1950년대(1953~1961) 사교댄스의 사회문화적 의미와 道義 운동

윤선자 한국민족운동사학회 2005 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.45 No.-

Social Dance was a cultural focus in 1950’s. After 1945 Liberation of Korea it was spreaded and taken for a standard of culture and democracy. Why was it spreaded so much in 1950’s? The answers were Pro-Americanism and women's wrong understandings about liberty and democracy, an increase of women's social participation and war widows, a spread of hedonism after the Korean War. American social dance was an ordinary and healthy culture, but that of Korea was an erotic and decadent culture. Why? Because Korean moralism was differ from that of America. Korean dancer had a sense of guilt and an extreme opinion in conflict with Korean traditional moralism. As a result of an extreme opinion many social problems occurred in 1950’s. That examples was the Part In-Su adultery event and the An Soon-Ae adultery event. Because social dance brought about that social problems, the police maintained strict control over social dance. And Moral Movement was spreaded all over the whole society. The conservative intellectual advocating Moral Movement regarded the most important reason of moral corruption as social dance. They held an individual defect responsible for moral corruption, disregarding for the most fundamental reason of society and economy, politics for that. On that point Moral Movement was ideology and policy of a state. After that Moral Movement had an effect on the modernization of Korea. In consequence Korean modernization did not eradiate a tradition but include it. That was a distinctive feature of Korean modernity.

미군정기 신문들에 투영된 광주학생운동

윤선자 한국근현대사학회 2015 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.75 No.-

One of the ways to understand how Gwanju Student Movement was conceived by Koreans after the liberation from Japanese Colonial Rule was to analyze newspaper articles at the times. A number of newspaper firms, approximately about 40 firms ran and operated at the end of year 1945. This article researched on how Gwangju Student Movement was perceived by analyzing daily newspaper articles relevant to the movement during U.S. Army Government Rule. It is because daily newspapers could convey messages more in detail about what actually occurred during this chaotic period, even compared with other news media. This work is also to find out how independence movement was conceived right after the liberation. Among about 80 newspapers during U.S. Army Government Rule, there were only a few who reported about Gwanju Student Movement. Most of newspaper firms were small sized, and often suspended publication. Gwangju Student Movement was an important part of independence movement in Korea during Japanese Colonial Rule. It was virtually impossible to publicly announce its movement under the Japanese Rule. Therefore, news media focused on spreading words about this movement and correctly finding relevant data. However, it was difficult to collect data relevant to the Gwangju Student Movement. Therefore, we instead collected newspaper articles and testimonies from those who suffered from Gwangju Student Movement. Memory is followed by commemoration. Commemoration Ceremony, Commemorating Lecture, Ceremonial Oratocial Contest, and Commemorial Athlete’s Competition were held as a part of remembering Gwangju Student Movement. However, U.S. Army did neither even allow the oratocial contest, nor any related lecture. It is because U.S. Army Government did not allow Koreans’ wish to establish a completely independent nation on our will. Even after liberation from Japanese Colonial Rule, U.S. Army Government even forced not to have the 3rd commemoration ceremony of the Gwangju Student Movement. Gwangju Student Movement was a honorable event of our independent movement history. Based on this fact, we tried to establish a completely independent nation, but it was in vain due to the US Army Government and Soviet Union who divided our country as a part of their scheme. Regardless of countless trials to establish an autonomous and independent nation by remembering and commemorating our past, it was not allowed during this chaos under US Army Military Government in Korea. Historians say that the value of our independence movement was completely ignored, which is substantiated by a number of articles during the period.

