 관한 연구

조희문 한국영화학회 1996 영화연구 Vol.- No.11

영상시장다변화와 국제 공동제작 활성화 방안 : 영화분야의 한일공동제작을 중심으로

조희문 한국문화산업학회 2011 한국문화산업학회 학술대회 Vol.2011 No.6