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장미현(Mi-Hyun, Jang),조연숙(Yeon-Sook, Cho),최정선(Jeong-Sun, Choi) 한국여성정책연구원 2016 여성연구 Vol.90 No.1
공공시설은 생활을 영위하는데 필수적인 기반시설로서 다양한 사람들이 이용할 수 있어야 한다. 이러한 점에서, 성별, 연령, 신체적 상황 등의 이용 특성과 관련하여 성인지적인 관점에서 공간의 조성이 요구된다. 그러나 도시공간에 대한 성인지적 논의에 비해 건축공간으로서 공공시설 관련 연구는 부족한 상황이다. 본 연구는 공공시설 중 일상생활과 가장 밀접한 생활권 단위의 시설이며, 다중이용시설인 주민센터를 대상으로 설치 기준을 살펴보고, 주민센터의 설치 기준을 개선하기 위해 요구되는 성인지적 관점의 방향성을 제시하고자 한다. 본 연구는 성별영향분석평가 및 여성친화도시 연구의 고찰, 공공시설의 성별 요구 조사 분석내용을 토대로 젠더 이슈를 고찰하였다. 이 중 물리적 형태와 밀접한 관련이 있는 젠더 이슈인 접근성과 편의성을 중심으로 성별 요구에 대한 조사 내용을 살펴보고, 주민센터 설치 관련 법, 시행령, 규칙을 분석하였다. 첫째, 접근성의 분석을 위해 주민센터의 입지, 다양한 교통수단과 연계, 대중교통 정거장부터 주민센터 입구까지의 보행공간과 시설의 진입부 구조 등 주민센터를 이용하는데 거치는 이동 환경에 대해 관련 설치 기준을 살펴보았다. 둘째, 편의성의 젠더 이슈에 대한 점검은 이용 특성을 고려한 공간 구조, 이용 특성을 고려한 편의 시설 설치, 돌봄 서비스 공간 및 시설의 세 가지 측면에서 이루어졌다. 분석결과, 장애인 이용과 관련한 진입부 구조, 편의시설, 복도 등 이동 공간에 대한 기준은 비교적 잘 마련되어 있지만, 성별 요구 및 특성을 반영하기에는 미흡 하였다. 접근성의 측면에서 실태 조사 및 입지 선정 시 지역의 성별 인구 구성 및 성별 요구 파악, 임산부와 돌봄 대상자 동반 이용자를 위한 배려 주차공간 마련. 보행공간 기준의 적용 범위 확대, 휠체어 및 유모차 보관소에 대한 기준 마련이 요구된다. 편의성의 측면에서는 장애인, 영유아, 고령자, 임산부 등을 위한 시설의 저층 설치, 휠체어 및 유모차가 2층 이상 접근가능한 수직이동동선 확보, 영유아 보조화장실의 남성화장실 설치 기준 마련, 남녀 화장실 모두 영유아용 기저귀교환대 설치 의무 기준에 포함, 임산부 등을 위한 휴게시설 의무 적용, 수유실 기준의 마련 등이 필요하다. 본 연구는 지역 주민의 이용 특성에 따른 공간 요구를 반영하여 주민센터가 생활에 밀착되는 공공시설이 되는데 요구되는 설치기준의 개선 방향성을 제시하였다. 기존의 연구에서 주요 변수로 고려되지 않았던 젠더의 관점에서 시설 설치 기준을 살펴보았다는데 의의가 있으며, 연구의 결과는 성인지적 관점에서 실질적인 설치 기준 마련의 토대로서 활용될 수 있을 것이다. Public facilities are an important infrastructure for a life and should be available to different users. There the user characteristics related to social, cultural, and physical condition should be considered in order to create public facilities. However, researches on public facilities are somewhat limited. The purpose of this study was to derive the direction to improve the installation standards of the community center as a typical public facility on gender perspective. The community center is in a living area and used by various people. The analysis on installation standards have been carried out based on accessibility and convenience. Those are the issues on the physical form of gender which were drawn from the gender impact assessment on architecture and urban space and the study on gender-equality city. The criteria for entry space, hallway and amenities which are available to the handicapped are relatively well provided. However the standards are insufficient to reflect the gender needs and characteristics. Various people; a person accompanying an infant (the high proportion of women), children, the elderly, the disabled, etc. should be considered. The installation criteria need to be complemented on the following topics: the accessible locations of public facilities, the connection with various transportations, the appropriate spatial structure of use characteristics, the care services and the convenient facilities and so on. The results of this study are significant in view of the analysis of gender perspective that was hardly considered as the main variable in previous studies. The results of the study can be utilized as a basis to provide substantial installation standards in the gender perspective.