한기근 신부의 〈로마여행일기〉

윤선자 (재)한국교회사연구소 2018 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.53

"A Trip Diary in Roma(로마여행일기)," is a record of Catholic priest Han Kee-keun's pilgrimage to France, Italy and Palestine. Unlike many travel records in the 1920s, which focused on introducing modern things, systems, and ideas, A Trip Diary in Roma is a travel record that visits Catholic holy places. Father Han Kee-geun, who had no difficulty in deciphering French and Latin, began his trip to participate in the beatification ceremony of the Choseon martydom as a representative priest of the korean catholic church. First, He arrived in Rome to attend the beatification ceremony of the Choseon martydom, attended the thank-you Mass, and visited many churches and Katakomba in Rome. The second destination was France. In France, he made a pilgrims to Saint Vianney, Theresa of little flower, and Blessed Emar, who were canonize and beatificate in 1925. The headquarters of the Paris Foreign Missions Society and Theological Seminary where he stayed were also filled with the hearts of the Blessed. It was because the place where those who died as missionaries of the Paris Foreign Missions Society lived preparing for missionary work. The visit to the Virgin Mary's expression place, including La Salette, Lourdes and Paris, was due to the Korean catholic church and Han Kee-geun's deep devotion to the Virgin Mary. While visiting many churches in Italy and France, which are christian cultures, Han Kee-keun, a Catholic priest of the non christian culture, was envious, looking at churches full of cities and countryside. Palestine, which had traveled for 10days on his way back to Korea, was the best pilgrimage. This is because he was able to visit the places mentioned in the 4Gospels and the Apostles’ Creed. In Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Nazareth, he confirmed the traces of Jesus, Virgin Mary and his apostles and dedicated Mass. Many of the holy sites of Palestine were jointly owned by various religious sects when he visited. So there were places where he couldn't Mass or Ceremonies, and places where he could enter by paying entrance fees. There was a shrine that had been turned into a mosque. Like Italy and France, there were many places in Palestine that he could not go because of time and cost, but he visited importantholy places and recorded them as A Trip Diary in Roma. This Diary is meaningful as the first Christian pilgrimage recorded by a non-christian Catholic priest. 〈로마여행일기〉는 천주교 성직자 한기근 신부가 프랑스, 이탈리아, 팔레스티나의 성지들을 순례한 기록이다. 근대 문물과 제도 · 사상 등을소개하는데 집중하였던 1920년대의 많은 여행기들과는 달리 천주교 성지들을 순례한 여행기이다. 프랑스어와 라틴어 해독에 어려움이 없었던한기근 신부는 조선 치명자들의 시복식에 한국인 성직자 대표로 참가하기 위해 여행을 시작하였다. 가장 먼저 로마에 도착하여 조선 치명자들시복식에 참가하였고, 시복식 후 감사 미사에 참가하였으며, 로마의 많은 성당들을 참배하였고 카타콤바를 방문하였다. 두 번째 도착지는 프랑스였다. 프랑스에서는 비안네 신부, 소화 데레사 수녀, 에마르 신부의생가 등을 순례하였는데, 조선 치명자들이 시복된 1925년에 시성 · 시복된 이들이었다. 그가 머물렀던 파리 외방전교회 본부 겸 신학교도 복자들의 숨결이 느껴지는 곳이었다. 동양 선교를 목적으로 창설된 파리 외방전교회의 선교사로 순교한 이들이 선교를 준비하며 생활했던 곳이기 때문이었다. 라 살레트 · 루르드 · 파리 등 성모 발현지들을 방문한 것은 한기근 신부의 성모 신심과 더불어 한국 천주교회의 깊은 성모 신심 때문이었다. 그리스도교 문화권인 이탈리아와 프랑스의 많은 성당들을 참배하면서, 도시는 물론 시골에도 가득한 성당들을 바라보면서, 비 그리스도교 문화권의 천주교 성직자 한기근 신부는 한없는 부러움을 느꼈다. 한국으로 돌아오는 길에 10일 동안 여행하였던 팔레스티나는 한기근 신부에게 최고의 성지 순례지였다. 4복음서와 《종도행전》에 언급된 장소들을 직접 찾아가 볼 수 있었기 때문이다. 그는 예루살렘·베들레헴·나자렛에서 예수와 성모와 사도들의 자취를 확인하고 기도하였으며 미사를 봉헌하였다. 그가 방문하였을 때 팔레스티나의 많은 성지들은 여러 교파가 공동 소유하고 있었다. 그래서 미사나 예절을 할 수 없는 곳도 있었고, 입장료를 내고서야 들어갈 수 있는 곳도 있었다. 모스크로 바뀌어 있는 성지도 있었다. 이탈리아·프랑스에서와 마찬가지로 팔레스티나에서도 시간과 비용 때문에 가지 못한 곳들이 많았지만, 그럼에도 한기근 신부는 천주교회의 중요한 성지들을 참배하고 〈로마여행일기〉로 기록하였다. 〈로마여행일기〉는 비 그리스도교 문화권인 한국의 천주교회 성직자가 기록한 첫 그리스도교 성지 순례기로 의미가 있다.

