許筠 常語論의 의미와 적용 양상

조융희 성심어문학회 2003 성심어문논집 Vol.25 No.-

조선후기 연행록에 형상화된 기녀의 모습- 연행사가 국내 노정에서 보인 관심의 방향을 중심으로

조융희 한국고전여성문학회 2017 한국고전여성문학연구 Vol.0 No.34

As seen in travel journals to Beijing written in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, envoys from Joseon government on their domestic itinerary enjoyed musical performances conducted by female entertainers affiliated to regional governments. Envoys were satisfied with the entertainers’ professional performances presented in ideal pavilions which were well harmonized with surrounding atmospheres. Envoys also met female entertainers who had maintained close relationships with their acquaintances and checked how these entertainers were doing. While meeting entertainers, envoys often provided them with food. Envoys considered these encounters with entertainers as an extension of relationship with their acquaintances. In addition, envoys recorded entertainers who left special traces behind because they deserved to be heroines of biographical descriptions. Envoys in the late Joseon period paid attention to sword dance and horseback riding performance for which female entertainers in the province of Pyeongando were remarkable. Sword dance in Pyeongando accepted dramatic elements of Xiang Zhuang episode adopted from Chinese history, and the Xiang Zhuang Dance has become popular to Joseon envoys since the late eighteenth century. Entertainers in Uiju near northern border of Joseon were good at horseback riding performance. Envoys enjoyed dynamism seen from this performance which had originally focused on snatching flags on the ground while riding a horse and later underwent a change in that an entertainer handled swords on horseback. 조선후기 연행사들은 한양에서 압록강 국경 지역에 이르는 국내 노정에서 기녀들과 만날 수 있는 기회가 많았다. 본고에서는 18~19세기 연행 기록을 바탕으로 연행사들이 국내 노정을 지나면서 만난 기녀들의 양상을 살펴보았다. 연행사들은 사대(査對) 즉 중국에 보내는 외교문서의 검토를 위해 황주, 평양, 안주, 의주 등에 머물면서 그 지역 명승 누정에서 기악(妓樂)을 구경하고는 하였다. 연행사들은 빼어난 경관을 배경 삼아 충분한 시간을 가지고 기악을 향유하다 보니 사대 지역에서 펼쳐진 기녀들의 가무악(歌舞樂)을 만족스러운 수준으로 관람하면서 그 기녀들을 탁월한 전문성을 지닌 공연예술인으로 받아들였다. 그리고 김창업의 연행록에 잘 나타나 있듯이 연행사들은 자신의 지인들과 인연이 있는 기녀들을 만나 안부를 확인하고 그 기녀들에게 음식도 내려주면서 각별한 관심을 보였다. 연행사들은 그와 같은 기녀들과의 만남을 기존에 형성된 교유의 연장선상에서 이해하였던 것으로 보인다. 또한 연행사들은 자신과 개인적인 인연이 없는 경우라 하더라도 홍경래의 난이 일어났을 때 자신이 모셨던 군수에게 의리를 지킨 연홍, 봉림대군을 어려워하지 않았던 안주 기녀, 사냥을 위해 사재를 털어 말을 산 의주의 운향, 봄날 약산의 동대에서 몸을 날려 생을 마치려 했던 밀양 출신 운심 등의 자취를 특별히 기록할 대상으로 여겼다. 이들 기녀들로부터 문학적 입전(入傳)의 대상으로 삼을 만큼의 덕목이나 특징을 발견했기 때문이다. 조선후기 연행사들은 검무와 치마희를 관서지방 기녀들에게 두드러진 기예로서 주목하기도 하였다. 관서지방의 검무는 18세기 말부터 항장무(項莊舞)로 극화된 채 연행사들에게 더욱 큰 관심을 받았다. 의주 기녀들의 장기인 치마희(馳馬戱)의 경우에는 말을 달리다 바닥에 꽂힌 깃발을 뽑는 치마발기류(馳馬拔旗類)에서 말을 탄 채 다채롭게 검을 다루는 치마시검류(馳馬試劍類)로 변모하였는데, 연행사들에게 매우 역동성 있는 구경거리로 인식되었다.

