Hegel의 정신현상학에 있어서 변증법의 본질 1

이강조(李康助) 대한철학회 1982 哲學硏究 Vol.33 No.-

Korean Painting in the Joseon Period

이강한 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2022 THE REVIEW OF KOREAN STUDIES Vol.25 No.2

Ten Years in the Making: The Korea History Society’s History Series

이강한 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2018 THE REVIEW OF KOREAN STUDIES Vol.21 No.2

고려 충혜왕대 무역정책의 내용 및 의미

이강한 한국중세사학회 2009 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.27

In this article, the foreign trade policy of Chunghyae-wang is examined. First, the human network which enabled such policy, and the time point when such policy was initiated, are examined. He acquainted himself with important and powerful Yuan figures such as influential vassals like El Temur, or Emperor Yisun Temur, or lord Abu Sa’id, who all provided Chunghyae-wang with information and motives, to step in the vast array of foreign trades that were going on between China and the West Asian Islamic world. With such help and inspiration, he started to implement economic policies which would help him establish a financial basis for foreign investments, right after his first enthronement in 1330. He was notorious for harsh treatments of his subjects, but his policies were also meant for establishing resources for pubic spendings, including the government's investment in foreign trades. Second, a couple of characteristics of his foreign trades are examined. To present day scholars, he is well known for his aggressive trade initiatives, yet unlike previous kings he rather displayed a tendency of launching trade envoys only through land, and not on sea. And he also chose textile items as his main subject of export, instead of ceramic-ware or other traditional items the Goryeo people used to sell. The former seemed to have been a result of a series of bans that was implemented by the Yuan government on the maritime trade activities in the early 1330s(the king had to consider such bans’ implications, to prevent the decline in the profit-rates). And the second seemed to have been derived out of Chunghyae-wang’s own strategy to avoid direct competition with Yuan’s silk traders, yet taking advantage of Goryeo’s own strength in hemp item production and also the recently developed dying techniques. Third, a comparison was made between Chunghyae-wang’s trade activities and those of the former kings. And then the reason of his dethronement(twice) is analyzed. His trade activities were unique and quite active compared to the previous efforts, yet was also made possible thanks to such early attempts and mistakes. And because his trade activities were so aggressive and so eventually occupied almost all of his national ruling platform, the Yuan government had to raise an issue regarding his harsh treatment of his subjects, while other entities involved in trade activities had to put Chunghyae-wang’s profit-making in check. That led to(or partially contributed to) not only his first dethronement in 1332 but also his second and final dethronement in 1343, and ultimately his death. In this article, the foreign trade policy of Chunghyae-wang is examined. First, the human network which enabled such policy, and the time point when such policy was initiated, are examined. He acquainted himself with important and powerful Yuan figures such as influential vassals like El Temur, or Emperor Yisun Temur, or lord Abu Sa’id, who all provided Chunghyae-wang with information and motives, to step in the vast array of foreign trades that were going on between China and the West Asian Islamic world. With such help and inspiration, he started to implement economic policies which would help him establish a financial basis for foreign investments, right after his first enthronement in 1330. He was notorious for harsh treatments of his subjects, but his policies were also meant for establishing resources for pubic spendings, including the government's investment in foreign trades. Second, a couple of characteristics of his foreign trades are examined. To present day scholars, he is well known for his aggressive trade initiatives, yet unlike previous kings he rather displayed a tendency of launching trade envoys only through land, and not on sea. And he also chose textile items as his main subject of export, instead of ceramic-ware or other traditional items the Goryeo people used to sell. The former seemed to have been a result of a series of bans that was implemented by the Yuan government on the maritime trade activities in the early 1330s(the king had to consider such bans’ implications, to prevent the decline in the profit-rates). And the second seemed to have been derived out of Chunghyae-wang’s own strategy to avoid direct competition with Yuan’s silk traders, yet taking advantage of Goryeo’s own strength in hemp item production and also the recently developed dying techniques. Third, a comparison was made between Chunghyae-wang’s trade activities and those of the former kings. And then the reason of his dethronement(twice) is analyzed. His trade activities were unique and quite active compared to the previous efforts, yet was also made possible thanks to such early attempts and mistakes. And because his trade activities were so aggressive and so eventually occupied almost all of his national ruling platform, the Yuan government had to raise an issue regarding his harsh treatment of his subjects, while other entities involved in trade activities had to put Chunghyae-wang’s profit-making in check. That led to(or partially contributed to) not only his first dethronement in 1332 but also his second and final dethronement in 1343, and ultimately his death.