장미현(Jang, Mi-Hyun),차은아(Cha, Eun-Ah),강미선(Kang, Mi-Seon) 대한건축학회 2011 대한건축학회논문집 Vol.27 No.10
As ‘gender mainstreaming’ strategy has been introduced and institutionalized as the basis of national gender equality policy, its institutionalized tool, Gender Impact Assessment (GIA) has been enforced since 1995 in Korea. GIA has been enforced for several urban projects so far, though gender equality on architectural environment has hardly been recognized in the field of architecture and urban planning in Korea. In this regard, the role of GIA in the field of architecture and urban planning should be analyzed to improve gender-sensitive urban environment. This study analyzed the GIA of three New Town Development Plans: Gimpo(2006), Daegu(2007), and Gwanggyo(2008), using gender-sensitive framework based on Structuralist Landscape Assessment(SLA). This study mainly discussed the contributions and limitations of the GIA of the three cases, and proposed future directions of Gender Impact Assessment in the field of architecture and urban planning.
1990년대~2000년대 초반 연세대 대학여성운동의 형성과 특징-여성주의 대학여성운동의 전개와 실천 중심으로-
장미현 ( Jang¸ Mi Hyun ) 연세사학연구회 2021 學林 Vol.48 No.-
Since the 1990s, the women’s movement on campus at Yonsei University has been unfolded while being influenced by the situation of university community. Since the mid-1990s, campus feminists have led the women’s movement on campus at Yonsei University. They competed with the ‘NL(National Liberation)’ women’s movement group and the conservative Christian women’s movement group on campus. Feminist group on campus at Yonsei University thought and analyzed why women’s students were excluded from power despite the majority and they tried identity politics and body politics through cultural festivals. They aimed to change the masculine culture on campus. Though this process was not simple, they have spread ‘gender politics’ and feminism both inside and outside campus in solidarity with LGBT students and students with disabilities. This article was written focusing on the feminist women’s movement on campus at Yonsei University. However, it is necessary to closely examine the perspectives and practices of the ‘anti-imperialism/nationalism’ university women’s movement on various campuses in the first half of the 1990s. In particular, in the case of the local women’s movement on campus, the relationship between the formation of the subject, regional characteristics, and student movement will be necessary to analyze in more detail.
1980년대 여성 노동자들의 ‘혁명적’ 노동운동 경험과 인식
장미현 ( Jang Mi Hyun ) 역사문제연구소 2018 역사문제연구 Vol.22 No.1
In the 1980s, female workers joined the female Hakchul(students-turned-laborers) workers in a “revolutionary” labor movement. In the process, female workers also suffered from the pain of being wanted, arrested, and watched. On the other hand, after participating in the “ revolutionary” labor movement, female workers realized that they had different economic conditions from Hakchul(students-turned-laborers) workers. In addition, female workers thought Hakchul workers, regardless of gender, seemed to value the labor movement more than the labor itself. In the 1980s, the “revolutionary” labor movement made a heated argument about the way the movement was conducted. In her eyes, this controversial labor movement was irresponsible. Marriage and childbirth have caused different pain and guilt in female workers. As they continued to work, female workers were responsible for the livelihood of their in-laws. However, her husband and mother-in-law expressed opposition to her participation in the labor movement. Male labor activists did not take part in household chores or childcare because they continued to work. Only female workers, however, felt guilty for having neglected to properly carry out child care. The guilt they experienced in the “revolutionary” labor movement linked it to the socialization of Care Work (the establishment of daycare centers). Since then, they have pushed for a drive to “foster the female character” within the labor movement. Female workers have spread women's labor movement to community activities, environmental movement, food movement and education movement. In the 1990s, Korea's “revolutionary” labor movement was followed by female workers in a changed form that changed their daily lives.