일제하 호남지역 서원․사우의 복설과 신설

윤선자 한중인문학회 2007 한중인문학연구 Vol.22 No.-

조선시대 양반사족들의 교육기관이자 중요한 향촌기구였던 서원,사우는 고종대의 훼철령으로 모두 철폐되었다. 훼철 이후 해방 때까지 호남지역 서원,사우는 복설에서나 신설에서나 일제강점 이전보다 이후가 그 비율이 높다. 배향 인물은 주로 조선시대 인물이고, 전북과 비교하여 전남은 임진왜란 관련 인물을 향사한 곳이 많다. 그것은 임진왜란 때 해안지방인 전남에서 활약이 많았던 때문이다. 신설 원우 중에는 일제에 항거하였던 한말 인사를 배향한 곳이 적지 않았고, 여자와 부부를 배향한 곳도 있었다. 복설 원우 중에는 임진왜란 및 이순신과 관련된 곳, 신설 원우 중에는 한말 의병 및 민족운동가를 향사한 곳이 일제와 갈등을 일으켰다. 원우의 복설과 신설은 법제적인 신분제가 무너졌지만 실제 생활에서는 여전히 향촌사회에서 상층 신분 내지 지배층으로 존재하고자 하였던 이들의 모습을 잘 보여준다. 기존의 양반유림들은 근대적인 교육제도의 도입과 일제의 식민통치로 인하여 유교가 통치 이데올로기로서는 물론 교육의 측면에서도 힘을 잃었지만, 유교의 향사로서 지방의 지배신분 지위를 누리고자 하였다. 한편 신설 원우를 보면 새로운 문중들이 등장하고 있는데, 이는 지역사회의 세력교체, 변화의 움직임을 잘 말해준다. All of SeoWon-SaWoo which were the important educational institutions & systems of the country for the nobility & distinguished family in the Choseon Dynasty period was abolished by the demolition order of king Gojong. Till liberation after demolition, the rate of SeoWon-SaWoo at the Honam region was higher after occupation of Japanese imperialism than before in both restoration and new establishment. Persons to be enshrined ancestral tablet mainly belonged to the Choseon Dynasty period, and at Jeonnam, places to perform religious service for the men related to the Japanese invasion of 1592(Imjin war) were more than those of Jeonbuk. The reason was that much more activities were done at Jeonnam of the coast district during the Japanese invasion of 1592(Imjin war). Among the newly established SeoWon-SaWoo, many places enshrined ancestral tablet of the figures in the last period of Great Han empire who resisted the Japanese imperialism, and there were ones to enshrine ancestral tablet of women & married couple. Among the restoration SeoWon-SaWoo, there were places related to the Japanese invasion of 1592(Imjin war) & Lee Sun Sin, and places to perform religious service for the loyal troops & men who performed the racial movement in the last period of Great Han empire among the newly established SeoWon-SaWoo, so they caused conflict with the Japanese imperialism. Though legislative status system collapsed, restoration and new establishment of SeoWon-SaWoo represent well there were people still intending to exist as the upper status or the ruling at the country village in the real life. Even though Confucianism weakened not only as the ruling ideology but in the educational aspect by the introduction of the modern educational system & colonial rule of the Japanese imperialism, the existing nobility and Confucian scholars intended to enjoy the ruling status of the district as the country gentlemen of the Confucianism. In the mean time, new kinsfolk came to be appear in the newly established SeoWon-SaWoo, and it shows well power shift and drift of change of the community.

한말·일제강점기 한국천주교회와 근본주의

윤선자 西江大學校 宗敎硏究所 2008 韓國宗敎硏究 Vol.10 No.-

근본주의는 그리스도교의 본질적이고 근본적인 교리를 재확인하려 했던 일종의 교리수호운동이었다. 그런데 근본주의라 말은, 어떤 이념체계에 대한 광신적 신념과 그에 따른 행동을 보여주는 종교운동이나 세속운동을 지칭할 때 사용될 수 있다. 그럴 때 근본주의는 다른 세계관, 신앙관을 가진 이들을 적대시하고 배타적으로 대하는 논리에 도달하지 않을 수 없다. 어떤 이념체계에 대한 광신적 신념과 그에 따른 행동을 보여주는 종교운동이나 세속운동을 근본주의로 본다면 모든 종교에는 근본주의적 성향이 있고 천주교회도 예외는 아니다. 제2차 바티칸공의회를 통하여 타종교에 상당히 유화적이고 포용적인 입장을 취하기 전까지 천주교회도 천주교 이외의 종교는 이교 내지 미신으로 비판하였다. 또한 천주교회가 누렸던 각종 혜택과 지위가 위협받는 상황이 초래되었을 때 그 상황을 적극적으로 인식하고 수용하고 적응하기보다는 반대·거절의 입장을 취하였다. 반근대주의 선서는 과학과 근대문명에 대한 부정적인 인식을 심어주었고, 그러한 인식은 교회로 하여금 성속이원론의 신앙관을 형성하게 하였다. 자신의 종교에 대한 믿음은 종교인들에게 가장 중요한 가치이다. 그런데 자신의 종교에 대한 믿음이 타 종교 내지 다른 가치관을 폄하하거나 오류라고 단정짓는 결과를 낳아서는 안될 것이다. 그것은 내 믿음 이외에 모든 것을 부정하는 것이고, 그러한 인식과 태도는 단절과 불화를 초래하게 된다. 그것이 경계해야 할 근본주의적 성향이다. 자기 종교의 근본정신을 추구하는 것은 바람직하다. 자기 믿음의 뿌리를 보다 깊이있고 자세하게 아는 것은 믿음의 토대를 굳게 할 것이기 때문이다. 주의할 것은 자기 종교에 대한 믿음이라는 이름 아래 자행되는 타종교에 대한 비난, 종교 믿음의 미명 아래 벌이는 폭력이다. 타인의 믿음도 인정하는 것이야말로 자기 믿음을 보다 확실하게 이해하는 것이며, 자기 믿음 이외의 가치를 인정하는 태도야말로 진정한 종교인의 자세이기 때문이다.

