프로 스포츠 활동에서의 윤리적 가치 일탈의 문제

정의권,임석원 중앙대학교 스포츠과학연구소 2003 體育硏究 Vol.- No.19

The essence of sportsmanship as applied to athletics can be determined by the application of the same principle. Honorable victory is the goal of the athlete and, as a reretended to a certain moral relevancy, although its precise place among the moral virtues has been uncertain. In spite of this confusion, distinguished advsult, the code of the athlete demands that nothing be done before, during, or after the contest to cheapen or otherwise detract from such a victory. Fairness or fair play, the pivotal virtue in athletics, emphasizes the need for an impartial and equal application of the rules if the victory is to signify, as it should, athletic excellence. Modesty victory and a quiet composure in defeat testify to an admirable and extraordinary self-control and, in general, dignify and enhance the goal of the athlete.

정부조직개편의 역사제도주의적 분석 : 김대중 정부의 사례

정의창(鄭義昌) 한국정책과학학회 2006 한국정책과학학회보 Vol.10 No.3

이 연구는 역사제도주의적 접근을 원용하여 제도적 맥락과 행위자간의 상호작용을 고찰하고 이를 통해 정부조직개편에 영향을 미친 주된 요인이 무엇인가를 밝혀보고자 하였다. 이 연구는 대한 민국 정부조직, 그 중에서도 정부조직법상의 중앙행정기관을 그 대상으로 하며, 연구의 범위는 김대중 정부를 선택하였다. 이 연구를 통해 도출된 결과를 정리하면 다음과 같다. 정부조직의 변화에 있어서 가장 중요한 요인으로 작용한 것은 행위자들에 대한 제약으로 작용한 정치제도였다. 제도적 맥락이 정부조직변화를 결정하는 핵심적인 요인이었다.

新羅下代 進禮城 硏究

鄭義道 동아대학교 박물관 2002 考古歷史學志 Vol.17-18 No.-

어성초(魚腥草)가 축구선수들의 피로회복에 미치는 영향

정의권,송대섭 중앙대학교 스포츠과학연구소 2003 體育硏究 Vol.- No.18

In order to examine what influence houttuynia cordata drink for athletes’ recovery from fatigue has on soccer players, I sampled 50 soccer players-25 from two boys’ middle schools and 25 from two boys’ high schools, and verified the difference between before and after taking houttuynia cordata drink The findings are as follows: 1. There exist differences in the levels of fatigue between before and after middle school soccer players’ taking houttuynia cordata drink in general. And there are also statistically significant differences in physical, mental, and nerve sensory fatigues. 2. The levels of fatigue recovery appear to be higher after high school soccer players’ taking houttuynia cordata drink than that of before in general. And there are also statistically significant differences in physical, mental, and nerve sensory fatigues. 3. Comparing between middle school boys and high school boys, the effects of taking houttuynia cordata drink for the latter is better than for the former.

김해(金海) 대성동(大成洞) 환호유적(環濠遺蹟) 연구(硏究)

