1910년대 평해지역 平海 黃氏 海月公派 문중의 서간도지역 이주경위

조덕천 한국근현대사학회 2015 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.73 No.-

This study aims to identify motives for Haewol Branch of the Pyeonghae-Originating Hwang Family in the Pyeonghae area to migrate to the West Jiandao area in the 1910s. This is a work to identify a case showing Korean traditional noble families’ response to being deprived of their national sovereignty, and microscopically to examine Koreans’ history of migration to the West Jiandao area through the case of Haewol Branch of the Hwang Family. This case is an important research subject in that it was related to the sense of social responsibility that the dominant class had. Thus, this study is intended to contribute to understanding the trend of Korean traditional noble families in the 1910s and also Koreans’ history of migration to the West Jiandao area, their social history and their role for the Korean Independence Movement in that area. To sum up, the moment of being deprived of their national sovereignty, Haewol Branch of the Hwang Family gave up their vested rights they had enjoyed as a traditional noble family. As a result, they refused to be dominated by Japanese Imperialists and put into practice ‘the migration to the West Jiandao area’. Their migration to the West Jiandao area was not only for their livelihood. Their activities in the West Jiandao area clearly showed evidence of other motives for their migration. The first piece of evidence was that the Korean migrants to the West Jiandao area were involved in ‘the Project of Constructing the Independence Movement Base in the West Jiandao Area’ which was promoted by Sinminhoe. The second was that they were actively engaged in establishing and maintaining Sinheung Military Institute. The migration of Haewol Branch of the Hwang Family 112 한국근현대사연구 2015년 여름호 제73집Keywords: traditional noble family, Haewol branch of the Pyeonghae-originaing Hwang family, West Jiandao, migration history, Sinminhoe, Sinheung Military Institute, independence movement to the West Jiandao area in the 1910s was very meaningful in that the dominant class of the time gave up their vested rights and attempted to establish a new society.

중일전쟁기 대한민국 임시정부에 대한 중화민국 국민정부의 지원

조덕천 단국대학교 동양학연구원 2016 東洋學 Vol.63 No.-

This study has solidly organized the support of the Korea Provisional Government by the National Government of the Republic of China during the period of the Sino-Japanese War. In particular, this study focuses on the financial, military and diplomatic supports, which were the key parts among the various support projects conducted by the National Government of the Republic of China for the Korea Provisional Government. First, referring to financial aids, the National Government of the Republic of China did not accept all the requests for funds by the Korea Provisional Government, nor did it help the Korea Provisional Government with funds promptly. However, it was really true that the National Government of the Republic of China provided a large amount of money for the Korea Provisional Government during the period of the Sino-Japanese War. Second, in terms of military matters, the National Government of the Republic of China conducted the dual policies of ‘controlling and supporting’ the Liberation Army of the Korea Provisional Government. Third, in relation to diplomatic matters, the National Government of the Republic of China backed up or insisted on ‘the approval of the Korea Provisional Government’ and ‘the accreditation of the independence of Korea’ in the international society, though it could not realize such agendas due to its lack of power. In short, during the period of the Sino-Japanese War, the National Government of the Republic of China actively responded to the requests from the Korea Provisional Government despite its lack of power, and provided financial, military and diplomatic supports for the Korea Provisional Government. This clear fact is very important in the history of the Independence Movement of Korea, the early modern Korea-China relationships, and the Korea-China Joint Anti-Japanese War. 이 글은 중일전쟁기 대한민국 임시정부에 대한 중화민국 국민정부의 지원 실상을 구체적으로 정리한 것이다. 특히 중일전쟁기 중국국민정부가 한국임시정부를 지원한 사례 가운데 가장 핵심이었던, 재정·군사·외교지원에 대해서 집중적으로 검토해 봤다. 첫째, 재정 방면에서 중국국민정부는 한국임시정부의 자금 지원 요청을 모두 받아들이거나 신속하게 지원해 준 것은 아니었다. 그러나 중일전쟁기 동안 많은 자금을 제공한 것은틀림없는 사실이었다. 둘째, 군사 방면에서 중국국민정부는 한국임시정부의 한국광복군을 ‘통제와 지원’이라는이중적인 방법으로 대했다. 셋째, 외교 방면에서 중국국민정부는 국제사회에 ‘한국임시정부 승인’과 ‘한국독립승인’을 지지하거나 주장하는 뜻을 펼쳤다. 하지만 자체 역량의 부족으로 그것을 제대로 실현할 수는 없었다. 요컨대 중일전쟁기 중국국민정부는 자체 역량의 부족에도 불구하고 한국임시정부의 적극적인 지원 요청에 호응해 재정·군사·외교 지원을 실시했다. 중일전쟁기 중국국민정부가 한국임시정부를 지원한 사실은 한국독립운동·‘근대 한·중관계’·‘한·중 공동항전’의 역사에서 중요한 한 장을 차지한다.

