RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색
다국어 입력

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

예시)
  • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
  • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
닫기
    인기검색어 순위 펼치기

    RISS 인기검색어

      검색결과 좁혀 보기

      선택해제
      • 좁혀본 항목 보기순서

        • 원문유무
        • 원문제공처
        • 등재정보
        • 학술지명
          펼치기
        • 주제분류
        • 발행연도
          펼치기
        • 작성언어
        • 저자
          펼치기

      오늘 본 자료

      • 오늘 본 자료가 없습니다.
      더보기
      • 무료
      • 기관 내 무료
      • 유료
      • SCOPUSKCI등재

        편평 (扁平) 태선 의 1 예

        임삼조,김영규,박종섭 대한피부과학회 1972 대한피부과학회지 Vol.10 No.1

        A case of Lichen planus in 41 year old with predisposing emotional factor is reported here and reviewed therapeutic experiences and reveiwed of literatures. This patient who has been suffering from pruritic, dull erythematous maculo-papular eruptions of trunk and extremites which was preoccupied with imagination as if she were exposed sequela to atomic bomb explosion in Japan, World War II, is presented.

      • KCI등재

        유전마을 은진송씨 가문의 학맥과 독립청원운동

        임삼조 경상국립대학교 경남문화연구원 2023 남명학연구 Vol.78 No.-

        This study examines the flow and characteristics of the anti-Japanese movement of the Eunjin Song Clan, which represents the Hapcheon County in Gyeongsangnam-do from the late 19th century to the early 20th century. The Eunjin Song Clan not only established their own academic world based on Nammyeonghak and Hanjuhak, but also inherited the practical participation consciousness of Nammyeonghak and Hanjuhak. This was evident during the Independence Petition Movement in 1919. Among the 137 signatories of the "Independence Petition," five were from the Eunjin Song Clan. They were Song Hogi, Song Jaerak, Song Cheolsu, Song Howan, and Song Howan, who exemplify the Eunjin Song Clan's era consciousness and anti-Japanese movement. All the individuals who signed the "Independence Petition" are descendants of the Chungsunwi Gongpa branch of the Eunjin Song Clan. In their youth, they learned from Namgok Song Hui-il, and as they grew up, they studied under Jumunpalhyeon's representative disciple, Jumunpalhyeon Jeongmoonpalhyeon, including Husan Heo Yu, Gangjae Lee Seung-hee, and Myeonu Gwak Jong-seok. They were particularly influenced by Myeonu Gwak Jong-seok. When the Eulsa Treaty was signed, Song Howan participated in the complex grassroots movement to invalidate the treaty in Seoul along with his teachers Gwak Jong-seok and Lee Seung-hee, and more than 300 students. He realized the difficulties of the movement for protecting national sovereignty under international law and planned an armed uprising with Choi Ik-hyeon, Jeong Jae-gyu, Kwon Woon-hwan, and Song Howan, but it ended in failure. Song Hogon also continued a passive form of non-collaborative anti-Japanese movement, refusing the "Civil Code" and creating a monument to commemorate the Gyeongjikukchi Day. Song Howan and Song Hogon recognized the limitations of actively engaging in anti-Japanese movements within the country after the failure of the complex grassroots movement and armed uprising. They mainly focused on nurturing disciples in hiding and dedicating themselves to academics while waiting for an opportunity to participate in the independence movement. In 1919, Song Hogi, Song Jaerak, Song Howan, Song Cheolsu, and Song Hogon participated in the Independence Petition Movement, as they learned about the possibility of diplomatic independence through the international situation and maintained close contact with their teacher, Gwak Jong-seok. They became aware of the international situation that made diplomatic independence possible and engaged in the Independence Petition Movement by contacting their teacher Gwak Jong-seok. They joined the movement from March 13th to March 18th, 1919, by signing the "Independence Petition." The participation of the Eunjin Song Clan in the complex grassroots movement, armed uprising, and Independence Petition Movement is associated with the scholarly inclination of their household, which emphasized Practical Confucianism. 본 글은 19세기 말~20세기 초 경상남도 합천군을 대표하는 남인 가문인 은진송씨 가문의 항일운동의 흐름과 특성을 파악한 연구이다. 은진송씨 가문은 남명학을 토대로 하여 한주학을 계승하여 자기 가문의 학문 세계를 확립했을 뿐만 아니라, 남명학과 한주학의 실천적 현실 참여 의식을 계승하였다. 이는 1919년에 일어난 독립청원운동에서 잘 드러난다. 당시 「독립청원서」의 서명자 137명 가운데 5명이 은진송씨 가문 출신이다. 그들은 송호기·송재락·송철수·송호완·송호곤으로, 은진송씨 가문의 시대 인식과 항일운동을 잘 보여준다. 「독립청원서」에 서명한 인물들은 모두 은진송씨 충순위공파 후손들이다. 이들은 어려서는 난곡 송희일에게서 배우고, 장성해서는 한주 이진상의 대표적 제자인 주문팔현에 속하는 후산 허유·강재 이승희·면우 곽종석의 문하에서 공부하였으며, 특히 면우 곽종석의 영향을 많이 받았다. 송호완은 을사늑약이 체결되자 스승 곽종석·이승희와 등 300여 명의 유생과 함께 서울에서 을사늑약 무효화를 위한 복합상소운동에 참여하였다. 그는 만국공법에 따른 국권수호운동이 어려움을 깨닫고 최익현·정재규·권운환·송호완 등과 의병전쟁을 계획했으나 실패로 끝났다. 송호곤 역시 「민적법」을 거부하거나, 죽림계를 만들어 경술국치일을 기념하는 등 소극적 형태의 비타협적 항일운동을 이어 나갔다. 송호완·송호곤은 복합상소운동이나 의병전쟁이 좌절된 후 국내에서 적극적으로 항일운동을 펼치기에는 한계가 많음을 파악하고, 주로 은거해 제자를 길러내거나 학문에 매진하면서 독립운동에 참여할 기회를 기다리고 있었다. 1919년 송호기·송재락·송호완·송철수·송호곤은 외교 독립이 가능할 수 있다는 국제 정세를 접하고 스승 곽종석과 긴밀히 연락을 취하면서 독립청원운동에 참여하였다. 1919년 3월 13일부터 3월 18일 사이에 「독립청원서」에 연서하였다. 은진송씨 가문이 복합상소운동·의병전쟁·독립청원운동 등에 참가한 것은 ‘실천 유학’을 중시하던 그들 집안의 학문적 성향과 연관되어 있다.