근대문화유산의 현황과 보존방안 연구

윤선자 한국근현대사학회 2011 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.57 No.-

The modern cultural heritage accounting for 5% of the total cultural assets has a bit more the designated heritage than the registered heritage; among all the designated heritage, ones designated by cities and provinces are 3 times more than the state-designated ones. The fact that there is higher portion of heritage materials is significantly positive. By region, Seoul maintains lots of modern cultural heritage because the city has been a hub in all aspects including politics, economy, industry and culture; South and North Jeolla Provinces also house relatively more heritage than other regions because the area had been flourished during the Japanese colonial period but long isolated from the economic development after the liberation. The system to register cultural heritage was introduced in 2001 to positively cope with the situation where the modern cultural heritage was gradually going extinct and deteriorated without any systematical investigation or valuation amid the rapid industrialization and urbanization. Despite this, the designated/registered modern cultural heritage remains a few. Rather than just investigating, follow-up(and in depth) works should be conducted to make those heritage escape from extinction, deterioration, and forgetfulness to preserve such heritage as designated/registered ones. Other items, which is likely to be registered as the modern cultural heritage, are historic sites used for independent movement and national defense. Maybe those sites are considered just related to the duty by the Ministry of National Defense and the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs: only a few of them has been registered/designated as cultural heritage. Preservation, management and utilization require the exact situation where the modern cultural heritage is. Only about 1/10 out of the whole independent movement sites has been conserved in the original form; the rest of them goes extinct, are modified or deteriorated. Even applying it to the modern cultural heritage, the situation isn’t any different. That’s why we should pay attention to conservation and management of the modern cultural heritage. The conservation of the modern cultural heritage starts from correct understanding of cultural assets. Cultural properties need to be conserved by identifying their meaning and spirits and making efforts to connect them to the contemporary history, rather than considering them just cultural assets. ‘The plan of Preservation and Management for the Modern Cultural Heritage’ should be established within a consistent principle and frame, and can attract the public participation. we should enrich the present life and design the future life by conserving/managing/using not only proud cultural assets but also shameful ones. The modern cultural heritage accounting for 5% of the total cultural assets has a bit more the designated heritage than the registered heritage; among all the designated heritage, ones designated by cities and provinces are 3 times more than the state-designated ones. The fact that there is higher portion of heritage materials is significantly positive. By region, Seoul maintains lots of modern cultural heritage because the city has been a hub in all aspects including politics, economy, industry and culture; South and North Jeolla Provinces also house relatively more heritage than other regions because the area had been flourished during the Japanese colonial period but long isolated from the economic development after the liberation. The system to register cultural heritage was introduced in 2001 to positively cope with the situation where the modern cultural heritage was gradually going extinct and deteriorated without any systematical investigation or valuation amid the rapid industrialization and urbanization. Despite this, the designated/registered modern cultural heritage remains a few. Rather than just investigating, follow-up(and in depth) works should be conducted to make those heritage escape from extinction, deterioration, and forgetfulness to preserve such heritage as designated/registered ones. Other items, which is likely to be registered as the modern cultural heritage, are historic sites used for independent movement and national defense. Maybe those sites are considered just related to the duty by the Ministry of National Defense and the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs: only a few of them has been registered/designated as cultural heritage. Preservation, management and utilization require the exact situation where the modern cultural heritage is. Only about 1/10 out of the whole independent movement sites has been conserved in the original form; the rest of them goes extinct, are modified or deteriorated. Even applying it to the modern cultural heritage, the situation isn’t any different. That’s why we should pay attention to conservation and management of the modern cultural heritage. The conservation of the modern cultural heritage starts from correct understanding of cultural assets. Cultural properties need to be conserved by identifying their meaning and spirits and making efforts to connect them to the contemporary history, rather than considering them just cultural assets. ‘The plan of Preservation and Management for the Modern Cultural Heritage’ should be established within a consistent principle and frame, and can attract the public participation. we should enrich the present life and design the future life by conserving/managing/using not only proud cultural assets but also shameful ones.