한국비교문학회 창립 50주년 기념 심포지엄: 동아시아문학과 세계, 세계문학과 동아시아 : 그린피스의 문학관과 한국 민담에 대한 이해

조융희 한국비교문학회 2010 比較文學 Vol.50 No.-

17세기 초 詩論家들의 中國詩選集 수용 양상

조융희 한국고전연구학회 2001 한국고전연구 Vol.7 No.-

본 논문은 17세기 초의 대표적인 詩論家 許筠, 申欽, 이수광이 중국의 詩選集을 수용하고 평가한 양상을 구명하려는 목적에서 시도되었다. 이들은 중국 역대의시 작품 가운데 唐詩에 대하여 지대한 관심을 지니고 있었기 때문에, 각종 唐詩選集을 두루 섭렵하면서 作詩 및 學詩의 典範을 찾아내려고 하였다. 『唐詩品彙』와 『唐音』은 17세기 초의 시론가들에게 가장 주목받은 시선집이었다. 허균은 『당시품휘』가 많은 작품을 포괄하고 있다는 점에서 이 시선집에 긍정적인 의미를 부여하였지만, 적은 분량 속에 秀作들을 엄선해 놓은 『당음』이 學詩를 위해 더욱 요긴하고 기본적인 도구라고 생각했다. 신흠의 경우에는, 『당시품휘』에서 분류 항목으로 사용된 술어들까지도 자신의 시화집 『청창연담』에서 적극적으로 언급할 정도로 『당시품휘』에 관심이 경도되어 있던 것으로 보인다 이수광 또한 신흠과 마찬가지로 『당시품휘』에 대하여 긍정적인 평가를 했지만, 경우에 따라 실증적 텍스트 비평적 관점에서 『당시품휘』 . 『당음』 둥의 시선집들에 나타난 오류를 바로잡기도 했다. 본 논문에서는 17세기 초의 시론가들이 사용한 한문학 비평 용어들에 대하여 올바른 해석이 이루어져야 한다는 점이 강조되기도 했다. 이 시대의 시론가들이 사용한 비평용어들이 실제의 비중보다 가볍게 처리되거나 그릇되게 해석될 경우. 이들의 비평의식이 적절하게 평가되지 못할 우려가 있기 때문이다. This thesis examines how the poetic theorists in the early 17th century accepted Chinese anthologies. Theorists such as Heo Gyoon(許筠), Shin Heum(申欽) and Yi Soo-gwang(이수광) were actually interested in the poetic style of the Tang(唐) China, although their idealistic standpoints about general poetry learning were to study poetic masterpieces rather than concentrating on a particular period of literary history. Therefore, they also preferred anthologies of Tang poems above all others for their frame of reference in order to practice their poetry writing and introduce canon for poetry learning. One of Dang-shi-poom-hwi(唐詩品彙: [Ch.] Tang-shi-pin-hui) and Dang-eum(唐音; [Ch.] Tang-yin) was the most favorite anthology of Tang poems to each poetic theorist in the early 17th century. Heo Gyoon highly estimated Dan-eum as the proper tool for understanding poetry, which was regarded as a compilation of the essence of Tang poetry. This evaluation resulted from his examination of several Chinese anthologies while he himself had compiled various anthologies of Chinese poems. On the other hand, it can be said that depending on Dang-shi-poom-hwi, Shin Heum wrote the first part of his Shi-hua collection(詩話集), Cheong-chang-yeon-dam(晴窓軟談). When Shin Heum described Tang poems, usually re-quoted from Dang-shi-poom-hwi, in his Shi-hua collection, he sometimes used specific terms such as "Jeong-shi"(正始), "Jeong-jonj(正宗) and 'Yeo-hyang (餘響), which are titles of subcategories of Dan,-shi poom-hwi. Just like general classification of poets and poems in Dang-shi poom hwi, Shin Heum also praised Yi Baek(李白; [Ch.] Li Bai) than Doo Bo(杜甫; [Ch.] Tu Fu) as the best poet. Yi Soo-Gwang, in common with Shin Heum, favored Dang-shi-poom-hwi as an excellent Chinese anthology of Tang poems. He spoke highly of Dang-shi-poom-hwi in that it contained various poems and the subcategory of its contents was in detail, although he partly criticized this anthology because the total number of poems in it was excessively large. Compared to the other two theorists, Yi Soo-gwang took distinctive attitude to Chinese anthologies. He positively corrected faults when some poems were wrongly introduced in the anthologies, and tried to interpret poems according to their contexts. In this thesis, terms of literary criticism are also emphasized to be studied for their proper meanings, as they have been occasionally mistranslated as other meanings. It is with proper interpretation of literary terms that the past theorists' remarks in literary articles will be fully understood.

