荀子의 政治思想에 관한 硏究

李奐九 군산대학교 현대이념연구소 1986 現代理念硏究 Vol.1 No.-

軍事的 體系分析의 民間的 活用에 관한 小考

李奐九 군산대학교 1975 論文集 Vol.8 No.1

1. The Purpose of this study Our pur purpose is to discuss the question of extending military systems analysis to the civilian government, to point out some of the limitations of analysis in this role, and to call attention to techniques that seem likely to be particularly useful. 2. The meaning of Systems Analysis Broadly speaking, any orderly analytic study designed to help a decision-maker identify a preferred course of action from among possible alternatives might be termed a systems analysis. As commonly used in the defense community, the phrase "systems analysis" refers to formal inquiries intended to advise a decision-maker on the policy choices involved in such matters as weapon development, force posture design, or the determination of strategic objectives. Systems analysis represents an approach to, or way of looking at, complex problems of choice under uncertainty that should have utility in the Planning-Programming-Budgeting(PPB) process. 3. The Process of Systems Analysis The key of successful analysis is a continuous cycle of formulating the problem, selecting objectives, designing alternatives, collection for sensitivity, questioning assumptions and data, re-examining the objectives, opening new alternatives, building better models, and so on, until satisfaction is obtained or time or money force a cut-off. There are five elements of analysis in the process as follows, and each is present in every analysis of choice and should always be explicitly identified. 1) The objectives The first and most important task of the analyst is to discover what the decision-maker's objectives are and then how to measure the extent to which theese objectives are, in fact, attained by various choices. This done, strategies, policies, or possible actions can be examined, compared, and recommeded on the basis of how well and how cheaply they can accomplish these objeclives. 2) The alternatives The alternatives are the means by which it is hoped the objectives can be attained. They may be policies or strategies or specific actions or instrumentalities. 3) The costs The choice of a particuar alternative for accomplishing the objectives implies that certain specific resources can no longer be used for other purposes. These are costs. 4) The models A model is simplified, stylized representation of the real world that abstracts the cause and effect relationships essential to the question studied. In systems analysis, or any analysis of choice, the role of the model is to estimate for each alternative the costs that would be incurred and the extent to which the objectives would be attained. 5) A criterion A criterion is a rule or standard by which to rank the alternatives in order or desirability. It provides a means for weighing cost against effectiveness. 4. Principles of Good Analysis 1) It is very important to tackle the "right" problem. 2) The analysis must be systems oriented. 3) The presence of uncertainty should be recognized, and an attempt made to take it into account. 4) The analysis attempts to discover new alternatives as well as to improve the obvious ones. 5) The analysis should strive to attain the standards traditional to science. 5. Virtues and Limitations of Systems Analysis 1) The virtues a) Without calculation there is no way to discover how many missiles may be needed to destroy a target system, or how arms control may affect security. b) Analysis forces the devotees of a program to make explicit their lines of argument, to calculate the resources their programs will require as well as the advantages they might produce. c) It offers an alternative to muddling through or to settling national problems by analyzing the policy choices under uncertainty sharply. 2) The limitations a) Analysis is incomplete. Time and money costs obviously place sharp limits on how far any inquiry can be carried. Even with no limitations of them, analysis can never treat all the considerations that may be relevant. b) Measures of effectiveness are approximate. In military comparisons, they are at best reasonably satisfactory approximations for indicating the attainment of such vaguely defined objectives as deterrence or victory. c) No satisfactory way to predict the future exists. While it is possible forecast events in the sense of mapping out possible futures, there is no satisfactory way to predict a single future for which we can work out the best system or determine an optimum policy. 6. Conclusion At its narrowest, systems analysis has offered a way to choose the numerical quantities related to a weapon system so that they are logically consistent with each other, with an assumed objectives, and with the calculator's expectation of the future. At its broadest, through providing the analytic backup for the plans, programs, and budgets of the various ministries and establishments of the government, it can help guide national policy. Nowadays, we are faced with an abundance of challenges : how to keep the peace, how to alleviate the hardships of social change, how to provide food and comfort the inaffluent, how to improve the social institutions and the values of the affluent, how to cope with revolutionary innovations, and so. Since systems analysis represents an approach to, or way of looking at, any problem of choice under uncertainty, it should be able to help with these problems. But its capabilities have yet to be fully exploited.

