荀子의 政治思想에 관한 硏究

李奐九 군산대학교 현대이념연구소 1986 現代理念硏究 Vol.1 No.-

Morphology of Styrene - Isoprene / Poly ( vinylmethylether ) Blends

이환구,진왕철 한국고분자학회 1993 한국고분자학회 학술대회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.1993 No.10

荀子의 禮治論에 관한 硏究

李奐九 圓光大學校 政治外交學科 1990 政治外交論叢- 圓光大學校 政治外交學科 Vol.4 No.-

Hsu¨n Tzu ( 315?∼234? B.C.) was one of the greatest literati in the Chou dynasty of China. He is best known because of his theory that human nature is originally evil. This is directly opposed to that of Mencius according to which human nature is originally good. Actually his view of human nature was somewhat similar to that of Kao Tzu, according to whom human nature is in itself neither good nor bad, and for whom morality is therefore something that is artificially added from without. Hsu¨n Tzu's thesis is that "the nature is evil ; his goodness is acquired training." According to him, "nature is the unwrought material of the original ; what are acquired are the accomplishments and refinements brought about by culture." Although Hsu¨n Tzu's view of human nature is the exact opposite of that of Mencius, he agrees with him that every man can become a sage, if he wants. According to Hsu¨n Tzu, man cannot live without some kind of a social organization, and in order to have a social organiztion, they need rules of conduct. These are the proprieties ( rites, social order, customary rules of living) which hold a important place in Confucianism generally, and are especially emphasized by Hsu¨n Tzu. Every man is originally egoistic, and in order to live together without contention, a measure or limit must be imposed on everyone in the satisfaction of his desires. The function of propriety is to set this limit. When there is the propriety, there is morality. Hsu¨n Tzu maintained that the people should be governed by propriety rather than by law and punishment. Officials should be appined equally before law and the ruler on the merit system, even though they are the common people. A sage-king would use his political authority to unify the minds of the people, and realize the propriety government to maintain national security and public wealfare for the people. Hsu¨n Tzu was a realistic Confucian who emphasized social control by propriety, and longed desperately for a political unification which would bring the troubled disorder of his time to an end.

MaxWeber의 客觀性 理論構造와 社會科學方法論

李奐九 군산대학교 1979 論文集 Vol.1 No.1

The view that the social sciences cannot achieve "objectivity" is closely connected with the view that some peculiarity of social phenomina precludes using the scientific method to investigate them. Max Weber offers a variety of arguments for his position on the objectivity of social science, Weber's theoretical starting point exposed him to two dangers : on the one hand, he risked a radical subjectivism, represented at the time by the utilitarian tradition, and on the other, he risked the antiscientific orientation of the historicists. However, Weber avoided both these dangers. Especially, Weber sought to refute the historicist school by emphasizing that studies of culture and history cannot avoid the use of typological concepts, and that the most important task is, therefore, to attempt to make these concepts exlicicit. He refused to accept the historicist claim that disciplines dealing with historical constellations are generically different from the natural sciences, even though the latter deal with recurrent events end discover general law s or regularities of high probability. According to Weber, there is no absolutely "objective" scientific analysis of culture-or put perhaps more narrowly but certainly not essentially differently for our purposes-of "social phenomena" independent of special and one-sided view points according to which they are selects, analyzed and organized for expository purposes. His conclusion is that an "objective" analysis of cultural events, which proceeds according to the thesis that the ideal of science is the reduction of empirical reality to "laws", is meaningless. In Weber's view, cultural studies are distinctive only in that they originate in the investigator's sense of what is culturally significant. But once a questionhas been accepted as significant, it is necessary to formulate concepts that will present the relevant evidance "systematically and in greater unity than has ever existed in the actual course of development" : these "ideal types" can then be employed as reference points for the analysis of behavior. A strategic element in Weber's confrontation of the Marxists, the utilitarians, and the historicist school was his insistence on a "value-free" social seience. While the Marxists construed the truth of social scientific assertions as contingent on history, Weber's concept permitted slim to assert the possibility of arriving at a scientific study of society by seperating personal evaluation from scientific judgements. And against the antiscientific particularism of the historicism of the historicist school, Weber was able to legitmize the scientific approach both by recognizing and delimiting the subjective dimension of the cultural significance of historical studies and by emphasizing the indispensability of concepts in historical analysis. The debate concerning the significance of Weber's position continues, but it is our first obligation to understand him as he wanted to be understand him as he wanted to be understood. It is his adoption of a nominalist position in social science that is of key importance in his critiques of Marxism, of theories of evolution, and of the historical school. Nowadays, most social scientists regard Weber's term "value-freedom(Wertfreiheit)" more as a highly, disciplined subjectivity very close to the objectivity which is excluded the investigators subject maximally than just as an exclusion of subjectivity for objectivity in the value judgement.