남공철의 경학적 기반과 시경론

조융희 翰林大學校 泰東古典硏究所 2002 泰東古典硏究 Vol.18 No.-

In this article, I analyzed the characteristics in Nam Kongchuls understanding of Confucian cannons and his approach to The Book of Odes. I focused on the way in which Nam Kongchul proposed his questions and on the references from which he found the answers. Nam Kongchul is regarded as one of the major contributors in the history of the study on Confucian classics in the Late Chosun Dynasty. His unique approach to the Confucian classics is the result of his broad researches over the accumulated contributions of outstanding scholars to the field since Han Dynasty. China. Nam Kongchul firmly believed that Confucius original ideas about canons should be the main purpose of his research. He attempted to explain the meanings in canons in his own terms. However, he accepted the interpretations of the scholars in Han Dynasty as well as those of Neo-Confucian scholars if the interpretations were appropriate. Compared with his approaches to Confucian canons in general, Nam Kongchuls analysis of The Book of Odes appears to be weak in term of depth and originality. Although he had a comprehensive knowledge about previous and contemporary studies on The Book of Odes. he tried to establish his interpretation within the structure of Chu Hee[Ch. Zhu Xi]s theory. In this sense, Nam Kongchul represents the mainstream of academia at that time whereas Chung Yakyongs work is regarded as an independent movement outside the mainstream. Nam Kongchul as a bureaucrat in the court had a close relationship with other scholars such as Kim Chosoon, Suh Yungbo, Shim Sangkyu and Yi Mansoo. who served as bureaucrats in the court. If their approaches to Confucian canons are also examined on top of this article on Nam Kongchul. the common approach, which the literati in the court shared, will be clearly revealed. In order to achieve a more accurate result, the further researches on those mainstream scholars in the court should include the comparison between the individual differences of their approaches as well as the analysis of their common ground as conservatives.

Landscape-Enjoying through the Pavilions of Bubyeongnu and Yeongwangjeong as Reflected in the Literature of the Joseon Dynasty

조융희 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2023 THE REVIEW OF KOREAN STUDIES Vol.26 No.1

This article looks into the two notable pavilions of the walled city of Pyeongyang, the Bubyeongnu and the Yeongwangjeong, and their enjoyment by literary figures of the Joseon Dynasty. Bubyeongnu and Yeongwangjeong became famous as the first memorable sight one would encounter just before crossing Daedonggang River to enter the walled city of Pyeongyang. The two pavilions were also perceived as an ideal spot to view the natural surroundings of the river. Whenever a literati group went on a tour, either on a boat or a sleigh, they always enjoyed watching the two splendidly risen pavilions from various angles. Literary figures visiting Pyeongyang enjoyed refined arts such as elegant banquets and musical performances at Bubyeongnu and Yeongwangjeong. As a medium to rejoice in various scenic views and art performances, the two pavilions ultimately became crucial in inspiring the creation of poetry and prose in the region.