정의도,Jung, Eui-Do 국립문화재연구소 2002 헤리티지:역사와 과학 Vol.35 No.-

There is no definite theory, which archeologists have believed to be built either for the protection or ceremonial purpose, of enclosure historical site exhibited from Bronze Age to Samhan era in Korea. The main conditions of choosing right enclosure were natural levee-backswamp-plateau, which all found in village on a hill. For this reasons Kimhae Daesoeng-dong enclosure discovered in 2001 is not an exception, and therefore this enclosure has been believed to be a beginning point of the farming society. In Korea there have been 2 types of enclosure. One is that enclosure entirely surrounds whole historic site itself and the other is that enclosure partially does. Although Kimhae Daesoeng-dong historic site has been discovered only part of it, it's not believed to have the first type-which surrounds the whole enclosure historic site In this research, 3 developing steps of enclosure historic site were defined. Enclosure surrounds only a part of the historic site is 1st step. Enclosure surrounds all around the site is 2nd step. The site discovered with big round clay pottery and developed into multiple enclosure is 3rd step. Since some researches have not been accomplished, the hypothesis above was suggested to have a better understanding of the development of enclosure historic site. The purpose of enclosure has been separately explained for the protection or for the ceremony. It is difficult to assert that excavation sites could be applied to only one of two purposes. But it is possible that both purposes of enclosure such as protection and as division from ceremonial area could be applied together. Kimhae Daesoeng-dong enclosure was shown for the purpose of division from ceremonial area. But we can not ignore that since Kimhae Daesoeng-dong enclosure exposed to the Sea and dwelling area was not shown from village hill, it would be probably for the protection. However enclosure of Gujibong village area in Daesoeng-dong had used for ceremonial purpose since the Bronze Age, even this enclosure would be possible to play an important role of being a center of legend of Gaya foundation. Many unsolved questions are still lying ahead. The enclosure was used for a short time, even if dwelling area was found in and out of enclosure, there were no differences between them, and although duplicate and triplicate enclosure were found, we could not sure which were before and after. Also we could not confirm the type of enclosure with location condition which was the flat land or the top of hill on floodplain. We should not divide the types of enclosure historic site due to differences from cross section of stratum. And I expect that we will have much data such as distribution of enclosure historic site in Yeongnam area where is concerned with origin and diffusion of Japan and China.

문화재연구 국제학술대회 (文化財硏究 國際學術大會)

