중국 관행 연구와 중국 연구의 재구성 : 試論的 接近

田寅甲(Jeon In-gap),張禎娥(Chang Jung-a) 중국근현대사학회 2010 중국근현대사연구 Vol.48 No.-

This paper aims to search for the possibility of construction of a new paradigm for humanistic China studies in Korea through the study of Chinese social and economic practices. For this purpose, a new understanding is required toward the tradition of the Chinese empire that has been deliberately depreciated by the discourse of modernity through Chinese modern and contemporary history. With the new understanding of the legacy of the Chinese empire, we could investigate how modern and contemporary Chinese have been searching for the construction of a powerful country through seeking the reconstruction of tradition and modernity. In this paper, we focus on the study of Chinese social and economic practices as a method for this new understanding. Practices comprehend not only historicity but also present meaning and rationality. For the path of the development with Chinese characteristics, termed as Chinese model, will be searched for with its own historic and cultural assets, the study of Chinese practices that combines positivistic research and theoretical study could provide a historical prospect of the future of China. Any analysis or general theory without considering the complexity and plurality of Chinese society burdened with the weight of history could be misleading. The objective in-depth analysis of Chinese society requires a close combination of thorough historical and positivistic research and theoretical study based on it. Through the combination of research and theoretical study on the Chinese practices proposed by this paper, we could assess the effectiveness of this methodology.

기획논단(企劃論壇) : 중국 관행 연구와 중국 연구의 재구성 -시론적(試論的) 접근(接近)-

전인갑 ( In Gap Jeon ),장정아 ( Jung A Chang ) 한국중국근현대사학회(구 중국근현대사학회) 2010 중국현대사연구 Vol.48 No.-

This paper aims to search for the possibility of construction of a new paradigm for humanistic China studies in Korea through the study of Chinese social and economic practices. For this purpose, a new understanding is required toward the tradition of the Chinese empire that has been deliberately depreciated by the discourse of modernity through Chinese modern and contemporary history. With the new understanding of the legacy of the Chinese empire, we could investigate how modern and contemporary Chinese have been searching for the construction of a powerful country through seeking the reconstruction of tradition and modernity. In this paper, we focus on the study of Chinese social and economic practices as a method for this new understanding. Practices comprehend not only historicity but also present meaning and rationality. For the path of the development with Chinese characteristics, termed as Chinese model, will be searched for with its own historic and cultural assets, the study of Chinese practices that combines positivistic research and theoretical study could provide a historical prospect of the future of China. Any analysis or general theory without considering the complexity and plurality of Chinese society burdened with the weight of history could be misleading. The objective in-depth analysis of Chinese society requires a close combination of thorough historical and positivistic research and theoretical study based on it. Through the combination of research and theoretical study on the Chinese practices proposed by this paper, we could assess the effectiveness of this methodology.