『惺수詩話』의 風格批評 양상 : 許筠의 唐詩風的 대안의 특징

조융희 한국고전연구학회 2002 한국고전연구 Vol.8 No.-

이 논문에서는 허균이『성수시화』에서 보여준 풍격비평의 특성을 살펴보았다. 허균은 晩唐風을 극복하고 盛唐風을 추구한 시인과 성당풍이 구현된 시를 높이 평가 했다. 허균에게는 '纖麗' 또는 '纖靡' 풍격으로 대표되는 晩唐의 시풍이 극복의 대상이었다. 성당풍이라고 하여 허균에게 주목받은 대표적인 풍격은 '沈着'이었는데, 이 풍격이 동시대의 신홈과 같은 비평가에게서 그다지 중시되지 않았던 점을 고려할 때, 허균의 이러한 관심은 특기할 만한 사항이다. 그리고 허균은 '纖靡'·'纖麗' 등 晩唐風에서 발견되는 부정적인 면모들을 일신할 수 있는 방법의 하나로 宋詩風에서 구사되었던 '淡雅'·'勁悍'·'奇杰' 등의 풍격에 대한 수용도 고려하고 있었다. 이들 풍격은 경박하지 않고 차분한 정서 또는 나약하지 않고 강한 기상을 표현한 것들이었기 때문이다. 동시대 시단에 대한 허균의 비평을 통해서는 그가 '淸'과 같이 唐詩風 계열의 작품에서 일반적으로 구현되던 풍격까지도 새롭게 인식하고 있었음을 알 수 있었다. 허균은『鶴山樵談』에서『성수詩話』로 오는 과정에서 '淸麗' 보다는 '淸勁'이, '淸勁'보다는 '悍勁'이 唐詩風의 본령, 즉 성당풍의 범주에 가까운 풍격이라고 생각했던 것으로 보인다. 그리고 濂洛風의 詩格과 긴밀한 관련을 맺고 있는 '枯淡' 풍격도 唐詩의 본령 안에 두었던 것으로 보이며, 이러한 풍격이 萎弱함과 결합될 경우 시의 본령에서 벗어날 수 있다고 생각했다. This thesis examines Seongsu-Shihwa, Heo Gyoon's remarks on poetry, focusing on its aspects of stylistical criticism. Heo Gyoon highly praises the High-Tang Chinese styles of poetry to overcome the Late-Tang styles such as the 'Delicate-Weak'. He especially notes the 'Firm and Self-Possessed' as a High-Tang style while Shin Heum, Heo Gyoon's contemporary critic, does not consider it as an important style of poetry. Heo Gyoon also reveals the standpoint that the merit of Sung Chinese style should be taken for the better embodiment of Tang Chinese style. As an alternative to overcome the Late-Tang style which was too frail and delicate, the styles of the 'Calm-Dignified', the 'Strong-Sturdy' and the 'Wondrous-Outstanding' containing the calm and moderate emotion are emphasized by Heo Gyoon. Heo Gyoon commented his contemporaries by subcategorizing the 'Lucid' style which was recognized as a main element for the poetry writing of Tang Chinese styles in his days. This thesis traces that Heo Gyoon's favorite poetic style changes from the 'Lucid-Beautiful' to the 'Lucid-Strong', and then to the 'Strong-Sturdy', which means his view point of boundary for the High-Tang style heads for stronger tendency. The 'Washed-Calm' style derived from the Neo-Confucian poetry also interests Heo Gyoon on condition that it does not join the poetic styles of weakness and fragility.

Poetic Criticism in the Mid-Joseon Period: Focusing on Arguments about the Tang and Song Styles in the Early 17th Century

조융희 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2005 Korea Journal Vol.45 No.2

This paper focuses on mid-Joseon period poetry critics, including Heo Gyun (1569-1618), Yi Su-gwang (1563-1628) and Sin Heum (1566-1628), and their reflexive attitude, which was aimed at thoroughly reexamining the then-popular Tang style poems. These critics in the early seventeenth century were serious about not only criticizing poets and poems of the day but also finding an alternative, ideal style of poetry. Their criticism of Late-Tang style (mandangpung) poems, which were characterized as weak in style, naturally led them to focus on High-Tang style (seongdangpung) poems in their search. At the same time, they also tried to identify the positive elements in Song style poetry, including the Jiangxi and Sarim styles, which were nearly ruled out by poets in those days. The significance of those criticisms can be recognized in literary history on the grounds that the foundation of Tang-Song poetry arguments in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century had already been formed in the critical discussions of the early seventeenth century.