國民學校兒童의 政治社會化에 관한 調査硏究 : 政置的 權威에 대한 認識 및 態度를 中心으로

李奐九 군산대학교 1976 論文集 Vol.9 No.2

Ⅰ. Introduction 1. The Need for this Study The study of political socialization seems to be one of the most promising approaches to understanding political stability and development. Herbert Hyman views political socialization as a continuous learning process involing both emotional learning and manifest political indoctrination, and as being mediated by all of the participations and experiences of the individual and not simply by early family experiences. As the orientation of a person toward political matters is formed through political socialization, the maintenance and the change of political culture are also carried out through politcal socialization. The socialization process goes on continuously throughout the life of the individual. Attitudes are not established during infancy and untouched after the age of ten. They are always being adapted or reinforced as the individual ages through his social experiences. The family unit is the first socialization structure and the school structure is a second powerful influence in political socialization encountered by the individual. Since the schools are the socialization agency most easily controlled by the political system, many nations have attempted to use the public schools to bridge the geap betwen subcultures and the national political culture. Especially, the elementary schools can reinforce affection for the political system and can provide common symbols for the expressive response to the sytem. In view of our urgent need to form a developed stable society, this study attempts to seeif political attitudes and values of elementary school children in Korea are desirable for the national consensus and development. 2. Purpose of the Study Our purposes are 1) to ascertain their current political cognitions and attitudes and to find the best way to bring up the children by looking into the real situation, 2) to examine the developmental process through which children acquire political orientation and pattern behavior throughout the grades with emphasis on the age-related congnitive and attitudinal change toward the political authorities, 3) to observe the differences of political cognitions and attitudes according to their sex, residential area and socioeconomic status. 3. Sampling and Survey Method In order to look into the actual situation of the children's political socialization through grade levels, we made up a questionnaire of 44 items, selected from items which had been used in most of political socialization researches in the United States. The survey was conducted from July 1 to October 31 in 1975. There were 1,103 subjects drawn from 2nd, 3nd, 4th, 5th, 6th grade elementary school boys and girls at three purposefully selected schools, i.e., two elementary schoos in Kunsan City and one in a rural area, in consideration of their sex distinction, district distribution and socioeconomic status. The questionnaire sheets were handed to some teachers, who in turn distributed one to each student and retrieved them in an hour. The collected data were analyzed by using percentage tabulations, ranking tabulations, or chi-square method, based on the theoretical foundations obtained from researches of western scholars. Ⅱ. Findings and Analysis 1. Elementary school children in Korea have a far higher level of national attachment toward their fatherland, in comparison with the children's in the late 1960s. Their enth usiastic senses of attachment toward fatherland are desirable for the national consensus and development. 2. The findings which grow out of this analysis surprise us who are accustomed to think of children as innocent of political thought. For not only does the child quite early begin to orient himself to the rather remote and mystical world of politics, but even forms notions about its most abstract parts-such as government in general. Their orientations as they grow older shift from personal, personal, to institutional, political object of authority. The early dominance of personalization in the cognitive image of government is gradually superseded by an institutional emphasis. The above findings have many points of similarity to those of American children. 3. The child's affective response to government is affirmative. The benevolent, protective, helpful, and otherwise positive qualities of government constitute the first and continuing overall context of evaluation. He begin to see that government is not always at the beck and call of the member of society. But at the same time as the child depersonalize his image of government, he comes to believe that government has more and more of the culturally approved capacities to do its job, such as leadership and knowledge. These ratings, however, are in themselves less positive expressions of affective response for trust and power in government, compared with those American children. 4. The findings say that President as a focal point of political socialization is protective, helpful, trustworthy, and so forth, and this is therefore what he is idealized for the children. Certainly these perceptions are encouraged to some extent by adult judgements. The child may learn directly form adults in his environment to feel this way about the President. If President is indeed the living symbol of the political system, we may suspect that support for the regime arises easily and naturally. 5. The childen's image of statemen is very affirmative in terms of honesty and reputation. The findings say that most elementary school children in Korea recognize the legitimacy of political authorities which is one of the most important bases of political power. 6. Basic attitudes and values of children toward government and citizenship are democratic, and the attitudes for demonstration against their governement is negative. These are desirable for the national security and the support for the political system in a sense. 7. Concerning the cognition of basic governmental functions, the sex differences we find are small and suggest a slightly faster rate of political socialization for boys. As to the political trust toward President, a slightly small difference appears with girls generally more positive, compared with the aggregate development. But the proportion between two groups shows nonsignificant difference at .05 level. 8. Concerning the district differences of development in an cognition of the chief lawmakig funcion of government, the proportion of urban children is a little higher in comparison with that of rural children(p〈.05). As to the political attitude toward members of National Assembly, the proportion of rural children show a more rising trust in comparison with a declining trust of urban children(p〉.05). 9. Concerning the socioeconomic status differences, the finding show a marked lead-lag effect for the cognition of chief lawmaking function of government. In this movement, the upper-status children tend to lead and the lower-status children tend to lag(p〈.01). In Table 53, the upper-status children show a higher political trust toward President, compared with that of lower-status children, even though the differences are minimal(p〉.05). Ⅲ. Proposal In view of the above findings, we can make three points of proposal in the context of the existing program of political education in the school. 1. The instable attitudes and values of elementary school children should be transformed by the objective-oriented ones with stability. 2. The present emphasis on a lot of political attitudes and values as instructional objectives should be replaced by teaching reliable knowledge and inquiry skill to the children. At the same time, through practical learning about the basic functions of government to the fullest extent, students should get real understanding of them in given community. 3. Considerable interests should be to the classroom climate and teaches behavior to achieve political consciousness formation and and attitudinal change of children for the effective input of support for the political system.