정의도,Jeong, Ui-Do 국립문화재연구소 1995 헤리티지:역사와 과학 Vol.28 No.-

부산 천가동 신석기시대 유적 조사 개요

정의도 한국신석기학회 2010 한국신석기연구 Vol.- No.18

高麗時代 時期別 城郭 築造와 그 特徵 附 嶺南地域과 關聯

정의도 한국성곽학회 2024 한국성곽학보 Vol.30 No.-

?고려사?, ?고려사절요?, ?세종실록지리지?, ?신증동국여지승람? 등의 기록을 중심으로 고려시대 전 시기에 걸친 축성 기록을 검토한 결과 고려의 축성 사업은 크게 3기로 나눌 수 있었는데 1기는 북방개척으로 시작된 청천강과 압록강 유역 진출과 거란과 여진과의 전쟁 과정에서 축성이 이루어졌고 윤관이 개척한 9진을 여진에게 반환하기까지 약 200년의 기 간이 포함된다. 이 시기는 먼저 왕건의 북진 정책에 따라 서경을 서도로 정하여 축성하고 서 경의 주변으로 진성이나 주현성을 배치하는 과정과 3차에 걸친 거란과의 전쟁과정에서 축 성, 그리고 동여진을 제압하기 위한 천리장성의 축조와 동해연안의 축성, 그리고 9진 개척 으로 요약되는 시기이다. 이것은 태조가 북방개척을 위하여 변경 지역의 요해처에 진성[鎭城]을 설치한 후에 주성 [州城]을 설치하는 전략을 구사한 것으로 이해된다. 이후 993년부터 1018년까지 3차의 전 쟁을 치르게 되면서 축조된 성곽들은 대부분 흥화도(영삭진성, 태주성, 신도성, 가주성)·흥 교도(용강현성, 함종현성, 진국성, 안북부성, 진국성, 안정진성, 영청진성, 박주성) ·운중도 (운남현성, 성주성, 연주성, 운주성, 안수진성, 흥덕진성, 위화진) 등의 역로를 따라 위치하고 있어 거란이 개경으로 진출하려는 노선을 차단하고자 하는 것에 목표가 있음을 보여준다. 그리고 성보조에 남은 성곽 축조 기사 중 동일한 성곽을 축조한 기사가 겹치는 것은 지역 의 사정에 따라 주성, 진성 등을 축성하였고 단순히 하나의 성곽을 가리키는 것이 아니며 이 것은 조선 전기 지리서에서도 확인할 수 있고 성곽이 축조된 위치에 따른 다면 평지성이나 산성으로 나누어 볼 소지도 다분하다고 하겠다. 2기는 금과 100년 간의 평화 시기 다음에 이어진 대몽항쟁기에 축조된 성곽이 축조된 시 기이다. 대몽항쟁은 해도입보와 산성입보로 나누어 볼 수 있는데 해도에 축성한 강화중성과 외성, 진도 용장성, 장도토성 등은 고려의 토성 축조 전통이 강하게 드러난 것으로 생각된 다. 아울러 몽골의 침입은 대규모 병력으로 장기간 이어지면서 대몽항쟁은 주현성을 중심으 로 치러졌고 이것은 횟수를 거듭하면서 몽골 기병의 장점을 무력화시키는 방안으로 대산험 지에 위치한 산성[주현성]으로 옮겨 대응하는 방향으로 나타나게 되었다. 대몽항쟁이 주현 성에서 산성으로 옮겨갔다고 보는 것은 적절한 관점이 아닌 것은 주현성과 산성이라는 구분 이 일률적이지 않다는 것이다. 고려 북계와 동계의 방어군성은 대부분 산에 위치하므로 몽 골과의 전장은 처음부터 산성이었던 것이다. 또한 몽골의 침입을 맞아 산성이 대형화되었다 는 것도 고려 주현성의 둘레는 조선 읍성보다는 훨씬 컸던 것이 사실이고 군관민이 함께 입 보하여 항쟁하려 한 전략적 결정에 따라 산성의 둘레도 따라서 커졌던 것으로 이해할 수 있 다고 생각된다. 3기는 고려말 왜구의 침입을 맞아 연해주군의 군현성을 수축하거나 산성을 축조하여 방 어한 시기에 해당되며 대몽항쟁기 이래 전통적인 청야입보책을 시행한 결과이기도 하다. 고 려말 산성의 축조는 왜구가 해로를 장악하여 조운선도 약탈하는 지경에 몽골 침입 때와는 달리 해도입보라는 대책은 무용하게 된 상황에서 이루어진 것이다. 대몽항쟁기에 둘레 1,000보 이상의 대형 석축 산성이 아니라 500보 내외의 석축성으로 축조되는 경우가 많았 다. 이것은 대규모로 장기간 고려를 침공하였던 몽골군과는 달리 소규모로 자주 침공하였던 왜구의 침공에 대응하기 위하여 선택한 결과일 것이다. 그런데 왜구의 침공이 시작된 경인년(1350)으로부터 30년 가까이 지난 우왕3년(1377) 에 지방 산성 보수기사가 보이는 것은 그 동안 성곽을 수축하지 않았다는 것이 아니라 평지 에 위치한 군현성을 수축하여 왜구의 침공에 대비하였으나 우왕3년경부터는 산성을 수축하 여 입보하는 것으로 정책을 수정하였다는 것으로 보아야 할 것으로 생각된다. 평지축성을 멈추어야 한다는 것은 왜구의 침략이 시작된 경인년 이후 수축이 이루어진 군현성은 대부분 평지성으로 볼 수 있는 근거가 되기도 하지만 이때 수축된 군현성은 조선시대 들어 읍성으 로 편입되면서 읍성의 축조가 고려말에 시작되었다고 보는 근거가 되기도 한다. 그리고 왜구의 침입에 대응하기 위하여 상당한 수의 산성을 축조하여 운용하였던 것이 ?세종실록? 지리지에 기록된 산석성인데 석축을 강조한 것은 고려시대 토축 산성의 약점을 보완하여 석축성으로 축조된 것을 말하는 것이다. 한편으로 산성에 물이 부족하거나 물이 없다고 한 사례가 적지 않은 것은 장기적인 사용을 목적으로 축조된 것이 아니라 왜구의 침 입을 피하기 위하여 급히 축조하였거나 일시적인 입보를 위하여 수축하였다가 조선전기까 지 사용된 것으로 볼 수 있다. ?세종실록? 지리지에 실린 읍석성 중에는 조선시대 들어 축조한 읍성과 고려말에 석축으 로 개축한 이후 읍성으로 사용한 경우도 있지만 고려의 군현성으로 축조된 것을 조선시대 들어 읍성 정책을 추진하면서 사정에 따라 편입한 것이 적지 않게 포함되어 있고 여기에는 고려때 축조된 읍토성과 고려말 왜구의 침입에 대응하여 축조한 산성도 포함되어 있다. 이 러한 상황은 ?세종실록? 지리지에는 읍성이 있는 것으로 기록된 군현에 ?신증동국여지승 람?에는 읍성이 보이지 않거나 산성 또는 고적으로 남게 되는 경우가 있어 고려말의 성곽 수축과 조선 개국 이후의 읍성 축조 정책을 반영한 결과로 생각된다. Through an examination of records such as Goryeosa, Goryeosa Jeolyo, Sejong Sillok Jiriji, and Sinjeung Dongguk Yeoji Seungram, this study delves into the fortified constructions throughout the early Goryeo period. The fortification endeavors of Goryeo can be broadly categorized into three phases. The first phase commenced with northern expansion, encompassing the construction during the campaigns along the Cheongcheon River and the Yalu River, amidst conflicts with the Khitan and Jurchen, extending approximately over two centuries until Yun Gwan's restoration of the Nine Garrison Settlements to the Jurchen. This period initially witnessed the fortification in response to Wang Geon's northern policies, establishing the capital in Seogyeong and fortifying surrounding areas, including the construction