조선 후기 연행록에서 환기되는 전쟁의 기억- <연행록사전 DB>를 활용한 송금전투(松錦戰鬪)의 기억 양상 고찰 -

조융희 영주어문학회 2024 영주어문 Vol.56 No.-

송금전투는 명·청교체기 명·청 사이에 힘의 균형이 무너지고 청군이 산해관으로진입하게 되는 전환점이 되었던 사건으로, 조선 후기 연행사들은 대릉하(大陵河)∼영원(寧遠) 구간을 지나면서 이 전투와 관련한 기억을 통해 해당 전투의 의미를 표현하고는 하였다. 송금전투가 일어난 때로부터 비교적 가까운 시기에 연행한 사람들은 전쟁 시기나 본인의 연행이 이루어진 시기의 일을 바탕으로 생생하게 전쟁의 기억을 소환하였다. 또한 시기적으로 송금전투로부터 점점 멀어지면서 연행사들은 과거의 주요전적들을 전거로 삼아 전쟁의 기억을 불러냈다. 심양일기 , 인평대군의 송계집 , 김창업의 연행일기 등이 기억을 재생산하는 중요한 매개였다. 또한 연행사들은 조대수 가(祖大壽家)의 패루를 통해 명의 패전을 기억하며 대명의리를 소환하고, 조대수가명을 배반한 일을 개탄하였다. 연행사들은 명의 패배를 앞두고 포화 속에 뛰어들어 자결한 노상현(盧象賢)과 명에 대한 의리를 지키다 청군에 의해 죽게 된 이사룡(李士龍)과 같은 무명전사들에 대한 기억을 통해 위로받았다. 또한 패자들의 무덤인 경관(京觀)과 승자의 기념물인 관마산 승전비(官馬山勝戰碑)는 연행사들이 송금전투의 아픔을 기억하는 매개였다. The Song-Geum[Ch. Song-Jin] Battle was a turning point in whichthe balance of power between the Ming and Qing collapsed and the Qingarmy entered Shanhaiguan in China. While the envoys in the late JoseonDynasty passed through the section between Dalinghe River andNingyuan, they recalled the war and its meaning. People who traveledin relatively close to the time when the battle took place vividly recalledmemories of the war based on events during the war or when theytraveled. As the time became increasingly distant from the battle, envoysrecalled the memories of the war by referring to books of the past. Simyang Ilgi, Prince Inpyeong’s Songgyejip, and Kim Chang-eop’sYeonhaeng Ilgi were important media for reproducing memories. Envoysrecalled the Ming defeat through the commemorative gate of ZhaoDashou’s family and lamented his betrayal of the Ming Dynasty. Instead,envoys were comforted by the memories of unknown warriors such asNo Sang-hyeon, who committed suicide by jumping into gunfire aheadof the defeat of the Ming Dynasty, and Yi Saryong, who was killed bythe Qing army while protecting his loyalty to the Ming Dynasty. Inaddition, Jingguan, the tomb of the losers of war, and GuanmashanVictory Monument, a monument to the victors, were media through which the envoys remembered the pain of the battle.

그리피스의 문학관과 한국 민담에 대한 이해

조융희 한국비교문학회 2010 比較文學 Vol.0 No.50

William Elliot Griffis (1843-1928) is an American pioneer of studying Korean culture and society in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. He was also concerned about Korean literature. Griffis's two publications, Corea, the Hermit Nation (1882) and The Unmannerly Tiger and Other Korean Tales (1911) reflect his view that literature is closely related with culture. He basically emphasizes educational functions of literature in that it offers diverse information of culture and history. Therefore, Griffis wants American readers to experience cultural identity of traditional Korea through Korean folk-tales in his books. He especially focuses on young readers who are supposed to enhance literary imagination by reading foreign fairy-tales. He is also interested in tigers represented in Korean folk-tales and folklore. He thinks that tiger in Korean folk-tales should be considered as a key symbol in understanding Koreans and Korean culture. He reads a tough spirit of Korean people from various tiger-related narratives.