동학농민전쟁과 종교

윤선자 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2010 한국학논총 Vol.34 No.-

This paper reviews the relationship between Donghak Peasant Revolution and the Religion by studying on how and when the idea of anti-Japanese, anti-feudalism Peasant Revolution changed within Donghak and the relationship of the Peasant War and Donghak and the Peasant War and the Catholicism. Donghak emerged as a new religion during the time of Choe Je-u, was transformed into more systematic form by Choe Shihyeong and became more practical by Jeon Bong-jun. During the time of Choe Je-u, the most important issue of Donghak as a new religion was to realize a new society through 'Sicheonju(worshipping God)' and 'Gaebyeok(the dawn of new civilization)'. Choe Shihyeong focused more on humanism than worship of Heaven, which was for organizing the Donghak association and missionary work. Donghak in the 1890s reflected the peasants' political and social needs which led to anti-feudalism reformation and anti-Japanese idea. The first Peasant War was interpreted and practiced Donghak's anti-Japanese, anti-feudalism idea by the demands of the time. Anti-feudalism movement was practiced by peasant government with local governments associated with Donghak organizations. The second Peasant War was started against anti-aggression and peasant armies had to carry out anti-feudalism movement as well. The second Peasant War was led by Donghak leaders in Jeonla area including Jeon Bong-jun. Leadership of Donghak association maintained the religious characters of Donghak and focused on expanding the association. Division into pure religious movement and social reformation within Donghak couldn't be a significant help to the Peasant Wars. The Catholicism, to peasant armies, was the object for destruction that was closely linked to Japanese forces. Even though it was excluded and had the similar form and size of the followers compared to those of the Catholicism, Donghak showed negative views on the Catholicism. The Catholic Church considered Donghak-related peasant wars as rebellion and defined peasant armies as rioters. Peasant armies considered the Catholic Church as the center of foreign forces and had anti-Japanese, anti-Western forces mentality. 이 논문은 동학사상 안에서 반제반봉건의 농민전쟁 이념이 어떻게 시기적으로 변모하는지, 그리고 농민전쟁과 동학, 농민전쟁과 천주교의 관계를 고찰함으로써 동학농민전쟁과 종교의 관계를 추적한 것이다. 동학사상은 최제우 때 신종교로서 모습을 드러냈고, 최시형에 의해 체계적인 모습으로 변화하고, 전봉준을 중심으로 실천적인 모습을 표출하였다. 최제우 때에는 신종교로서 시천주와 개벽을 통하여 새로운 사회를 구현하는 것이 동학사상의 가장 중요한 내용이었다. 최시형은 敬天보다 敬人을 중시하였는데 그것은 동학교단 정비와 포교에 주력하기 위해서였다. 1890년대 동학사상은 농민의 정치사회적 요구가 반영됨으로써 반봉건 개혁사상, 반제사상으로 전개되었다. 제1차 농민전쟁은 동학의 반제반봉건사상을 시대의 요구에 따라 해석하고 실천하였다. 그리고 동학 조직과 관련 있는 집강을 중심으로 농민통치를 펼쳐 반봉건활동을 전개하였다. 제2차 농민전쟁은 반침략을 목표로 시작되었는데 농민군은 반봉건투쟁도 함께 해야만 하였다. 제2차 농민전쟁 때 주도적인 역할은 전봉준 등 전라도지역의 남접 접주들이 담당하였다. 동학교단 지도부는 동학의 종교성을 유지하고 조직을 확장시키는데 관심을 두었다. 순수 종교운동과 사회개혁운동으로 나뉜 동학의 분열은 농민전쟁에 강력한 힘을 줄 수 없었다. 농민군에게 천주교는 외세와 긴밀하게 연결되어 있는 타도해야 할 대상이었다. 조선정부로부터 邪學이라는 같은 대접을 받고, 신자 구성이 비슷하였음에도 동학은 천주교에 부정적이었다. 천주교회는 동학과 연관된 농민전쟁을 반란으로 이해하였고 농민군을 폭도라 규정하였다. 농민군은 천주교회를 외국세력과 연계된 근거지로 생각하여 반제 척양의 입장에서 공격하였다.