산업화 시기 여성 노동자들의 숙련과 `작업장 질서`의 전복
장미현 ( Jang Mi Hyun ) 역사문제연구소 2016 역사문제연구 Vol.20 No.2
1960s and 1970s was a period was the introduction of new industries and development. Previously, many products were not created so, this was the time when the formation of skilled workers was key national projects. For the promotion of the heavy industries, Park Chung-hee government has devoted especially to the previous emphasis on human resource development needed in this area. However, investment in human resource were made strictly intended only for men. Women workers have stayed in the female jobs because they were not given the opportunity of a wide range of vocational education and training male workers received. The best place for many women to get a vocational training was private institution. However women workers entered the industry have disparaged women and their labor was not only to get away from work. Women workers did not disparage their work and did not try to escape from their own work. Women workers have formed the pride as workers through skills and technology. The recognition of others was the `social recognition` that had not been obtained at school and home. However, such recognition and pride of the women workers was difficult to last. Such women workers with skills and influence in the paradoxical situation have turned to a democratic trade union activists. Skilled female workers have led the democratic trade union movement. Previously They were able to control the workplace through technology. They have tried to overthrew the workshop order. Ironically, they used the ability to control the workplace through technology for the younger women workers to take part in trade union activities. In the process, they were able to regain the pride and recognition of others, the social impact that `initial labor` granted to them but could never persist.
1960년대 일본조선연구소의 `식민사상` 제기와 `고도성장체제` 비판
장미현 ( Jang Mi-hyun ) 역사문제연구소 2012 역사문제연구 Vol.16 No.1
The Japanese Joseon Research Institute was a research facility established in 1961, during the time of the Korea-Japan talks and also the `Return project,` the time when the Japanese researchers` interest in Korean studies was growing higher than ever. Through the 1960s and `70s, the Japanese Joseon Research Institute pursued both academic studies and reform activities, and with their activities either in the form of publications or seminars, members of the institute argued that in order to truly reform Japan, the “Colonial thinking(the Colonial philosophy)” of the Japanese public should be erased from the minds of the Japanese people. The Japanese Joseon Research Institute was a place where not only researchers studying the history of Joseon, but also researchers studying the history of entire Asia, all gathered together and analyzed (while also displaying themselves) all the changes that were occurring throughout the Japanese society, as well as the academic community, in the 1960s. The primary focus of the studies and activities of the Japanese Joseon Research Institute was no other than the Korean peninsula, the country which had been invaded by the Japanese imperialism in the early half of the 20th century, and the country the Japanese people was once again about to infiltrate with their economic advances enabled by the Korea-Japan talks in 1965. They argued that the activities of the Institute should concentrate upon eliminating the above-mentioned “Colonial thinking(the Colonial philosophy),” which was turning out to be a constant dilemma which Japan had to face all the time when it negotiated with the Joseon people. The Institute members` intentions were not to merely assess how much of a responsibility the Japanese would have to bear for their invasion of the Joseon peninsula in the past, but to determine the process in which `Colonial thinking` was reinforcing the structure of (Japanese) ruling (of Korea) in the present. It was truly a huge departure from the Japanese `Colonial attitude,` and surprisingly it came from no other than the researchers of Japan, which had been the Imperial motherland in the first place. The concentrated high development in the Japanese society during the late 1960s was also considered to have been a result of Japan`s `invasion` of the Korean economy which was made possible after the signing of the Korea-Japan talks. The Institute argued that because the Colonial thinking was never successfully eliminated or sufficiently suppressed, the Japanese people were not regarding such offenses as invasive ones. They passionately argued that in order to go beyond all the `high developments,` the Colonial `philosophy` should be resolved and be done with more thoroughly. The Japanese Joseon Research Institute`s argument that criticised the Japanese authorities for `forgetting the responsibility for colonizing a country and ruling it,` and that the colonial philosophy was still continuing to exist, was something that was hard to swallow for their contemporary Japanese brethren, who considered the post-war era to be an entirely different time period from the pre-war period, as seen from a `Post-war Democracy` perspective. Even the Japanese Communists blamed the Japanese Joseon Research Institute for defining the victims(the people) as offenders. `Colonial philosophy` was all about Japan`s responsibility for its own past deeds, colonizing a country and ruling it with a fist. Yet the Japanese Joseon Research Institute did not use the word only to analyze the past. The institute members wanted to change the world, and the future of Japan. It was a cause to reconfigure the Japanese consciousness, and the very topic the institute utilized in doing so was the history of Joseon. The Japanese Joseon Research Institute defined the `researchers` as `research activists,` and established the elimination of Colonial thinking(philosophy) as their top-priority action. Their such stance was well reflecting the nature of the Japanese intellectuals of the time, who were more than ready to delve into the real world. They raised some issues regarding the `fashion` of the Japan society`s high development, when economic developments were in high-gear and especially based upon no other than the `colonial thinking`. They urged the Japanese people to think about the role the “Imperialist Americans(or the `Americans fighting the Cold war`)” urged them to play in the first place.