試探曹禺的創作觀

李康仁(이강인) 국제지역연구학회 2010 국제지역학논총 Vol.3 No.1

조우(曹?)는 중국 현대 화극에 있어서 매우 뛰어난 업적을 남긴 작가 이다. 그는 리얼리즘의 창작원칙을 적용하여 〈뇌우(雷雨)〉, 〈일출(日出)〉, 〈북경인(北京人)〉 이라는 위대한 작품을 남겼다. 그의 창작관은 언제나 성실하게 일반인의 생활을 반영하고 평가하여 그것을 작품속에 담아내어 놓는 것이었다. 그의 작품에서는 사상이 생활을 표현하는 형상과 유기적으로 결합하여 깊은 감동력을 자아내었다. 다시 말하면 생활의 피상적인 모방이나 겉치레의 것이 아니라 생활의 진실된 면의 재현이자 이성적인 평가인 것이다. 그의 작품속의 인물들 역시 “人(사람)” 사상의 성격이 잘 드러난다. 작품속의 인물들을 통하여 삶의 방식을 바로 인식할 수 있으며 그 역사의 배경을 이해 할 수 있는 것이다. 그의 이러한 창작관은 서구의 많은 유명한 작가들의 영향이라고도 할 수 있다. 입센에서 체홉에 이르기까지 서구의 리얼리즘영향을 받고 다시 이를 자신의 가치관에 적용하여 작품으로 재생산하게 된 것이다. 그의 화극 창작은 중국의 현대 문학 뿐만 아니라 중국화극의 경지를 한층 더 넓혔다는 평가를 받기에 충분하다.

고려 대외무역선의 활동과 元代 ‘關稅’의 문제

이강한 역사문화학회 2010 역사문화학회 학술대회 발표자료집 Vol.2010 No.11월

고려후기 군제(軍制)의 변화상 연구: 만호(萬戶) 및 외관(外官)과의 관계를 중심으로

이강한 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2016 한국문화 Vol.75 No.-

In the 13th and 14th centuries, the Goryeo military system displayed some peculiar aspects. Weonsu and Jihwi-sa commanders, the Sunmun-sa administrators and Byeongma-sa officials were named and dispatched. The first two had been sporadically appointed since the early years of the Goryeo period and also surfaced sometimes in the 13th century. The Sunmun-sa figures first appeared in early 13th century and continued to be dispatched throughout the remainder of the dynasty. The Byeongma-sa figures were the ones that had been most utilized in Goryeo’s first three hundred years, but their appearances started to decline in the late 13th century. In short, in the first and second halves of the 13th century, some of the military leaders were appointed rather frequently while others were dispatched not that much. Yet they shared one trend: They all suddenly vanished from official records in the first half of the 14th century. Then, coming into the second half of the 14th century a rather interesting phenomenon started to form. After the year of 1356, all these four figures resumed their appearances in a rather explosive fashion. And most importantly, Weonsu, Jihwi-sa and Sunmun-sa entities started to appear ‘coupled’ with a unique counterpart: the Manho(-bu) figures which had been being installed by the Goryeo government since 1358. These “Goryeo Manho(-bu)” figures inherited a rather specific “local” quality from their earlier incarnations, which had been installed in Goryeo in the late 13th and early 14th centuries by no other than the Mongol Yuan empire. It was a quality that resembled that of ordinary local administrative offices. As a result, these Goryeo Manho(-bu) figures came to function as essentially semi-local administrative units. And through their linkage with their counterparts(Weonsu, Jihwi-sa, Sunmun-sa), the Goryeo Manho (-bu) units began to transmit such quality over to them. Infused with such rather new qualities, the Goryeo military officials began to display functions that were usually demonstrated only by the local administrative officials. They were dispatched to serve local capacities, and showed increased interactions with local officials. Both military commanders and military administrators continued to operate that way, making it less and less necessary for them to be appointed separately (as one being named as either Weonsu or Sunmun-sa) as they had been. As a result, all these Goryeo military leaders, especially the commanders (Weonsu) and administrators (Sunmun-sa), started to merge with each other, as we can see from quite notable examples of them being ‘coupled’ and then assigned to a single official, who was expected to serve both duties at the same time. Later, such coupling of military responsibilities was finally officialized through the launch of a brand new Jeolje-sa institution in 1389. What should be noted is the fact that all these new-style local military officials were officially granted with the jurisdiction to intervene and oversee ‘civilian’ administrative matters –which had been under the direct authority of the local officials only- as well. It effectively brought down the wall that traditionally existed between military business and civilian governing in Goryeo local communities. We can see that the Manho(-bu) institution, which was an adopted institution and not to mention quite foreign in nature, served as an unlikely and unexpected catalyst that triggered such important changes to proceed, within two major areas of Goryeo domestic governance: the military system and the local administrative structure.