광주학생독립운동 기념사업 평가와 향후 과제

윤선자 전남대학교 호남학연구원 2008 호남학 Vol.0 No.43

광주학생독립운동 기념일은 1945년 11월 3일 조선학도대 등 청년단체들이 학생의날로 결정하였다. 한국전쟁 휴전 후 1953년 국회에서 결의된 학생의날은 제3공화국 후반기 독재정치가 강화되면서 국경일에서 빠지기도 하였다. 1982년 폐지 11년만에 기념일은 부활하였는데 학생의날이었다가 2006년에야 ‘학생독립운동기념일’로 명칭이 변경되었다. 광주학생독립운동 기념행사의 중심은 광주학생독립운동이 일어난 11월 3일에 거행되는 기념식이었다. 해방 이후 첫 기념식은 1945년 광주서중학교에서 열렸다. 한국전쟁 동안 중단되었던 기념식은 1958년 제6회 학생의날 기념식까지 정부차원의 학생의날 공식 행사는 서울에서 거행되었고, 광주학생독립운동기념식은 광주의 학생들과 시민들이 참여하는 지역적인 행사로 치러졌다. 그리고 1972년 비상계엄령 선포로 이후 1983년까지 학생의날 기념식은 거행되지 못했다. 1999년 제70주년 기념식은 광주학생독립운동이 전국적인 독립운동이었음을 감안하여 ‘광주’라는 단어를 삭제하고 ‘학생독립운동’으로 거행되었다. 광주학생독립운동 기념일은 우여곡절을 겪기는 했지만 기념일이 정해지고 기념행사가 국가적으로 치러졌다. 그러나 국민들에게 알려지고 인식되는 수준은 그것을 고려할 때 아쉬움이 많다. 그동안 기념행사는 다양하게 거행되었다. 그러나 시대성을 반영하지 못하고 있다는 점, 기념행사 간의 연계성이 부족하거나 없다는 점, 다양성에 치중하여 행사를 위한 행사 위주의 기념이 이루어졌다는 점 등은 한계라고 해야 할 것이다. 또한 전년도와 후년도의 연결이 거의 이루어지지 않고 당해 연도의 행사에 치중해 있는 것이 아쉽다. 장기 계획 아래 기념행사를 계획하고 추진하여 좋은 결실을 낼 수 있어야 할 것이다. 광주학생독립운동 기념시설은 기념관을 제외하고는 당시 운동이 시작되었던 역, 주도적인 역할을 하였던 학교 안에 설립되어 현장성과 역사성이 생생하다는 특징이 있다. 그러나 280개교가 참여하였던 만큼 4개 학교에 기념탑이나 기념비가 건립된 것으로는 아쉬움이 남는다. 학교 외에도 광주학생독립운동과 관련있는 사적지를 조사, 발굴하여 역사교육의 현장으로 삼고 문화자원화 해야 한다. 또한 조사된 사적지는 잘 보존, 활용해야 한다. 기념시설은 건립 못지않게 관리와 보존이 중요하다. 기념시설을 잘 보존하는 것은 충분한 활용을 위해서이다. 광주학생독립운동의 정신을 알고 이를 계승하기 위해서는 관련 사료를 지속적으로 발굴하고, 정기 세미나와 5ㆍ18광주항쟁 연계 프로그램 개발 등을 통해 전 국민의 관심을 유도하는 것이 필요하다. 또한 광주학생독립운동 기념시설은 물론 다른 독립운동기념시설과의 연계성도 고려하여 기념관을 운영해야 한다. 유명․무명 독립운동가들의 삶은 민족자존의 무형자산이다. 서훈은 국가적인 차원에서 독립운동가를 인정하는 것이다. 미서훈자에 대한 정밀한 조사와 연구가 요구된다. 참가자에 대하여 전체전인 연구는 물론 지역별․학교별 조사 등을 통하여 독립운동가들을 연구해야 할 것이다. 개인 연구가 축적될 때 광주학생독립운동은 참가자 전체를 데이터 베이스화하면 ‘인물을 통해본 광주학생독립운동사’를 정리할 수 있으며, 그동안의 연구에서 미처 밝히지 못한 많은 사실들을 규명해낼 수 있다. 이외에 광주학생독립운동의 정신을 미래화하는 방안도 모색... Gwangju Students Independence Movement Memorial day was set as Students Day on November 3, 1945, by student groups including Chosun Hakdodae(“student association”). After a truce of Korean war, Students Day, which was decided by the National Assembly in 1953, had been left out from national holidays as dictatorship was intensified in the later half of the 3rd republic regime. In 1982, Students Day was revived after 11 years of abolition; the name “Students Day” wasn’t changed to “Students Independence Movement Memorial Day” until 2006. Main event to commemorate Gwangju Students Independence Movement is the commemorative ceremony held on November 3. First ceremony after liberation was held at Gwangju Seo Middle School in 1945. The event couldn’t be continued during Korean War; venue of the official event managed by the government until the 6th annual event in 1958 was Seoul; Gwangju Students Independence Movement commemorative ceremony was held on local level with participation from students and residents of Gwangju. Due to proclamation of emergency martial law in 1972, the ceremony couldn’t be held until 1983. The 70th annual commemorative ceremony in 1999 was held for commemorating ‘Students Independence Movement’, without the word ‘Gwangju’, suggesting it was a movement on national level. Despite ups and downs regarding the memorial day, the day was set and its commemorative event was held on national level. However the level of national recognition is rather disappointing considering its significance. Commemorative event so far has been held in various ways. But the event has not been relevant, each event lacks connection, and variety in the event is for the event’s sake, not for its significance. In addition, events in the previous year and the following year don’t seem to show continuity or connection and rather focus on the concerned year. Long term planning for commemorative event should be needed for positive results. Memorial facilities of Gwangju Students Independence Movement, except the memorial hall, reflect the significance in terms of history and location by having been built in the station in which the movement was initiated and the school which played the major part in the movement. However, considering 280 schools were participated in the movement, it is a little disappointing that monuments were erected only in 4 schools. Besides schools, historic places related to the movement should be searched and excavated to make them available for history education and cultural resources. Also, the sites should be well-preserved and used. Maintenance and preservation of memorial facilities are important as much as building one. Good preservation is to utilize the facility efficiently and effectively. To understand and success the spirit of the movement, continuous research for related materials, seminars on regular basis and development of programs associated with May 18 Gwangju Resistance should follow to draw interest from the public. In addition, memorial facilities for the movement should be managed through association with other independence movement memorial facilities. Lives of well-known or unknown independence activists are intangible assets of national pride. Conferment of a decoration implies recognition on a national level as an independence activist. Elaborate search and study for those who had not been conferred should be required. Not only overall study on those who participated in the movement but also on local schools should follow for study on independence activists. As individual information is accumulated, entire list of participants should be organized in database which shows ‘history of the movement by person’ ; it should verify many facts that haven’t been verified in previous studies. In addition, we should find a way to maintain the spirit of the movement. The spirit should be maintained as the mental foundation of the nation in this reality of intense...