1960~70년대 산업재해보상보험제도의 시행과 산재(産災)노동자의 대응
장미현 ( Mi Hyun Jang ) 수선사학회 2014 사림 Vol.0 No.50
Generally Industrial accidents compensation system is thought to be typical Industrial accidents compensation system. However, when Industrial accidents compensation system was introduced in Korea, society didn`t accept the system easily. It was due to the social mood that anti-poverty and unemployment is more critical issue than social security system. Some of the workers didn`t welcome for fear that the amount of heir Industrial accidents compensation, which gained from collective agreement, will decrease. Unwelcomed Industrial accidents compensation system raised various complaints from workers as the companies adapting the system expanded. the Minister of Office of Labor Affairs added a regulation in Industrial accidents compensation system limiting the payment of insurance in case when the fault lied in owner of the company or disabled worker. It meant the system accused the responsibility of Industrial accident to the disabled worker, which became a critical reason to make workers unsatisfied with the Industrial accidents compensation system. ``Merit rate`` of the industrial accident compensation insurance conducted in the same reason covered up the accident rather than to improve the effects of the industrial accident prevention results. Workers, the direct victim of the accident were not satisfied with the industrial accident compensation insurance itself. Workers saying the accident insurance to be operated "severely" due to ``Insurance Application restrictions` raised the institutional problem of the insurance. Korea Confederation of Trade Unions insisted that the system be improved receiving the complaints of victims of an industrial accident. Individual accident workers asked the responsibility of the Company for the industrial accident occurrence and filed a civil lawsuit. This was a result of the spread that awareness to corporate rights liability is caused by industrial accident. But workers` compensation claims and civil action was only a post-compensation to request for legal action. This situation was began to change after a ``Min, Jeongjin incidents of Hyeopsin Leather Industry`` in 1977. The family of Min, Jeongjin and workers insisted that the work order issued to workers in the workplace where an industrial accident is taken place inevitably be equal to ``Worker Murder``. They demanded the Minister of Office of Labor Affairs to step down and Hyeopsin Leather Industry President Moon Jaein be placed under arrest because they were responsible for the incident. It was "the moment of the Change" that demands of the workers to stay in the post-compensation level was progressed to "The level" to require the Government and corporate to answer for not preventing the accident itself.