荀子의 禮治論에 관한 硏究

李奐九 圓光大學校 政治外交學科 1990 政治外交論叢- 圓光大學校 政治外交學科 Vol.4 No.-

Hsu¨n Tzu ( 315?∼234? B.C.) was one of the greatest literati in the Chou dynasty of China. He is best known because of his theory that human nature is originally evil. This is directly opposed to that of Mencius according to which human nature is originally good. Actually his view of human nature was somewhat similar to that of Kao Tzu, according to whom human nature is in itself neither good nor bad, and for whom morality is therefore something that is artificially added from without. Hsu¨n Tzu's thesis is that "the nature is evil ; his goodness is acquired training." According to him, "nature is the unwrought material of the original ; what are acquired are the accomplishments and refinements brought about by culture." Although Hsu¨n Tzu's view of human nature is the exact opposite of that of Mencius, he agrees with him that every man can become a sage, if he wants. According to Hsu¨n Tzu, man cannot live without some kind of a social organization, and in order to have a social organiztion, they need rules of conduct. These are the proprieties ( rites, social order, customary rules of living) which hold a important place in Confucianism generally, and are especially emphasized by Hsu¨n Tzu. Every man is originally egoistic, and in order to live together without contention, a measure or limit must be imposed on everyone in the satisfaction of his desires. The function of propriety is to set this limit. When there is the propriety, there is morality. Hsu¨n Tzu maintained that the people should be governed by propriety rather than by law and punishment. Officials should be appined equally before law and the ruler on the merit system, even though they are the common people. A sage-king would use his political authority to unify the minds of the people, and realize the propriety government to maintain national security and public wealfare for the people. Hsu¨n Tzu was a realistic Confucian who emphasized social control by propriety, and longed desperately for a political unification which would bring the troubled disorder of his time to an end.