고려후기 ‘충렬왕대 문산계(文散階)’의 구조와 운용 - 대부계(大夫階)에 대한 검토를 중심으로 -

이강한 진단학회 2012 진단학보 Vol.- No.116

Past studies of the Goryeo dynasty's Mun'san-gye(文散階) Rank System have concentrated their attention upon the “early days" rank system(the 11th and 12th centuries), and not the “later" ones. But the “new" rank system of the 13th and 14th centuries, which continued to change 3 or 4 times, lasted over a century, and therefore deserves better attention. In this article, the Mun'san-gye system that was launched during the reign of King Chung'ryeol-wang, and which also initiated the ‘Later days'Mun'san-gye system in general, is examined. First, partial restoration of the Chung'ryeol-wang Mun'san-gye structure, the Dae'bu-gye section to be exact, is attempted. Other than Gwang’jeong and Bong'ik Dae'bu figures, which are confirmed by official records such as Goryeo-sa(History of Goryeo), we can determine the existence of other ranks such as Jeong'heon, Jeong'yun,Yeong'ryeol, Jung'ryeol, Bong'ryeol, Jo'eui, Jo'bong, Jo'jeong, and Jo'hyeon Dae'bu figures,by examination of all the in-grave epitaphs that remain today. Second, examination of the operations and their meaning of the Chung'ryeol-wang Mun'san-gye system reveals that it changed the past system considerably, mostly in two ways. It rectified the age-old problem of the early days rank system, which continued to show a rather huge discrepancy between the grade of the posts(“Gwan'jik, 官職") and grade of the ranks(“Gwan'gye, 官階"). Also, due to some changes made to the authority and status of the officials of the Mil'jik-sa office(“Chu'shin, 樞臣" and “Seung'ji, 承旨")in the 13th century, not only the highest part of the Dae'bu-gye section but the other parts as well were ‘elevated' during king Chung'ryeol-wang's reign in the end of the 13th century, and led to a noticeable phenomenon in the early 14th century, in which the Dae'bu-gye section was literally 'compressed,' compared to its early standards. 종래의 문산계 연구는 주로 고려 전기에 집중돼 왔다. 고려후기에 대한 주목은 상당히 적었다. 그러나 ‘고려후기형’ 문산계의 존속기간이 100여년이 넘었음을 고려할 때, 후기 문산계에 대한 검토가 시급한 상황이다. 본고에서는 고려후기 문산계의 시초 격이라고 할 수 있을 ‘충렬왕대’의 문산계를 검토하였다. 우선 충렬왕대 문산계 중 대부계의 구조를 복원해 보고자 하였다. 『고려사』에 남아 있는 광정대부와 봉익대부 이외에, 고려 묘지명 자료를 통해 정헌, 정윤, 영렬, 정승, 중렬, 봉렬, 조의, 조봉, 조정, 조현대부 등을 확인하였다. 아울러 그 운용 및 의미에 대한 검토를 통해, 충렬왕대의 문산계가 크게 2가지 지점에서 종래의 문산계를 크게 바꾸어 놓았음을 확인하였다. 충렬왕대 문산계는 종래 문산계 운용상의 오랜 고질 증상이었던 관계-관직 간 품급차를 현저하게 줄였다. 아울러 13세기 이래 추신과 승지들의 위상이 상승한 결과 충렬왕대 상, 하위권 관계들의 위상이 변동한 것으로 보이는데, 그 결과 14세기 이후 ‘대부계’의 하한이 상향 조정되어 대부계가 전반적으로 압축되는 배경이 마련된 것으로 평가된다.