      • KCI등재

        경상감영 건물의 명칭과 그 의미

        임삼조 계명대학교 한국학연구원 2023 한국학논집 Vol.- No.93

        In the Joseon Dynasty, the Gamyeong system was operated in the early period under the "Haengyeong" system, and in the later period under the "Yuyeong" system. Therefore, in the later period of the Joseon Dynasty when the Yuyeong system was established, significant government offices were established at each location where Gamyeong was set up. in this way, the scale of Gamyeong was closely related to changes in the roles and functions of the observers or Gamyeong officials. This was also the case for Gyeongsang Gamyeong. A prominent source for understanding the scale and functions of Gyeongsang Gamyeong facilities is "Gyeongsangdo JainHyeon illok," written by Oh Hwangmok on September 14, 1889, during his stay at Gyeongsang Gamyeong. The document provides detailed information about the official names, individual offices, budget allocations, departments, locations, and structures of Gyeongsang Gamyeong's government buildings. "Gyeongsangdo Jain Hyeonillok" serves as a significant resource, showcasing Gyeongsang Gamyeong in its most grandeur state and remains a valuable historical document for verifying the scale of Gyeongsang Gamyeong before it was damaged in the early 1900s. Firstly, in the Gamyeong system, important facilities were designed to embody Confucian governance ideology and to have a direct impact on the lives of the common people, including officials like observers. Buildings such as Seonhwadang, Jingsaenggak, and Yeosugak were designated as places where budget allocations, financial affairs, and supply management were recorded, serving as a boundary to ensure accountability. Conversely, buildings related to external affairs officials and those in charge of various services, such as Dohundocheong, Geomnyuldang, and Simyakdang, had names that clearly reflected their functions and roles. Secondly, as the 19th century progressed, the functions of external affairs officials, accountants, and service personnel within Gyeongsang Gamyeong became more specialized and detailed. This led to the construction of separate buildings with distinctive names to accommodate their specific roles. Furthermore, buildings related to officials with various functions were constructed on a relatively large scale. In addition, distinctions were made in the nomenclature of buildings and spaces for officials and personnel associated with Gyeongsang Gamyeong, Jungyeong, and Buwa. Particularly within Gyeongsang Gamyeong, the lower-level government offices responsible for Gamyeong affairs were referred to as "Yeongyeong (嶺營).“ Thirdly, using Gwanpungnu as a reference point, to the west of Gwanpungnu, there were buildings related to lower-level officials and service personnel, such as Saryeongbang, Gwannobang, and Gyobang, which were the lowest-ranked government offices within Gyeongsang Gamyeong. To the east, there were buildings related to lower-ranking military officials, including Gunroebang, Sunnyeongsucheong, and Chuigosucheong. Finally, the entrances and exits of Gyeongsang Gamyeong included several gates and doors. These included the main gate, which formed a straight line from the Forjeongmun to the Jungsammoon (or Naesammoon) and led to Seonhwadang. There was also a gate called Yeonbinmun that separated the guesthouse and Gyeongsang Gamyeong, another gate known as Donghyeopmun that separated Gyeongsang Gamyeong from Jungyeong, and a gate referred to as Seohyeopmun, which separated the space of observers from the space of officials with various functions.