MaxWeber의 客觀性 理論構造와 社會科學方法論

李奐九 군산대학교 1979 論文集 Vol.1 No.1

The view that the social sciences cannot achieve "objectivity" is closely connected with the view that some peculiarity of social phenomina precludes using the scientific method to investigate them. Max Weber offers a variety of arguments for his position on the objectivity of social science, Weber's theoretical starting point exposed him to two dangers : on the one hand, he risked a radical subjectivism, represented at the time by the utilitarian tradition, and on the other, he risked the antiscientific orientation of the historicists. However, Weber avoided both these dangers. Especially, Weber sought to refute the historicist school by emphasizing that studies of culture and history cannot avoid the use of typological concepts, and that the most important task is, therefore, to attempt to make these concepts exlicicit. He refused to accept the historicist claim that disciplines dealing with historical constellations are generically different from the natural sciences, even though the latter deal with recurrent events end discover general law s or regularities of high probability. According to Weber, there is no absolutely "objective" scientific analysis of culture-or put perhaps more narrowly but certainly not essentially differently for our purposes-of "social phenomena" independent of special and one-sided view points according to which they are selects, analyzed and organized for expository purposes. His conclusion is that an "objective" analysis of cultural events, which proceeds according to the thesis that the ideal of science is the reduction of empirical reality to "laws", is meaningless. In Weber's view, cultural studies are distinctive only in that they originate in the investigator's sense of what is culturally significant. But once a questionhas been accepted as significant, it is necessary to formulate concepts that will present the relevant evidance "systematically and in greater unity than has ever existed in the actual course of development" : these "ideal types" can then be employed as reference points for the analysis of behavior. A strategic element in Weber's confrontation of the Marxists, the utilitarians, and the historicist school was his insistence on a "value-free" social seience. While the Marxists construed the truth of social scientific assertions as contingent on history, Weber's concept permitted slim to assert the possibility of arriving at a scientific study of society by seperating personal evaluation from scientific judgements. And against the antiscientific particularism of the historicism of the historicist school, Weber was able to legitmize the scientific approach both by recognizing and delimiting the subjective dimension of the cultural significance of historical studies and by emphasizing the indispensability of concepts in historical analysis. The debate concerning the significance of Weber's position continues, but it is our first obligation to understand him as he wanted to be understand him as he wanted to be understood. It is his adoption of a nominalist position in social science that is of key importance in his critiques of Marxism, of theories of evolution, and of the historical school. Nowadays, most social scientists regard Weber's term "value-freedom(Wertfreiheit)" more as a highly, disciplined subjectivity very close to the objectivity which is excluded the investigators subject maximally than just as an exclusion of subjectivity for objectivity in the value judgement.

T.Hobbes의 宗敎觀에 關한 政治思想的 考察

李奐九 群山大學校 1983 論文集 Vol.5 No.-

Hobbes defines religion in general, together with true religion and superstition, as follows: fear of power invisible, feigned by the mind, or imagined from tales publicly allowed, "religion", not allowed, "superstition". And when the power imagined is truly such as we imagine, "true religion". Hobbes's theory of sovereignty brings to completion the process of subordinating the church to the civil power. Hobbes elaborates two paradigms in the Leviathan, one based upon the principles of nature only and the other upon supernatural revelations of the will of God. By the routes of both natural reason and supernatural revelation he purports to arrive at a single truth, for though there be many things in God's word above reason, yet there is nothing contrary to it. For Hobbes, Chritian revelation does not contradict the secular teaching of the Leviathan, but confirms it. There is no incompatibility between the civil and ecclesiastical aspects of the commonwealth. A reading of the Scriptures in the light of natural reason, he contends, leads to the conclusion that the separation of the church from the control of the civil sovereign is productive of the greatest disorder, and any other interpretation is erroneous. A church is for Hobbes merely a corporation. Like any corporation it must have a head and the head is the sovereign. It is a company of united in the person of one sovereign and therefore quite indistinguishable from the commonwealth itself. Temporal and spiritual government are identical. Hobbes prefers an Erastian solution to the religious question at the institutional level: the civil sovereign is also chief pastor of the church. But if there is a conflict between secular and divine laws, the subject should obey the civil soverieng, if compliance does not involve forfeiture of life eternal; if it does, the subject may prefer death of the to eternal damnation of the soul. Hobbes's advice to subjects to become martyrs for their consciences' sake, or obey the soverereign, is tantamount to establishing the duty of unlimited obedience for most people.