전통 중국의 권력엘리트 충원문화와 시스템

전인갑(Jeon In-gap) 가천대학교 아시아문화연구소 2011 아시아문화연구 Vol.21 No.-

본 연구는 첫째, 전통 중국의 엘리트 충원 문화의 속성을 해명하고, 둘째, 전통 중국 엘리트 충원 시스템과 그 특징을 분석하여 전통적 정치문화 및 권력엘리트 충원 구조의 단절과 연속을 해명하는데 목적이 있다. 유교적 전통, 고도의 신분 유동성, 권력 엘리트의 지역적 편중 현상은 엘리트 충원 문화의 특징이었다. 특히 엘리트 충원문화는 유교이념을 근간으로 형성되었다는 점을 무엇보다 강조할 필요가 있다. 중국의 엘리트는 통치행위 그 자체가 도덕적 행위 혹은 도덕을 구현하는 행위여야 한다고 인식하였다. 이러한 유교적 이념을 실천하는 것이 권력 엘리트의 정당성과 권위의 원천이었다. 다시 말해 유교적 문화주의 전통 속에서 도덕(문화) 국가를 만들기 위한 자질은 엘리트의 필수적인 능력임과 동시에 권력에 다가 설 수 있는 유일한 길이었다. 이러한 문화 속에서 학문과 권력이 일체화가 가능했음도 기억해야 할 것이다. 전통 중국의 엘리트 충원 시스템은 과거제도였다. 과거제도는 문화주의 전통을 가장 전형적으로 실현시킨 엘리트 충원 시스템이었다. 그런데 이 방식의 엘리트 충원은 관료주의와 파벌주의를 심화시키는 등의 부작용을 초래하기도 했다. 이 점은 공식적 충원 시스템의 한계라 할 수 있다. 한편 비공식적 엘리트 충원 시스템에 대해서도 주목할 필요가 있다. 막우는 공식적인 관료체계 속에 편입되지는 못했으나 고위 관리나 지방관의 사설고문 내지 비서와 같은 역할을 하면서 정책 결정에 깊숙이 개입하거나 지방행정의 한 축을 이루었다. 이러한 제도는 과거제를 기반으로 운영되었던 관료제도의 맹점 즉 관료의 실무 능력 결여를 보완하는 동시에 권력 엘리트의 풀을 확대시키는 역할을 담당하였다. 근대 이후 전통적 엘리트 충원 문화와 시스템은 외견상 완전한 붕괴된 것처럼 보인다. 그러나 좀 더 심층적으로 분석해 보면 엘리트 충원 문화 특히 국가권력의 역할과 엘리트의 사회적 소명에 대한 전통적 인식이 근본적으로 바뀌었다고 보기 어려울 뿐 아니라 강고한 뿌리를 갖고 있는 문화주의적 전통이 지속되고 있다. 중국 정치문화에 있어 현재와 전통의 중층적 공존의 실태를 분석하는 것이야 말로 중국의 엘리트 충원문화와 시스템을 심도 있게 이해할 수 있는 길을 열어 줄 것이다. This article aims to analyse the continuity and discontinuity of the traditional political culture and power elites' recruit structure through the study on the characteristics of the culture and the system evident in pre-modern China. In Confucius ideology, high social mobility and unequal distribution of power elite were the characteristics of the culture in China before. It is also necessary to stress that the such ideology made the basis of power elite's recuit culture. The highest-level state examination to recruit ranking officials is a formal recruit system in tradition China. It was in the frame of culturism. But it poses serious effects as it generates government bureaucracy and factional strife. It is also appropriate to mention the system of informal elites' recruit. Muyou(幕友) wasn't placed on official bureaucrat but was deeply involved in the policy decision playing a role of private staffs or secretaries. Such a system leads to expand the range of power elites and compensate the limits of bureaucracy being run based on the highest-level state examination to recruit ranking officials. Seemingly, the traditional elites' recruit system seems to disappear in modern China. But if it is analysed further, it is difficult to think of the fundamental change in the traditional understanding for elites' social duty and the roles of the state power. We need to focus on the continuity of culturism rather than emphasis on new elites' recruit system in China.

生産過程의 制度化와 勞動界의 對應

田寅甲(Jeon In-Gap) 역사학회 2002 역사학보 Vol.176 No.-

Regarding the labor issues, the outstanding difference between the 1920s and the 1930s is that the state intervened to manage and control the labor issues directly and systematically. Enterprenuers also pursued scientific and systematic management of the production process through managerial innovations. This article analyses the institutionalizing process of the production proces inside firms. The essential features of the restructuring proces inside firms in the 1930s are the substitution of superannuated machinery and the introduction of production control system, instead of labor contract system(包工頭制). While the latter is man-oriented labor management system, the former is technology-based labor management system. These trends resulted in the dismantlement of the deep-rooted conventions of Shanghai labor society such as labor contract system(包工頭制), which caused serious shock to and resistance from the labor society. The labor society, however, resisted these trends with disputes against strict factory rules, the changed wage system, restructuring of the work system and the introduction of the incentive system which resulted from the restructuring of firms. Besides, the other factors such as increasing instability in employment of the 1930s, reduction of the labor forces, and the deep-rooted conventions of labor also caused the stagnation of the restructuring of firms. Laborers resisted against these restructuring processes by entrusting themselves on underground organizations such as banghui(?會) which allows public scrutiny. In opposition to the institutionalization processes by the state and firms, laborers adapted themselves to the changed situations by the local-based networks which are self-preserving- survival mechanisms. The local-based networks played an essential role in the employment and execution of business even under production control system, a typical example of institutionalization of the production proceses. This shows the old conventions are included with a new structure within a production proceses. The strong continuity of local-based networks in employment even under production control system, especially division of labor market owing to unique family registers(籍貫) shows the strong flexibility of local-based networks to the change toward modem labor control system. In the 1920s labors from Subei(蘇北) such as Anhui(安徽) could not get jobs in sectors of somewhat better working conditions. But even in the 1930s this situation did not change much. In addition, the hierarchical character depending on native-place in the 1930s was the same with that in the 1920s overall. For example Ningbo people were working in the areas of upper level of wages and better working conditions. On the other hand, Subei(蘇北) people were working in the lower level of wages and worse conditions. This means that the division of labor market owing to native-place is the other side of the hierarchical aspects in the production system owing to native-place. In conclusion, the traditional networks such as local-based networks adapted themselves to the changed situation even in the 1930s. Strictly speaking, however, this might rather be called the continuity of the existing structure than the flexibility because the traditional conventions themselves did not change their fundamental characteristics. We should say that the existing structure in the labor world adapt themselves to the new situation by introducing just parts of the changes, which did not affect the existing structure fundamentally.