      • KCI등재

        19세기 중・후반 한계 이승희의 사회개혁론과 내수자강(內修自强)운동

        임삼조 동아인문학회 2024 동아인문학 Vol.66 No.-

        Lee Seung-hee inherited the social reform ideology of his grandfather, Lee Won-jo, and father, Lee Jin-sang, with a strong determination to overcome the limits and contradictions of late 19th-century Joseon society. He went beyond merely proposing social reform theories, extending them to his own hometown, the village of Yudo-myeon, Seongju-gun, where he directly implemented social reform measures to seek solutions and gradually developed his own social reform theory. During the Imsool Peasant Revolt of 1862, he focused on tax reforms, while during the Seongju Peasant Revolt of 1883, he aimed to achieve social reform through the village drug movement. By the 1890s, his social reform ideology had evolved into a method of strengthening domestic resources.

      • 1920년대 조선인의 공립보통학교 설립운동

        임삼조(Lim Sam-Cho) 계명사학회 2006 계명사학 Vol.17 No.-

        In 1920s, Koreans preferred the Public Common Schools after reappearance of their education desires, and those states of education carried on establishing the Public Common Schools. Therefore this thesis will study the main class of the Public Common Schools and the ways of the establishment movement of the Public Common Schools. Koreans had a negative consciousness of Modern Education and Modern Schools in 1910s. They had not wanted to enter the Government Public Common Schools because they had thought that Modern Schools were Japanese Schools. However, they had wanted to enter these schools after 3ㆍ1 movement in 1919. There were a few reasons. In the early of 1920, Koreans had concerned about development effective power theory. Therefore, educated people of Koreans had briskly participated on education activities, and that activities had been universalized to common people since the civilization movement theory had been appeared. Since 1920s, an expansion policy of Public Common Schools by Japan Government was 'one school per three villages system' theory. However the policy could not solve the difficulties of entering into schools. Nevertheless, Japan Government had not planned the expansion policy of the Public Common Schools for Koreans any more on the pretext of 'one school per three villages system' theory. Koreans began to establish the Public Common Schools by themselves because Japan Government didn't propose an expansion policy of the Public Common Schools any more. The establishment movement of the Public Common Schools was made up village unit(面單位). The influential group of a village(有志), a chief of a village(面長), bring up spirit association, young people association, an educational society, etc had actively led the establishment movement of the Public Common Schools. Japan Government had wanted Koreans to take part in the establishment movement of the Public Common Schools, they had actually objected that movement. They didn't permit the establishment of the Public Common Schools because of 'one school per three villages system' theory on movement of new opening up the Public Common Schools, and they objected the establishment of the Public Common Schools because of shortage appropriation or not peaceful institution on movement of institutes were modified into the Public Common Schools exchange to the Public Common Schools or movement of graduation period extension. Namely Japan Government didn't feel necessaries for establishing of the Public Common Schools for Koreans because they had thought the Public Common Schools as the last instrument of education for Koreans. Koreans had continuously carried on the establishment movement of the Public Common Schools till in 1930s in spite of those objections by Japan Government.

      • SCOPUSKCI등재

        형제간에 발생한 색소성 (色素性) 건피증의 2 예

        박종섭,임삼조,김영규 대한피부과학회 1971 대한피부과학회지 Vol.9 No.3

        Two cases of xeroderma pigmentosum in brothers without complicated by malignant changes were presented. The clinical and histopathological studies revealed characteristic features of the disease and literatures reviewed.

      연관 검색어 추천

      이 검색어로 많이 본 자료

      활용도 높은 자료

      해외이동버튼