國際紛爭과 유엔: 平和維持活動(PKO)의 役割을 中心으로

이신화(LEE Shin-wha) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2004 신아세아 Vol.11 No.4

본고는 탈냉전시대의 분쟁과 인도적 위기상황에 대응하고자 유엔을 비롯한 국제사회가 수행한 역할(특히 유엔평화유지활동에 초점을 맞추어)을 평가한 후, 그 한계를 지적하고 향후 과제를 제시하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 우선 첫 장에서는 평화유지활동(PKO)의 개념과 역사에 관하여 살펴보고, 이라한 개념들이 국제사회에서 어떻게 적용·발전되어 왔는지에 대해 논의하였다. 다음으로, 분쟁지역의 평화와 안전유지를 위한 평화유지활동의 역할이 그동안 왜 성공 혹은 실패하였는지 살펴봄으로써, 유엔 및 다른 기구들에 의해 수행된 PKO가 분쟁종식과 평화유지에 어떠한 기여를 해왔는지 분석하였다. 본고는 이제까지 진행되어온 PKO 활동이 많은 경우 실패하였고 PKO의 역할에 대한 비판적 시각도 많이 있지만, 종합적으로 볼 때 그 기여도가 비관적이라기보다는 낙관적이라고 평가하였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 PKO 활동이 갖고 있는 한계점이 무엇이며, 이를 개선하기 위한 앞으로의 과제를 살펴보는 것은 매우 중요한 일이므로, 그 다음 장에서는 향후 PKO의 과제에 대하여 알아보았다. 즉 1994년 발생한 르완다 대량학살사건에 있어 왜 유엔이 적절한 대응에 실패했는지를 간략히 살펴보고, 르완다 비극으로부터 얻을 수 있는 교훈을 바탕으로 내전, 국제분쟁 및 인도적 위기상황에 있어서의 유엔평화유지군의 활동 및 유엔 전체의 역할에 대해 논의하였다. United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO) are UN-mandated activities aiming to maintain and restore peace and security the world over. This paper reviews the overall record of UN peacekeeping mission in international and intra-state conflicts. Despite many failures in PKO activities and criticism on the nature and role of PKO, the paper argues that UNPKOs have contributed to peacekeeping and conflict prevention It also focuses on the case of Rwandan genocide in an attempt to explain why peacekeeping often fails. It will first offer a background on the civil war and genocide, followed by an attempt to identify the causes and dynamics of the Rwandan genocide and civil war-with a particular emphasis on the response of the United Nations. The Rwandan case suggests that while the failure is in line with what could be expected from the limited available evidence from statistical studies on the conditions for successful peacekeeping missions, it proves that quite a few factors indeed contributed to the failure. Finally, this article suggests a more suitable future role of UNPKOs in armed conflicts and humanitarian crisis situations.

The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) after Libya

Shin-wha Lee(이신화) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2013 국제관계연구 Vol.18 No.1

The responsibility to protect (R2P) is a new norm or set of principles that redefines sovereignty as a responsibility rather than as a privilege or a means of control, which offers a policy guideline on when and how the international community should intervene for the sake of human protection in the face of mass atrocity crimes. Just as in humanitarian intervention, however, the R2P faces several dilemmas: How serious should humanitarian emergencies be to warrant international intervention? Why did we need intervention in Libya while not in Syria where the situation seems to have been more serious than Libya in terms of the necessity of civilian protection? How can the narrowly defined R2P crimes accommodate those suffering in complex humanitarian crises? Is it feasible for the international community to opt for military intervention in North Korea based on the principles of the R2P if a crisis occurs as it did in Libya? Along the line of these inquiries, the paper reviews the concept and debates of the R2P, discusses the possibility of the R2P applied to the real world through examining cases such as Libya, Syria, Sudan Darfur, and Myanmar. Also, the feasibility and validity of expanding the R2P scope, only limited to the four R2P crimes(i.e. genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes, and crimes against humanity), will be assessed, with particular emphasis on the practical implications for the case of North Korea

포스트 코로나시대 미중 패권경쟁과 회색지대갈등: 한국 해군·해경의 대응전략

이신화,표광민,Lee, Shin-wha,Pyo, Kwang-min 한국해양전략연구소 2020 해양안보 Vol.1 No.1

While the United States and other Western states are in trouble with COVID-19 crisis, China is continuing its aggressive ocean expansion with its Gray-zone strategy. The Gray-zone strategy, which China uses around the South China Sea, refers to a strategy that promotes a change in international politics by creating an unclear state, neither war or peace. China, which is trying to expand its influence across East Asia, will also try to project a Gray zone strategy on the Korean Peninsula. The possible scenarios are as follows: 1) South Korea is accidentally involved in a dispute in the South China Sea, 2) Military conflicts between South Korea and China is caused by illegal fishing of Chinese boats in Yellow Sea, 3) China tries to interfere with Socotra Rock, 4) Unlikely, but possible in the future that China induce the military conflicts between Korea and Japan on the Dokdo issue. In order to cope with these scenarios, Korea should prepare the following measures from a long-term perspective: the creation of an Asian maritime safety fleet, the integ rated operation of the navy and the coast guard in the framework of the national fleet, and strengthening the conflict control system for China's provocations.