근ㆍ현대 중국의 대중매체와 ‘국가건설’

田寅甲(Jeon In-gap) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.204

In the mid of 19c, a modem news paper and magazine was published at Shanghai and Hongkong, but mass media was not many and various. Also it had relative lack of influence. A mass media got down to expansion from 1895 in modem China. And there was a sharp difference on qualitative change of it. The trend of qualitative change compressed into popularization, commercialization and politicization. The needs of times, in modem china, was the state building which was succeeding to legacy of imperial China and the pursuit of modernity. The mass media of modem China had to involve in fulfilling two needs of times in modem China. This article focused on what the mass media related with state building, what was the characteristics of those relations. The growth of the mass media in both quality and quantity furthered the cause of democratic development in modem China. But at that time, state building was more important than made efforts on steps toward democracy. Therefore, state building that is periodical problem now and then restrained a development of democracy in modem China. The tensions between political groups what laid weight on state building and social groups what asserted democratic rights tightly was made up. Even if the tensions between two groups took variety of forms, it was most important for the mass media to be under the control of themselves. The mass media under control of KMT that was a goal achieving capitalistic state building and CCP that intended to pursue either non-capitalistic state building or socialistic state building degenerated into an instrument of propaganda for achieving state building than developing democratic rights. The other side, the social groups what asserted democratic rights also made the most of mass media for their goal. These groups intended to making a national integration through development of democracy. A national integration aimed at building new and strong China. In this point, we can say the mass media under control of these groups also ultimately fulfilled the need of state building, too. Many political groups made good use of the mass media for their purpose. we can make a periodization the stages of state building from 1890's to 1949. The first stage is the period of seeking state building. At this stage, most main mass media made propaganda for their various ideas about a new political system. The second stage is the period of making the core for state building. The main contents of mass media at that stage is what is enlightening contents to seek 'making of a people'. The third stage is the period of capitalistic state building. At this stage, the most mass media under control of KMT and the other main news papers propagated the Three Principles of the People(Sunwenism). Sunwenism was the only ideology to integrate a people at 1930's. The final stage is the period of collision between the road of capitalistic state building and the road non-capitalistic state building. The mass media based on Sunwenism under control of KMT only propagated the contents about capitalistic state building. The mass media under control of CCP and the 'third power' which leaned toward CCP propagated the road of non-capitalistic state building.

비대칭적 국제질서: 천하질서, 그 변용과 현대적 재구성(Ⅰ)

전인갑(Jeon In Gap) 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2018 서강인문논총 Vol.0 No.51

천하질서는 보편주의와 패권주의가 결합한 질서이다. 천하질서는 지리적 개념이기도 하고, 정치적 개념, 문화적 개념이기도 하다. 이것은 중국과의 거리를 기준으로 한 지리적 질서였고, 동시에 중국의 부유함과 패권을 기반으로 한 정치적 질서이기도 했으며, 무엇보다 이 질서는 보편주의와 보편가치를 공유하는 문명의 질서, 도덕의 질서이기도 했다. 하지만 이 질서는 본질적으로 중국 중심의 패권질서였다. 최근 중국의 연구자들은 천하주의와 천하질서 그리고 조공체제에 큰 관심을 보인다. 그러한 관심의 궁극적인 지향점은 천하체계를 21세기의 새로운 세계질서의 원리로 복원하는 것이다. 이들은 천하질서가 주변국의 안정과 발전을 보장하는 질서였다고 주장한다. 어떤 젊은 국제정치학자는 다음과 같은 사실을 강조한다. 중국은 세계질서를 새롭게 만드는데 선도적인 역할을 해야 한다. 중국이 세계질서의 성공적인 건설자가 되기 위해서는 중국이 전통적인 천하질서 속에서 계승할만한 요소를 발굴해야 하며, 그러한 요소를 세계 여러 나라에 전파해야 한다. 중국의 학자들은 천하질서가 공존의 번영을 가져다 준 평화로운 왕도의 질서였다는 사실을 강조한다. 또한 그들은 천하질서가 패권적이고 억압적인 질서가 아님을 강조한다. 나아가 그들은 이 질서가 중국 중심의 세계질서가 아니라 다중심의 세계질서이며, 관용과 포용의 질서라는 점을 재차 강조하고 있다. 이들의 주장을 자세히 분석해 보면 이들의 논리는 문화적 보편주의에 기반을 두고 있다. 이 점은 천하주의도 마찬가지이다. 본고에서 천하질서에 대한 재검토를 시도하는 것은 이에 대한 이해가 현대 중국의 행동 패턴을 분석하고 전망하는데 필수적인 요소이기 때문이다. The Tianxia order is a combination of universalism and hegemonism. The Tianxia order is both a geographical concept and a political one and a cultural one. It was a geographical order based on its distance to China, at the same time a political order based on its affluence and hegemony of China, and above all, a moral order shared with the universal values. But this order was essentially China"s hegemonic order. Chinese researchers recently showed great interest in Tianxia order and the tribute system. The ultimate purpose of such attention is to restore the Tianxia order to the principle of a new world order in the 21st century. They argue that the Tianxia order was to ensure the stability and development of neighboring countries. Some young scholar of international politics in China emphasize the following facts. China should play a leading role in creating a new world order. If China is to be a successful builder of world order, it must discover the elements it can inherit in the traditional world order and disseminate them to countries around the world. Chinese scholars stress that Tianxia order was the order of benevolent government(王道) which brought prosperity to peaceful coexistence. They also stress that Tianxia order is not a hegemonic and repressive order. Furthermore, they reiterate the fact that it is not a China-centered world order, but a multilateralism of tolerance and inclusion. Their reasoning is based on cultural universality as it is in traditional China. In this article, the analysis of Tianxia order is for the following reasons. It is necessary to understand the traditional way of recognizing the world order in order to analyze and predict the behavior patterns of modern Chinese.