13∼14세기 고려관료의 원제국 문산계 수령 -충렬공 金方慶을 포함한 여러 사례들에 대한 검토-

이강한 한국중세사학회 2013 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.37

Kim Bang-gyeong was the first Goryeo official ever to receive a Munsan-gye title from the Yuan imperial government, and the Jungbong Daebu title he received signals his position and status at the time. Following him, numerous Goryeo officials came to receive Yuan Munsan-gye titles, and as a result it is highly likely that such Goryeo officials would have come to enjoy a new status in both the Goryeo and Yuan society. For example, Goryeo officials like Jeong Ga-shin and Jo In-gyu received the Ga’eui Daebu title in the latter half of the 13th century, and that must have been because of their vibrant activities inside Yuan which could have earned them the reputation as no longer being ‘just a foreign[Goryeo] official.’ Coming into the early half of the 14th century, higher titles began to be given to the Goryeo officials, and the types of those titles became more diverse as well. All these various and glorious Yuan Munsan-gye titles bestowed upon the Goryeo officials might have affected their perspective on Yuan institutions as well as the life as an official inside the Yuan empire. In the meantime, individual examples reveal that in terms of the relationship between a Goryeo official’s newly bestowed Yuan Munsan- gye title, his previously secured Goryeo rank and position, and positions of the other Yuan officials who shared the same Yuan Munsan-gye title, there was a difference between the latter half of the 13th century and the early half of the 14th. In the former period the Yuan government, while bestowing Yuan Munsan-gye titles to Goryeo officials, neither considered the Goryeo official’s position and rank inside Goryeo, nor considered the usual practice inside Yuan, as defining perimeters. In this period, in the eyes of the Yuan government, Goryeo officials were still ‘foreign officers.’ But in the following periods, the Goryeo officials came to receive Munsan-gye titles and positions inside the Yuan government of which the ranks were very much similar to those of the titles and positions allowed to other ordinary Yuan officials, while the Yuan Munsan-gye titles they received had significantly lower ranks than those of the Goryeo Munsan-gye titles they originally had. In other words, the Goryeo officials were no longer being considered just as foreigners. The Goryeo officials became less alien in the eyes of the Yuan imperial government, but were not completely homogenized either.

원제국인들의 방문 양상과 고려인들의 인식 변화

이강한 한국중세사학회 2015 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.43

Examined first in this article is a question:what kind of characteristics were shown in the general visits from the Mongol empire, especially in the cases of their merchants and officials? Also examined is a second question :how the Goryeo people’s perspective viewing the Mongol Yuan empire, and not to mention themselves in a new world order, in the wake of all those visits from the outside which would surely have been accompanied by the Goryeo people’s own adventures in Yuan, would have changed over the years? Yuan merchants, regulated by the foreign trade policy of the Yuan imperial government, showed an ‘intermittent’ nature in their visits, as being continuous rather than continual. When they were encouraged to do business with the Western Asian world, they reduced their visits to the Korean peninsula, but when they were restricted in their East-West businesses, they opted to resume business with their counterparts in Goryeo. In the meantime, from mid-13th century through mid-14th, Yuan governmental officials dispatched to Goryeo continued to carry important messages from their leaders, and it all had some impact and influences on the Goryeo government, and the trips they made in the late 1290s and early 1300s seem to have been particularly important, considering the changes (in the Goryeo officials’ way of viewing Yuan authority) that manifested themselves in a much accelerated fashion in the early 14th century. Such stimuli from the outside, joined by the experiences collected by the Goryeo people during their travels in Yuan, or accumulated throughout their pursuit of a professional career inside the Yuan government(central or local), forced the Goryeo people to reevaluate their own identity, and changed their lifestyles(both in domestic and foreign domains), resulting in increased interactions with foreigners which were destined to ‘weaken’ existing barriers and divisions between the Korean peninsula and China. The Goryeo people came to view themselves as part of a world order which was much bigger and more powerful compared to the previous ones, and began to consider the Yuan emperor’s authority as not only ‘superior’ but also ‘absolute’ compared to that of the Goryeo king. At the same time, Yuan governmental appointments and bestowals were infiltrating the Goryeo government, and Goryeo officials began to identify or recognize themselves with those new elements. In political terms, the ‘line’ was beginning to blur. But at the same time, the Goryeo people were still very much protective of their past ways of life, and the economy, social structure, principles of law enforcement and cultural heritage were still intact. They remained very much different from those that had been observed in China, and those which were being enjoyed by members of the Mongol leadership. In those cases, the line was still intact, and far from being obliterated. The Goryeo people was facing and passing a phase in which they were challenged with a stimuli more powerful than anything they had previously encountered, and were struggling to find a balance in the wake of all that, creating a new kind of self awareness, and not to mention an interesting point of view toward the outside, which should be explored more in future studies.