J.Lilburne과 水平派運動

李奐九 群山敎育大學 1968 論文集 Vol.2 No.-

1 At the times of the British revolution (1640-1660) which is sometimes called the puritan revolution, thee were some radical factions in the revolutionary camp, but the Leveller movement which was leaded by John Lilburne was the most remarkable of all those social movements. We can name three democrats as leaders of the Levellers : J. Lilburne, William Walwyn, Richard Overton. But, of them, J. Lilburne was the life and soul of their movement. Therefore, in this study I have made a close examination of the movement, largely in relation with J. Lilburne. 2 The Leveller movement was socially based on the people of section who were restrained from the feudal rents because of having not enough their own farms, and were oppressed by the terminal tenant system and the enclosure movement, which the presbyterian and the heads of the parliamentary army was supporting. The Levellers largely included the small producers, such as craftsmen, tradesmen, and poor farmers lagging behind in the capitalistic development of that times. Their appeal to the parliamentary army acquired a lot of supporters among the rank and file of the army being afflicted with their unpaid salaries. 3 Their Political claims are expressed well in the "Case of the Army truly stated (1647) "and" the Agreement for the People (1647, 1649)." The former maintains that the sovereignty originally resides in the people, and tha the freedom of choice and the consent done through the representatives of people are the only just foundation and thus the parliament, being the supreme organ, shall be convened every by the universal men's suffrage. The latter provides their claims as following : (1)the re-election of members of the parliament every year, (2)the freedom of business, (3)the aboliton of consumption taxes and that of taxation upon the masses, (4)the prohibition of debt imprisonment and death penalty except a murder case, (5)the establishment of jury system, (6)the freedom of religion, (7)the payment of unpaid salaries, and so on. 4 The Leveller movement, being the political, social movement with an antifeudalistic, democratic, democratic, and religious leaning, played a significant role in overthrowing the absolute monarchy of king Charles I to realize the good prosperity of the small-scale producers. In a word, the political ideal of the Levellers was the petit-bourgeois democracy, and their economic goal was the utopia of small producers.

롤스의 정의론에 대한 재검토

이환구 국제문화학회 1990 역사와 사회 Vol.3 No.-

Hobbes의 國家設立模型에 관한 硏究

李奐九 群山大學校 1982 論文集 Vol.3 No.-

Hobbe's theory of society is bound up with his concept of authority, sovereingty, and the representative. The sovereign is an artificial person who represents the words and actions of another. According to Hobbes, society is a mere fiction, and unless there be a sovereign there is no society. Hobbes's paradigm for the construction of the commonwealth is essentially hypothetical. His intention is not to describe how commonwealth have actually been founded, but rather how they would be founded if they were consonant with the laws of nature. His theory is nevertheless grounded in a realistic analysis of human nature and its possibilities, although admittedly not consonant with the currently observable world. Hobbes points out that sovereigns, and therefore commonwealths, may be establishd in either of two ways - by institution or by acquisition. A commonwealth by institution is established by a social contract which is freely entered into a group of individuals to submit themselves to a central sovereign power, whereas a commonwealth by acquisition is established by force. The institution of a commonwealth does not require unanimity; the majority has the right to determine the form of government. In order to guarantee peace and security from the state of nature which was resulted in a perpetual war of every man against every man, individuals were compelled to give up their natural rights to some common power to keep them in awe, and to direct their actions to the common benefit, according to Hobbes. The person or body who received this power was not, however, a party to the contract. This left him free to exercise an unlimited power which could not be taken from him. While Hobbes does not insist that sovereignty shall necessarily be vested in one man, he believes that monarchy is the most desirable form of government, since it is least subject to passion or to dissolution by civil war. He insists that sovereignty is absolute and cannot be divided, and that it must be located in a simple organ. The idea of limited monarchy or mixed government is especially repugnant. But on utilitarian grounds any government is better than anarchy, and is equally good if it can preserve peace and older. The rights of the sovereign are derived from his obligation to do whatever he must to preserve peace and defend his subjects. The liberty of the subject consists in whatever the sovereign does not forbid, and in such natural rights as men cannot surrender, such as self-preservation and freedom from self-accusation. The liberty is bounded by the civil law; where the laws are silent, man is free. On the other hand, since the sovereign is established to furnish protection, the obligation of subjects is due only as long as the sovereign is able to fulfil this function. But if the sovereign flagrantly and consistently violated the lawa of nature, which constitute the foundations of civil government. The correlation between protection and obedience is the basic formula in Hobbes's paradigm for the construction of the commonwealth. Hobbes already established the order of constitutional state theoretically before John Locke. The common interpretation of Hobbes's theory as a defence of absolute dictatorship must be rejected and it must be recognized, on the contrary, as supporting the principle of government by consent.