광주·전남 출신 한국광복군의 항일운동

윤선자 호남사학회 2008 역사학연구 Vol.33 No.-

1940년 창설된 광복군에 입대한 광주·전남 출신자는 현재 44명으로 파악되고 있다. 이들 중 상당수는 중국주둔 일본군대에 끌려갔다가 탈출한 이들이었고, 광복군에 입대한 시기는 주로 1945년이었다. 병력모집활동에 광주·전남 출신 광복군은 상당한 공헌을 하였는데 특히 나월환을 지대장으로 하였던 제5지대였다. 전지공작대에서 출발하여 광복군 제5지대로 편성되었는데, 초기에 편성된 4개 지대 중 가장 많은 병력을 확보하면서 광복군의 주력부대로 발전하였다. 그 외에 병력모집활동 전개자로 김용재와 최창희가 있었는데 그것은 그들이 연장자라는 점, 군관학교를 비롯하여 다양한 경력의 소유자라는 점이 적지 않은 영향을 미쳤다. 병력모집활동과 깊은 관계가 있는 선전활동은 광복군의 활동상을 국내외에 알려서 동포들의 참여와 지원을 촉구하고자 한 것이었다. 광주·전남 출신 광복군은 선전활동에서도 두각을 드러냈는데 광복군의 선전매체인 『광복』의 간행을 주도한 조경한은 순천(승주) 출신이었다. 선전활동은 연합군과의 공동작전을 통해서도 이루어졌다. 영국군과는 버마전선에서 협력하였고, 미국군과는 연합작전은 성사되지 못하였지만 OSS훈련이 진행되었다. 광주·전남 출신 광복군의 항일활동은 다른 지역 항일활동과 그다지 차별성이 드러나지 않는다. 광복군으로서의 활동에 지역성은 그다지 큰 의미가 없었던 때문이다. 그러나 나월환이 이끌었던 제5지대의 병력모집활동에서 확인할 수 있듯이 광주·전남 출신 광복군은 광복군의 항일활동에 기초가 되는 인적 자원 확보와 부대편성에 큰 공헌을 하였다는 특징이 있다. 또한 선전매체인 『광복』의 간행을 주도한 이가 광주·전남 출신이라는 점도 특징이라 할 수 있다. 44 people from Kwangju, Jeonnam joined Korean Kwang Bok Army established in 1940. Most of them had been taken away by Japanese army stationed in China and later escaped; and joined Korean Kwang Bok Army in 1945. Those who were from Kwangju, Jeonnam played a significant role in invitation of military force, especially in detached troop No.5 where Wol Hwan Na was the leader of the troop. The unit started as Korean Youth Field Manoeuvre Party then was formed as detached troop No.5 of Korean Kwang Bok Army; it had the most military force among 4 troops formed at early stage and was developed as the main unit of Korean Kwang Bok Army. Yong Je Kim and Chang Hee Choi played a major role for invitation of military force for they were the eldest with various experiences including their education in military school. Propaganda, which had close association with the invitation of military force, was to promote participation and support from Korean people by educating them on activities of Korean Kwang Bok Army. Those from Kwangju, Jeonnam played a significant role also in propaganda; Gyeong Han Jo, who led publishing Kwang Bok, a publication for propaganda of Kwang Bok Army, was from Suncheon(Seungju). Propaganda was also led by cooperation with combined forces. The Army cooperated with British force in Burma; although combined operation with US force wasn't realized, OSS training was proceeded. Anti-Japanese movement of Kwang Bok Army from Kwangju, Jeonnam showed no difference than that of other regions. It is because regional difference played no significant part in their activities. However as shown in invitation activity of detached troop No.5 led by Wol Hwan Na, Korean Kwang Bok Army from Kwangju, Jeonnam played a major role to secure human resources and organize the unit, which are the basis of anti- Japanese movement. It is also significant that Kwang Bok, a publication for propaganda of Kwang Bok Army, was published by people from Kwangju, Jeonnam.