1930年代 上海 勞動者社會와 同鄕ㆍ同業網

田寅甲(Jeon In-Gap) 동양사학회 2000 東洋史學硏究 Vol.72 No.-

The institutionalization of labor movement in the process of 'state-building' in China in the 1930s had two-fold characteristics. First, Guomindang government intended to achieve the strong stability of the society by controlling the labor movement. On the other hand, however, the government had been burdened by the responsibility of protecting labor class much more. These two characteristics in fact contributed to the modernization of labor problems. The first characteristic brought forth the 'principled', 'organized by the party' and 'tamed' labor class possible by enforcing the repressive regulations on labor movement and activities of labor unions. The second characteristic contributed to the improvement of labor problems, by forcing the party to establish several laws on labor welfare, labor contract, labor condition and the education for labor class. However we can not conclude that those efforts resulted in sufficient improvement of labor problems. The reasons of this limitation can be summarized as followings: firstly, the Guomindang bureau in Shanghai and Bureau of Social Affairs of Shanghai city government were not cooperative and consistent in the execution of labor policies; secondly, the Guomingdang government was not prepared enough with administrative, financial and executive abilities for getting the reformation of labor issues. Beside of the factors which limited the institutionalization of labor issues mentioned above, there was a historical factor which limited the development of labor movement. The daily life of labor in Shanghai in the 1930s was almost the same with that in the 1920s and 1910s, even though some of the life of labor had been compelled to change. Unchanged structure of labor market and increasing instability of labor market owing to the recession at that time helped the tendency towards the traditional networks such as 'native place' -based network or guild network continue. Even the discrimination owing to the different ways of living and languages depending on the locations became more evident than in the 1920s. The labor unions could not overcome these limitations either. Under these circumstances, many kinds of spontaneous organizations, bangkou(?口) and bangkou-like labor society such as Guandihui(關帝會), arose to get the high possibility of survival with the collective power of those 'native place-based' labor organizations. This means that the core self-protecting mechanisms for labor class themselves were still the traditional labor networks. In conclusion, even though the Guomingdang government tried to modernize the system of social control by the institutionalization of labor issues rather than the convention, she had no choice but compromise with the traditional factors. Therefore in the 1930s in Shanghai the labor society had two aspects - modem and tradition - at that same time.

≪학술대회 발표논문≫ : 제2차 세계대전 이후 각국의 과거청산 : 불철저한 청산, 화석화된 유산 - 1945-47년 중국의 숙간운동 -

전인갑 ( In Gap Jeon ) 대구사학회 2002 대구사학 Vol.69 No.-

중국 근대기업의 지배구조와 合? 慣行 : 지연망의 '사회자본'화

田寅甲(Jeon In-Gap) 역사교육연구회 2004 역사교육 Vol.89 No.-

『學衡』의 문화보수주의와 ‘계몽’ 비판

田寅甲(Jeon In Gap) 동양사학회 2009 東洋史學硏究 Vol.106 No.-