마르쿠제의 批判理論에 관한 硏究

李奐九 群山大學校 1985 論文集 Vol.11 No.-

Herbert Marcuse (1898-1979) was one of the most well-known twentieth-century philosophers who has been the object of very lively public controversy. Enormously popular with the student generation of the 1960s, he suddenly emerged as the most potent intellectual force behind the New Left in the United States and much of Europe. His critical theory was grounded in a variant of Hegelian Marxim and stressed the subjective, critical, humanist dimensions of Marxism as opposed to the scientific and economistic interpretation of both orthodox Marxists and most anti-Marxists. By Marcuse, the rights and liberties which were such vital factors in the origins and earlier stages of industrial society yield to a higher stage of this society: they are losing their traditional rationale and content. Independence of thought, autonomy, and the right to political opposition are being deprived of their basic critical function in the advanced industrial society, one-dimensional society. Today's novel feature is the flattening out of the antagonism between culture and social reality through the obliteration of the oppositional, alien, and transcendent elements in the higher culture by virtue of which it constituted another dimension of reality. This liquidation of two-dimensional culture takes place not through the denial and rejection of the cultural values, but through their wholesale incorporation into the established order, through their reproduction and display on a massive scale. Marcuse suggested the combination of centralized authority and direct democracy as an alternative to correct the structural defects of one-dimensional society. He also proposed the planned utilization of resources for the satisfaction of vital needs with a minimum of toil, as an alternative to get out of the increasing irrationality of technological rationality, the constant threat of war, intensified exploitation, and dehumanization.

發展企劃에 있어서의 經濟成長과 敎育企劃方法 : Tinbergen 模型을 中心으로 Focus on Tinbergen's Model

李奐九 群山敎育大學 1976 論文集 Vol.10 No.-

1. Development planning seeks to change the prevailing economic and social institutional framework in the process the securing an acceleration in the rate of economic and social progress. The most essential task of education planning, as a social planning, is to aim to have the various kinds of qualified, skilled or trained labour available at the right time and in the right numbers, to ensure that society develops smoothly. 2. It is therefore important to avoid both surpluses and shortages and, as far as possible, a wrong initial choice of education. Jan Tinbergen, Professor at the Netherlands School of Economics, Rotterdam, regards the whole educational process as a system of flows, beginning as a very broad flow, that of general education at the lower level, and ending with an increasing number of branches at the specialized level of education. 3. The relationship between stocks and flows means that the relationship between the most desirable economic development and educational activity is formed on the basis of the input-output ratios that are used as a starting-point for production planning. As we can readily see from Figure 2, An expectation of the number of pupils who should be receiving secondary education can be assessed from two other variables, size of population and income per head. 4. The figures shown in Table 2 illustrate three different methods for converting an economy to a different growth-rate that can be used to adapt the situation in case A(Table) at period O to the development in case B. In the first method-the immigration method-qualified manpower is introduced from abroad and remains in the country until retirement or death. In the second method-that of temporary technical aid-use is made of the temporary assistance, in period 1 only, of qualified foreign laborur. The third method is that of increased effort on the part of the country's own machinery. 5. By the development planning model of Tinbergen, we can confirm that the level of economic growth, as represented by the national income per head, is highly correlated with the number of pupils and students. But the figures and coefficients, which are used here for the number of persons with secondary education per unit of national product and the number of students per teacher at the universities, are the same as those which were taken in the United States. Therefore Tinbergen's model shows considerable divergences in the situations of developing countries and is based on somewhat doubtful assumptions.

G. Winstanley의 Diggers 運動

李奐九 중앙대학교 법학대학 1968 法政論叢 Vol.14 No.2