of regional fortresses and frontier walls against the Khitan in three separate stages of warfare, notably the construction of the Cheolli Jangseong to subdue the eastern Jurchen threat, coastal fortifications along the East Sea, and the establishment of the Nine Garrison Settlements. This is understood as Taejo employing a strategy of establishing frontier garrisons in strategic areas following territorial changes, before later setting up provincial capitals for northern expansion. Subsequently, during the period from 993 to 1018, as a result of engaging in three wars, the constructed fortresses were predominantly positioned along strategic routes such as Heunghwado (including Yeongsak Fortress, Taeju Fortress, Sindu Fortress, and Gaju Fortress), Heunggyodo (including Yonggang Fortress, Hamjong Fortress, Jinguk Fortress, Anbuk Fortress, Jinguk Fortress, Anjeongjin Fortress, Yeongcheongjin Fortress, and Bakju Fortress), and Unjungdo (including Unnam Fortress, Seongju Fortress, Yeonju Fortress, Unju Fortress, Ansujin Fortress, Heungdeokjin Fortress, and Wihwajin Fortress), showing a goal of obstructing the route intended by the Khitans to advance towards the Goryeo capital of Gaegyeong. Furthermore, the overlap of knights involved in the construction of multiple fortresses suggests that fortifications like provincial capitals or regional fortresses were erected based on local circumstances, indicating a complexity beyond merely indicating a single fortress. This observation resonates with early Joseon geographical records and suggests the potential classification of fortifications based on their locations into plains fortresses or mountain fortresses. The second phase corresponds to the period following the peace with the Jin dynasty and extends into the era of the Mongol invasions, during which fortifications were constructed. The Mongol invasions can be divided into maritime and mountainous phases. The fortifications constructed in the maritime phase, such as Ganghwa Jungseong and Oeseong, Jin Island Yongjangseong, and Jangdotoseong, reflect Goryeo's strong tradition of earthen fortification. Additionally, as the Mongol invasions persisted with large-scale forces, the battles were primarily centered around provincial capitals, with a strategy evolving to relocate them to rugged terrains to neutralize the advantages of Mongol cavalry. It's inappropriate to view the relocation of provincial capitals from the maritime phase to mountainous ones as a shift, as the distinction between provincial capitals and mountainous fortifications is not clear-cut. Since most of Goryeo's northern and eastern defenses were situated in mountains, battles with the Mongols predominantly occurred in mountain fortresses from the outset. Moreover, the expansion of mountain fortresses in response to Mongol invasions is evident from the fact that the perimeter of Goryeo's provincial capitals was much larger than that of Joseon's county seats, indicating an increase in size due to the joint efforts of military and civilian populations during resistance. The third phase corresponds to the period of defending against the late Goryeo's encounters with Japanese pirates, during which fortifications were either contracted or erected to enhance defenses against such threats, following the traditional coastal defense policies since the Mongol invasions. Unlike during the Mongol invasions, when maritime defenses were effective, the construction of mountain fortresses during this period reflects the inefficacy of coastal defenses as Japanese pirates controlled the sea routes, rendering the maritime defense