박정희 정부 시기 기능경기대회의 도입과 ‘엘리트’ 기능공들의 임계
장미현(Jang, Mi-Hyun) 역사학연구소 2017 역사연구 Vol.- No.32
1964년 이후 박정희 정부는 기능인력 증대와 공업선진국 한국의 이미지 창출을 위해 국제기능올림픽 참가를 결정했다. 초기에는 국위선양과 한국 상품의 이미지 제고를 통한 수출증대라는 경제적 목적이 강했지만 대회를 직접 주관하고 있던 제 단체들과 이 단체들을 감독한 노동청은 청소년 기능공들의 기능 측정, 기능향상, 그리고 청소년 기능공에 대한 사회적 인식 변화와 기능이 우대받는 사회를 만든다는 사회적 목표를 표방했다. 주최 측의 우려와는 달리 목표는 성공적으로 수행되었다. 무엇보다 청소년 기능공들의 호응이 컸다. 청소년 기능공들의 참여와 경쟁이 심화된 배경에는 학교와 기업 간 경쟁이 있었다. 기업의 경우, 소속 선수가 우수한 성적을 거둘 경우 기업의 기술력이 뛰어나다는 이미지 제고뿐만 아니라 정부가 지원하는 사업 선정에도 유리했다. 국가와 학교, 기업, 개인의 이해가 맞아 비교적 단기간에 기능경기 대회는 정착했다. 이 대회로 인해 부의 축적과 고시 합격, 항력 상승과 같은 요인 외에 기능, 나아가 기술이 성공 요인으로 인정받는 시대로 접어들었다. 일부의 엘리트 기능공들은 이런 시대적 변화를 타고 개인적 계층 상승을 이뤘다. 그러나 기능우대사회를 형성하기 위해 도입된 기능경기대회는 기능공들 내부의 치열한 경쟁의 장이었다. 박정희 정권이 만든 기능우대사회는 기능을 가진 모든 기능공들이 자신의 기술력으로 인정받는 사회가 아닌, 경쟁에서 승리한 기능공들을 선별해 혜택을 부여하는 방식을 취하고 있었다. 청소년 기능공들에게 주어진 가장 큰 혜택은 대학진학의 기회 부여였다. 역설적으로 가장 우수한 기능공들부터 탈기능공화를 시도했다. 그 결과 기능우대사회를 만들기 위해 도입된 기능경기대회의 수상 특혜가 학벌과 학력 중심을 강화하는 효과를 창출했다. 이 과정에서 최고의 기능을 가진 일부 ‘엘리트’ 기능공들마저도 학력과 학벌 중심의 사회로부터 소외를 느꼈다. 사실 ‘기능공존중사회’는 생산직 노동자의 사회적 지위 자체를 높여야 가능한 것이었다. 기능공의 지위 향상이나 학력중심사회의 타파는 결국 생산 자체에 종사하고 있던 노동자들의 사회적 지위가 그 외 직업 종사자들과 비슷해져야 이룰 수 있다. 그리고 1980년대 이후 기능우대, 노동존중의 사회를 만들어 간 것은 국가가 아닌 노동자들 자신이었다. Since 1964, Park Chung Hee government has decided to participate in the International Vocational Training Competition to increase the number of skilled workers and to create an image of a developed industrial country in Korea. In the early years, the economic purpose of increasing exports by enhancing the image of Korean products and strengthening national prestige was strong. However, the organizations that directly supervised the conventions and Office of Labor Affairs that supervised these organizations were responsible for measuring the skills of youth workers, And the social goal of creating a society in which changes in social perceptions and skills are favorable. Unlike the organizer"s concerns, the goal was accomplished successfully. First of all, the response of youth workers was great. There was competition between the school and the company in the backdrop of the participation and competition among the youth workers. In the case of companies, if the participants perform well, it is advantageous to enhance the image that the company has superior technology, and it was also advantageous to select a business supported by the government. have settled in a relatively short period of time because the interests of the state, schools, corporations and individuals are same. This competition has brought us to the era when skills and technologies are recognized as success factors in addition to factors such as accumulation of wealth, acceptance of examination, increase in academic ability. Some of the ‘elite’ craftsmen have achieved this level of personal change by taking advantage of these changes. However, This competition which was introduced to form a society that treats skills was a field of fierce competition within them. The society that treats skills created by Park Jung-hee regime took the way of selecting beneficiaries of the competitors who won the competition rather than a society in which all the skilled workers with the skills were recognized by their own skills. The greatest benefit to award-winning practitioners was the opportunity to advance to college, and paradoxically, the most talented practitioners attempted to seek escape from their existing status. As a result, the award privilege of the competition which was introduced to create a preferential society created the effect of strengthening the academic center. Even some "elite" technicians who have the best function in this process felt alienated from the academic and academic centered society. In fact, "Respectful workers" society was able to raise through the improvement of the status of skilled workers or the breakdown of academic-centered society can only be achieved if the social status of the workers engaged in production itself is similar to those of other occupations. And since the 1980s, it was the workers themselves, not the state, who created a society of skill preference and respect for labor.