Effective radiation therapy for recurrent epithelial ovarian cancer after chemotherapy as the palliative and salvage treatment(초)

이신화 ( Shin Wha Lee ),( Yong Man Kim ),( Young Seok Kim ),( Eun Kyung Choi ),( Dae Yeon Kim ),( Jong Hyeok Kim ),( Joo Hyun Nam ),( Young Tak Kim ) 대한산부인과학회 2009 대한산부인과학회 학술대회 Vol.95 No.-

Unfavorable prognosis of small cell neuroendocrine carcinoma of the uterine cervix; a retrospective matched case-control study(초)

이신화 ( Shin Wha Lee ),( Dae Yeon Kim ),( Jong Hyeok Kim ),( Yong Man Kim ),( Young Tak Kim ),( Joo Hyun Nam ) 대한산부인과학회 2009 대한산부인과학회 학술대회 Vol.95 No.-

The efficacy and toxicity of camptothecin analogue topoisomerase I inhibitors in patients with recurrent or refractory epithelial ovarian carcinoma and primary peritoneal carcinomatosis

이신화 ( Shin Wha Lee ),( Yong Man Kim ),( Jung Nam Lee ),( Dae Yeon Kim ),( Dae Shik Suh ),( Jong Hycok Kim ),( Young Tak Kim ),( Joo Hyun Nam ),( Jung Eun Mok ) 대한산부인과학회 2006 대한산부인과학회 학술대회 Vol.92 No.-

The Evolution of Korea's Strategy for Regional Cooperation

Shin-wha Lee(이신화) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2008 국제관계연구 Vol.13 No.1

한국은 냉전의 시기에 지정학적 고려에 따라 인접국이나 강대국과의 양자관계를 선호하였기 때문에 지역다자협력체제에 참여하는 것에는 미온적이었다. 그러나 탈냉전의 도래와 함께 동북아 지역의 안보환경이 바뀌고 지역경제협력이 가시화되면서 초국가적 대웅을 필요로 하는 이슈들이 동장함에 따라, 한국은 동아시아 지 역협력체 추진과정에 적극적으로 참여하기 시작하였다. 김대중 정부와 노무현 정부는 각각 열린 지역주의를 표방하며 동북아 지역뿐만 아니라 다른 지역국가들과 함께 협력하는 다소 확장된 지역협력을 주창하여 왔다. 그러나 이들 정권의 지역주의 정책은 내부지향적이었으며 남북관계와 직접적인 연관관계를 맺고 있다는 평가를 받고 있다. 새로이 출범한 이명박 정부는 열린 지역주의를 토대로 한 “아시아 협력 네트워크’를 통한 “아시아외교 확대”를 주요 외교정책기조로 삼고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 이명박 대통령의 지역협력을 활성화시키려는 전략적 사고가 한미동맹 강화라는 정책목표보다 우선시 되지는 않을 것이다. 따라서 향후 한국의 지역안보협력공동체를 발전시키려는 노력은 기존의 한미양자관계를 보완하면서 다자적 틀을 구축하는 “양-다자적 협력체”를 발전시키는 데 역점을 둘 것으로 보인다.

Vulvar cancers, retrospective study of 23 cases at the Asan Medical Center, Seoul, Korea

이신화 ( Shin Wha Lee ),( Min Hyung Chung ),( Dae Yeon Kim ),( Jong Hyeok Kim ),( Yong Man Kim ),( Young Tak Kim ),( Joo Hyun Nam ),( Jung Eun Mok ) 대한산부인과학회 2004 대한산부인과학회 학술대회 Vol.90 No.-

동북아 환경레짐

이신화(Shin-wha Lee) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2002 국제관계연구 Vol.6 No.1

This paper recognizes the division between those who see the environment as an issue that can motivate actors to cooperate, and those who see historical memories and political rivalries as an impediment to regional problem solving. That is, there are two opposing views regarding the prospects of establishing a regional environmental regime in Northeast Asia. The first view considers the environment as a dependent variable of progress towards regionalism and suggest that regional environmental cooperation is impeded by political rivalries, historical animosities and economic disparities among Northeast Asian countries. The opposing view treats the environment as an independent variable of sustainable regionalism. The premise of this view is that inter-state environmental cooperation can become a confidence building measure that will pave the way for improved regional relations. Regardless of which view proves in the end to be right, the high environmental interdependence of countries in Northeast Asia makes it imperative to create a framework to promote greater cooperation within the region. Given that the region lacks institutions for region-wide dialogue and cooperation, the formation of an effective regional environmental regime will be a long-term process. However, the process itself is pivotal as it can increase dialogue and exchanges from which a regional environmental regime can evolve, and hopefully, if given the political opportunity, will promote security and peace in the region. Therefore, the most plausible scenario for the region is that environmental cooperation will continue to evolve and ultimately a Northeast Asian regime will form that can serve as a catalyst for broader-based cooperation in the region.

21세기 글로벌이슈와 국제정치학

이신화(Lee Shin-wha) 한국국제정치학회 2007 국제정치논총 Vol.46 No.S

The end of the Cold War and the advent of globalization brought about the need for a new theoretical framework that reflects practical changes in all areas of international community such as actor, structure, and process. In particular, an approach from international relations is necessary in order to respond to the changes of the concept of security caused by the newly emerging global issues. In this respect, this paper serves two purposes: firstly, this paper seeks to analyze the reality of international relations in which the complex and paradoxical aspects such as cooperation among states and globalization, fragmentization of nation-states due to increased importance of ethnic and cultural groups, and conflicting interests and intensified competition among states for their national interests; Secondly, it prospects the future international current. Under these aims, the paper reviews the changes and continuity of international relations and depicts the central issues of the world in the 21st century, which can be both causes and consequences of this process. Global issues which currently are at the center of international attention come from a variety of fields including traditional and military issues. However, this paper places its focus on relatively new issues, namely clash of values, changing complexions of conflicts and non-traditional security issues.