대한민국 임시정부의 국경일 제정과 ‘건국기원절’ 기념

조덕천 한국근현대사학회 2017 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.82 No.-

This study has the purpose of specifically identifying the legislation of the national foundation day as a national holiday and its commemoration by the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. This is the work to bring to light the fact that the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea legislated the national foundation day as a national holiday and commemorated it. This study is to restore the historic experience of the fact that the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea recognized the 3rd of October, 2333 B.C. by the lunar calendar, when Dangun first founded a country, as the foundation day of Korea, and commemorated it. Thus this study is sure to contribute to completely quenching the arguments about the National Foundation Day that arose recently in Korea. 이 글은 대한민국 임시정부(이하 한국임시정부)의 국경일 제정과 ‘건국기원절’ 기념 사실을 구체적으로 규명하는 데 목적을 두었다. 이것은 한국임시정부가 ‘국경일’을 공식 제정하고 기념한 사실을 새롭게 밝히는 작업이자, 한국임시정부가 단군이 나라를 처음 세운 기원전 2333년 음력 10월 3일을 ‘대한민국’의 ‘건국기원절’로 삼고 기념한 역사적 경험을 복원하고자 한 것이다. 이로써 최근 한국 사회에서 불거진 ‘건국절’ 논란을 완전히 잠재우는 데 일조하고자 했다. 한국임시정부는 국무회의(1919.12)와 임시의정원 회의(1920.03)를 거쳐 국경일을 공식 제정했다. 한국임시정부가 제정한 국경일은 두 가지였다. 바로 ‘독립선언일’과 ‘건국기원절’이다. ‘독립선언일’은 대한민족이 나라의 ‘독립’을 선언한 1919년 3월 1일을, ‘건국기원절’은 대한민족의 시조인 단군이 나라를 처음 ‘건국’한 기원전 2333년 음력 10월 3일을 기념하는 날이었다. 이것은 ‘대한민국’ 최초로 제정된 2대 국경일이었다. 한국임시정부가 제정한 2대 국경일은 현재 대한민국 정부(이하 한국정부)에서도 국경일로 지정돼 있다. ‘개천절’이 ‘건국기원절’이고, ‘3·1절’이 ‘독립선언일’이다. 바로 지금의 ‘개천절(10.03)’이 한국임시정부가 1919년부터 국경일로 기념한 ‘건국기원절(음10.03)’이었다. ‘건국기원절’은 1949년 한국정부가 국경일을 제정할 때 ‘개천절’로 그 이름이 바뀌었다. 그래서 그동안 ‘개천절’이 대한민국의 ‘건국기원절’이라는 사실을 잊고 있었다. 대한민국의 ‘건국절’은 이미 국경일로 지정된 ‘개천절’이고, 그 ‘건국일’은 기원전 2333년 (음력) 10월 3일이다. 따라서 8월 15일의 ‘광복절’을 ‘건국절’로 바꾸려는 행위(‘건국절’ 논란)는 역사적으로 성립될 수 없는 것이다.