산업화 시기 정부와 여성단체의 ‘여성직종’ 구상과 여성들의 대응
장미현(Jang, Mi-hyun) 숙명여자대학교 아시아여성연구원 2017 아시아여성연구 Vol.56 No.2
이 연구는 1970년대 정부와 여성단체의 ‘여성직종’ 구상과 ‘여성직종’ 확대를 위해 추진한 여성직업개발사업의 전개 과정 및 그것이 일으킨 변화를 고찰한다. 여성노동력 개발 논의는 1970년대에 시작됐다. 당시 정부는 여성인력개발정책을 고려했고 공식적으로는 여성의 직업 생활을 장려했다. 그 이유는 경제개발계획에 더 많은 여성 노동력을 동원하기 위해서였다. 정부가 선정한 ‘여성직종’에는 기존의 저임금 수출산업에 해당하는 업종이 포함됐다. 고학력 여성이 진출할 ‘여성직종’의 필요도 인지하고 있었지만 고학력 여성들의 직업의식 부족에서 원인을 찾아 여성에게 책임을 전가했다. 제한적이나마 ‘여성직종’ 개발 논의가 확산됐던 것은 ‘여성직종’의 개발이 필요하다는 여성들과 여성단체의 요구가 있어서였다. 이러한 사회적 분위기 아래, ‘여성직종’ 개발에 나선 것은 YWCA와 같은 여성단체의 여성들이었다. YWCA는 ‘새로운 여성직업개발사업’을 통해 성별직종분리구조를 바꾸려했다. 이러한 목표 아래 YWCA는 기존의 ‘여성직종’은 제외하고 ‘남성직종’ 중 여성의 진출이 가능한 직종을 ‘여성직종’으로 선정했다. 이 중 도배, 페인트, 타일 분야의 훈련을 통해 각 분야 여성기능사들을 배출했다. 그 결과, 도배․페인트․타일 업종에서 일정정도 남녀 근로조건의 평등화와 작업장의 젠더 위계질서의 변화가 일어났다. 훈련을 통해 ‘남성직종’에 진출한 여성들은 작업현장의 젠더위계변화, 남성과 동등한 임금을 받는 경험에서 자부심을 느꼈다. 그리고 이들 여성들의 경험과 인식 변화야말로 1980년대 ‘여성직종’의 확대를 만들어 낸 동력이었다. This article aims to analyze “female occupation” ideas of government and female organizations, and the process of promoting “women"s vocational development projects” and the change that resulted. In the 1970s, at least formally, the government encouraged including the need for women"s labor development projects in women"s vocational lives, as part of promoting the economic development plan. The government"s “female occupation” was comprised only of an industry corresponding to the existing low-wage export industry. The government was aware of the necessity of a “female occupation” that advanced into recruiting highly educated women. But the government found the reason for the lack of job consciousness among highly educated women. Even the limited development policy of a “female occupation” was possible because women and women"s organizations said that the development of a “female occupation” was necessary, and created a social atmosphere for it. In this social atmosphere, it was women from women"s groups like the YWCA that started to develop a “female occupation.” YWCA tried to change the structure of gender occupational separation through a “New Women"s Vocational Development Project.” Unlike the government, the YWCA excluded the existing “female occupation.” Instead, the YWCA defined “female occupation” as occupations that women could enter, among “male occupations.” It trained female workers in fields such as papering, painting, and tiling. As a result, there has been a slight change in the gender hierarchy and conditions of the workplace. Through training, female participants who entered “male occupations” felt proud of their experience in the gender hierarchy, and equal pay for men and women. The change in the experience and perception of these women was the driving force behind the expansion of “female occupations” in the 1980s.
도시 및 건축 분야의 성인지통계 현황 분석 및 개선방안
장미현(Jang, Mi-Hyun),차은아(Cha, Eun-Ah),강미선(Kang, Mi-Seon) 대한건축학회 2012 대한건축학회논문집 Vol.28 No.11
With the institutionalization of ‘Gender Mainstreaming’ strategy, creating gender statistics is a basic requirement for the gender-sensitive policy making along with Gender Impact Assessment and Gender-sensitive Budget. In spite of its significance and urgency, Gender-sensitive Statistics has hardly been produced in the field of urban planning and architecture, since the field has not only long been regarded as gender-neutral and but also been disinterested in the gender-sensitive policy making. This study aims to examine the current situation of the gender statistics in the field of urban planning and architecture and to propose the ways of improvement for the production of gender statistics and its application. Developing Gender-sensitive Statistics enables to enlighten the different situations of men and women and to analyze the different influence of urban planning and architectural policy for creating gender-sensitive urban environment.