국가기념일 제정 이후 ‘5·18민주화운동 기념사’ 연구

윤선자 한국근현대사학회 2019 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.91 No.-

Since the May 18 Gwangju Uprising in 1980, democratization has become a key term in Korean history. This paper analyzed the history of the 5·18 democratization movement to identify the democratization movement that developed after the Gwangju Uprising. Since most of the democratization movements developed after the 1980 Gwangju Uprising were carried out in connection with the Gwangju Uprising, the 5·18 Memorial is the most meaningful and important data for understanding the process and contents of democratization. The May 18th Gwangju Uprising was established on May 9, 1997 with the consensus and agreement of many peoples, and it began to be remembered and commemorated at the national level. It was a journey of the Korean democratization movement. From the perspective of the author of the May 18 Memorial, the interest in the 5·18 heightened as the Kim Dae-jung administration from the Roh Moo-hyun administration increased, and the Lee Myung-bak administration lowered the interest, reflecting each government’s perception and evaluation of democracy and 5·18. The Kim Young-sam administration, the Kim Dae-jung administration, and the Roh Moo-hyun administration called the 5·18 struggle a demonstration for democracy of righteous citizens and led to the June 1987 war. The Lee Myung-bak administration and the Park Geun-hye administration focused on linking the 5·18 with the economy, but they are not convincing. In presenting directions and tasks for the promotion of the democratization movement, the Kim Dae-jung administration presented 5·18 tasks to be implemented at the government level and sought public consent and cooperation. The Roh Moo-hyun administration also called for the public’s understanding and participation in finalizing the Gwangju democratization movement, but failed to persuade those who resisted democratic reform. The Lee Myung-bak administration and the Park Geun-hye administration presented economic development as a task of 5·18, but did not lead to a link between economic democracy and political and social democratization. 1980년의 5·18광주항쟁 이후 민주화는 한국사의 핵심 용어가 되었다. 본고는광주항쟁 이후 전개된 민주화운동을 파악하기 위해 5·18민주화운동 기념사를 분석하였다. 1980년의 광주항쟁 이후 전개된 민주화운동이 대부분 광주항쟁과 연계되어추진되었으므로, 민주화의 과정과 내용을 파악하는 데는 5·18기념사가 가장 의미있고 중요한 자료이기 때문이다. 1980년의 광주항쟁은 광주전남인들과 천주교광주대교구에서 기억·기념되기 시작하였고, 시간이 흐르면서 더 많은 사람들과 더 많은 지역들에서 기억·기념되었다. 5·18광주항쟁은 많은 사람들의 공감대 형성과 동의를 거쳐 1997년 5월 9일에 ‘5·18 민주화운동 기념일’로 제정되어 국가 차원에서 기억·기념되기 시작하였는데, 5·18 국가기념일 제정까지의 과정은 광주항쟁 이후 전개된 한국민주화운동의 여정이었다. 5·18기념사의 작성 주체는 대통령을 포함하여 당시의 집권층이었다. 작성 주체의 측면에서 볼 때 김대중 정부에서 노무현 정부로 이어지면서 5·18에 대한 관심은 고조되었고, 이명박 정부부터는 관심이 낮아졌는데 이는 민주주의와 5·18에 대한 각 정부의 인식과 평가를 반영하는 것이었다. 5·18기념사에 언급된 5·18에 대한 규정을 보면, 김영삼 정부 ·김대중 정부 ·노무현 정부는 5·18항쟁을 의로운 시민들의 민주주의를 위한 항쟁이라 하였고, 1987년의 6월항쟁으로 이어졌다고 하였다. 이명박 정부와 박근혜 정부는 5·18을 경제와 연계시키는 데 주력하였는데 설득력이 떨어진다. 민주화운동을 진전시키기 위한 방향과 과제 제시를 보면, 김영삼 정부는 광주시민들에게만 능동적인 시민상을 요구하였다. 김대중 정부는 정부 차원에서 추진할 5·18의 과제를 구체적으로 제시하고, 국민의 동의와 협조를 구하였다. 노무현 정부도 광주민주화운동을 최종적으로 완성시키는 것이 국정목표라며 국민의 이해와 참여를 요구하였는데 민주개혁에 저항하는 이들을 설득하지 못하였다. 이명박 정부와 박근혜 정부는 경제발전을 5·18의과제로 제시하였는데, 경제민주화와 정치사회적 민주화의 연결고리를 이끌어내지는 않았다.