strategy obsolete. Many fortresses during this period were smaller in scale, around 500 bo, which is about 3km in circumference, compared to the large stone fortresses exceeding 1,000 bo, which is about 1.5km, constructed during the Mongol invasions. This shift likely reflects the need to adapt to the smaller, frequent incursions of Japanese pirates compared to the large-scale, prolonged invasions by the Mongol forces. However, the absence of fortress contraction for nearly 30 years from the start of Japanese pirate attacks in 1350 until the third year of Uwang (1377) doesn't imply a lack of response. Rather, it suggests a shift in policy from contracting flatland fortresses to contracting mountain fortresses for defense. This change indicates a response to the evolving nature of the threats posed by Japanese pirates and the need to reassess defense strategies accordingly. The cessation of flatland fortification efforts signifies that most of the flatland fortresses contracted after the start of Japanese pirate attacks in 1350 would become misconstrued as county seats during the Joseon period, contributing to misunderstandings regarding the onset of fortress construction during late Goryeo. Furthermore, in response to Japanese pirate invasions, numerous mountain fortresses were constructed and utilized, as recorded in the Sejong Sillok Jiriji. One notable example is the mountain stone fortresses, which emphasize stone construction to address the weaknesses of earthen fortresses during the Goryeo period. It's worth noting that some cases mention the scarcity or absence of water in these mountain fortresses. This suggests that they might have been hastily constructed or temporarily occupied to evade Japanese attacks, rather than being built for long-term use, and some continued to be utilized until the early Joseon period. Among the county stone fortresses recorded in the Sejong Sillok Jiriji, there are instances of fortresses initially built during the Joseon period and later converted into county fortresses with stone reinforcements during late Goryeo. Moreover, there are cases where fortresses constructed during the Goryeo period as provincial capitals were incorporated into the Joseon policy of county fortresses based on prevailing circumstances. These include fortresses built during Goryeo, both earthen and stone fortresses, as well as those erected in response to Japanese pirate incursions during late Goryeo. Such occurrences suggest discrepancies between the records of county fortresses in the Jiriji and the actual status of fortresses, indicating the influence of both late Goryeo's fortress contraction and Joseon's policies regarding the construction of county fortresses after its establishment.

중국 무순지역 한국어 단모음의 세대 간 차이에 대한 음향음성학적 연구

정의향(Zheng Yixiang)(鄭義香) 한국언어문학회 2011 한국언어문학 Vol.79 No.-

This paper aims to use the machine of the experiment 4300B CSL to analyze the Korean monophthong in Phonetics. Until now, there are so many analysis on monophthong about the standard language of Korean in Phonetics, but less analysis about the Korean dialect. So this paper analyzes the monophthong of the musun Dialect through the informants. As the result, we can see the the old ages’ front vowel on [ㅣ], [ㅔ], [ㅐ] are stronger than the young ages. And the old ages’ mouth are bigger than the young ages when the speak the [ㅏ]. In the musun of Korea, all th people speak the [ㅚ]and [ㅟ]as a diphthong. The analysis of Study on the musun dialect may help to comprehend the monophthong system of the Korean musun dialect accurately.

대구시지동유적발굴조사보고

정의도 한국고고학회 1995 한국고고학전국대회 발표문 Vol.- No.19