J.Lilburne과 水平派運動

李奐九 群山敎育大學 1968 論文集 Vol.2 No.-

1 At the times of the British revolution (1640-1660) which is sometimes called the puritan revolution, thee were some radical factions in the revolutionary camp, but the Leveller movement which was leaded by John Lilburne was the most remarkable of all those social movements. We can name three democrats as leaders of the Levellers : J. Lilburne, William Walwyn, Richard Overton. But, of them, J. Lilburne was the life and soul of their movement. Therefore, in this study I have made a close examination of the movement, largely in relation with J. Lilburne. 2 The Leveller movement was socially based on the people of section who were restrained from the feudal rents because of having not enough their own farms, and were oppressed by the terminal tenant system and the enclosure movement, which the presbyterian and the heads of the parliamentary army was supporting. The Levellers largely included the small producers, such as craftsmen, tradesmen, and poor farmers lagging behind in the capitalistic development of that times. Their appeal to the parliamentary army acquired a lot of supporters among the rank and file of the army being afflicted with their unpaid salaries. 3 Their Political claims are expressed well in the "Case of the Army truly stated (1647) "and" the Agreement for the People (1647, 1649)." The former maintains that the sovereignty originally resides in the people, and tha the freedom of choice and the consent done through the representatives of people are the only just foundation and thus the parliament, being the supreme organ, shall be convened every by the universal men's suffrage. The latter provides their claims as following : (1)the re-election of members of the parliament every year, (2)the freedom of business, (3)the aboliton of consumption taxes and that of taxation upon the masses, (4)the prohibition of debt imprisonment and death penalty except a murder case, (5)the establishment of jury system, (6)the freedom of religion, (7)the payment of unpaid salaries, and so on. 4 The Leveller movement, being the political, social movement with an antifeudalistic, democratic, democratic, and religious leaning, played a significant role in overthrowing the absolute monarchy of king Charles I to realize the good prosperity of the small-scale producers. In a word, the political ideal of the Levellers was the petit-bourgeois democracy, and their economic goal was the utopia of small producers.

Small Angle X-ray Scattering Studies of Thermal Transition in Styrene - Isoprene Block Copolymer

이환구,김영석,진왕철 한국고분자학회 1991 한국고분자학회 학술대회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.1991 No.10

「J. Locke」의 市民的 自由에 관한 硏究

李奐九 群山大學校 1984 論文集 Vol.9 No.-

1. John Locke(1632-1704) is generally acknowledged to be the first thinker to gather together into a seemingly coherent whole most of the leading themes of liberalism. Especially if one dwells on the Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Locke's epistemological masterpiece, one can detect numerous resemblances to T. Hobbes's approach. 2. According to Locke, civil liberty, or the liberty of man in society, consists in being under no legislative power, but that established, by consent, in the commonwealth; nor under the dominion of any will, or restraint of any law, but what that legislative shall enact according to the trust put in it. 3. According to Locke, the original state of nature was one in which peace and reason prevailed, unlike Hobbes's state of war. It was not lawless, since men lived under natural law, which Locke defined as a body of rules by reason, for the guidance of men in their natural condition. Under the law of nature all men are equal and possessed equal natural rights. Locke defined these as the rights to life, liberty, and property. 4. Locke believed that the right of property included the right of a man to his person and that this was the basis of his rights of life and liberty. private property came into existence through the labor a man incorporated into some object. Locke's labor theory of value advanced the cause of capitalism by justifying free enterprise and the profit system. 5. Locke emphasized the social contract among people by which the state was formed, like Hobbes. He added definiteness to the ideas of natural rights, seperation of powers, popular control, and the right of resistance. While Hobbes aimed to make authority absolute, Locke wished to establish its limitations.

마르쿠제의 批判理論에 관한 硏究

李奐九 群山大學校 1985 論文集 Vol.11 No.-

Herbert Marcuse (1898-1979) was one of the most well-known twentieth-century philosophers who has been the object of very lively public controversy. Enormously popular with the student generation of the 1960s, he suddenly emerged as the most potent intellectual force behind the New Left in the United States and much of Europe. His critical theory was grounded in a variant of Hegelian Marxim and stressed the subjective, critical, humanist dimensions of Marxism as opposed to the scientific and economistic interpretation of both orthodox Marxists and most anti-Marxists. By Marcuse, the rights and liberties which were such vital factors in the origins and earlier stages of industrial society yield to a higher stage of this society: they are losing their traditional rationale and content. Independence of thought, autonomy, and the right to political opposition are being deprived of their basic critical function in the advanced industrial society, one-dimensional society. Today's novel feature is the flattening out of the antagonism between culture and social reality through the obliteration of the oppositional, alien, and transcendent elements in the higher culture by virtue of which it constituted another dimension of reality. This liquidation of two-dimensional culture takes place not through the denial and rejection of the cultural values, but through their wholesale incorporation into the established order, through their reproduction and display on a massive scale. Marcuse suggested the combination of centralized authority and direct democracy as an alternative to correct the structural defects of one-dimensional society. He also proposed the planned utilization of resources for the satisfaction of vital needs with a minimum of toil, as an alternative to get out of the increasing irrationality of technological rationality, the constant threat of war, intensified exploitation, and dehumanization.