카이로회담의 교섭과 진행에 관한 연구

조덕천 한국근현대사학회 2014 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.70 No.-

Up to now, many studies of the Cairo Conference have tended to focus onunderstanding the conference mainly in terms of Korean matters. This approachhas made it impossible to make a positive study of the conference. Therefore,this study aims to organize the whole process from the initiation to completionof the Cairo Conference. To achieve this aim, this study took advantage of materialsthat China has kept which has not been made public as well as materials thatthe USA has made public. The results of this study can be summarized as follows. The development of the Cairo Conference was mainly conducted by the USAand China. In June, 1943, US President Franklin D. Roosevelt made a suggestionto Chinese Leader Chiang Kai-shek holding a summit of four countries: the USA,the UK, the Soviet Union and China. His suggestion was accepted by ChineseLeader Chiang, bringing about a potentially successful conference between theUSA and China. Then Roosevelt tried to persuade Soviet Leader Joseph Stalinto join in the conference, only to fail because the three countries (the USA, theUSSR and China) were differently situated. At this, Roosevelt discussed with BritishPrime Minister Winston Churchill in late October, 1943, to revise his originalplan into separately holding a conference with China and the Soviet Union. Asa result, the USA and the UK were expected to talk with China in Cairo onNovember 22nd, 1943, and with the Soviet Union in Tehran on November 27th,1943. Thus, it was finally decided that the Cairo Conference, a summit of threecountries: the USA, the UK and China would be held. On November 8th, 1943, the three countries of the USA, the UK, and Chinaset out to prepare for the conference. Each country tried to prepare preliminaryagendas in its own way to bring about the greatest of benefits from the conference. The USA and China each prepared preliminary agendas: Burma Operation andChina Securing its Status as One of the Four Allied Great Powers in the sameterms. On the other hand, the UK focused on European matters instead of Asianones, which strongly conflicted with the agendas of the USA and China. Withtheir own agendas, the summit and delegation of each country headed towardCairo. Participants in the Cairo Conference included the summit, military advisorystaff and other suites of each country, amounting to a total of about 180 to500 people. The Cairo Conference was held from November 22nd, when all the participantsof each country arrived, through to November 26th. On the night of November22nd, a preliminary conference was held to discuss the entire itinerary. The mainconference opened on the morning of November 23rd. The conference was dividedinto the summit and the combined military advisory staff meeting. The key contentsthat the conference mainly dealt with concerned military and political matters,which were all discussed on November 23rd when the main conference was held. The military matters were discussed in the morning session of that day, and thepolitical matters were dealt with in the dinner party between Roosevelt and Chiangon the same day. The contents discussed on that day were reflected in the CairoDeclaration published on December 1st, 1943. In short, the principal parties concerned with the Cairo Conference were theUSA and China. This is highlighted by the process of initiation, preparation andcompletion of the Cairo Conference and the contents of the Cairo Declaration. Even though the conference was not attended by the four countries of the USA,the UK, the Soviet Union and China as originally planned by the USA, it wassubstantially meaningful that the Cairo Declaration was made at the CairoConference.

1910년대 만주 이주 가사, 필사본 「원별 사향가」

조덕천 한국근현대사학회 2023 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.106 No.-

재중시기 여운형의 중국 관계 활동과 그 자료 탐색

조덕천 ( Cho Deok Cheon ) 단국사학회 2023 史學志 Vol.63 No.-

이 글은 재중시기 여운형의 중국 관계 활동과 그 자료를 탐색하는 데 목적이 있다. 특히 중국 자료의 탐색에 초점을 맞췄다. 이를 위해 일상생활 활동과 한중연대 활동을 검토했다. 일상생활 활동에서는 금릉대학 학적부, 금릉대학 입학 후 작성한 중국어 논문, 『도로월간』 잡지사 재직 기록, 동방대학 재직 기록, 푸단대학 재직 기록을 찾아야 한다. 한중연대 활동에서는 신아동맹당 가입 기록, 중한호조사 가입 기록, 쑨원과 만난 기록, 사오리쯔와 만난 기록, 중국국민당 제2차 전국대표대회 연설 기록, 중국 국민군 환영 축사 기록, 뉴융젠과 만난 기록, 취추바이와 만난 기록을 찾아야 한다. 이 글이 여운형의 중국 관계 활동에 관한 중국 자료를 본격적으로 조사·수집하는 데 작은 실마리가 될 수 있기를 바란다. This study is intended to investigate Unhyeong Yeo’s China-related activities and materials during his stay in China Particularly, the study focuses on the exploration of Chinese materials about him. In order to reach the goal, this study examines his everyday lives and the solidarity activities between Korea and China. Referring to his everyday lives, this study has to search for his school register of the University of Nanking, his research paper written in Chinese after his admission to the University of Nanking, and records of his working for the magazine company that published Daolu Yuekan『道路月刊』, Dongfang University and Fudan University. As for the solidarity activities between Korea and China, records of his following activities should be searched for, such as his joining the New Asian Alliance Party and the Sino-Korean Mutual Aid Society, his meeting Sun Wen and Shao Lizi, his speech at the Second National Congress of the National Party of China, his speech of welcoming the National Army of China, and his meeting Niu Yongjian and Qu Qiubai. Hopefully this study can provide a clue to serious collections and investigations of Chinese materials about Unhyeong Yeo’s China-related activities.