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      • KCI등재

        동아(東亞)트라우마, 제국의 지정학적 공간과 "이등신민"의 정치학

        유선영 ( Sunyoung Yoo ) 한국사회사학회 2012 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.94

        이 연구는 19세기 중반 이래 중국 동북3성지역(1932년 이후 만주국)으로 이주 했던 재만 소수민족 조선인을 모호하게 규정한 ‘이등신민’ 서사가 지정학적 권역으 로서 동아시아의 균열선으로 작동하는 양상을 재구성했다. 유동적이고 모호한 범 주로서 ‘이등신민’은 東亞제국주의의 인종주의적 기반을 작동시키는 동시에 아시아 제 민족들의 분리, 대립, 적대와 폭력의 균열을 야기하는 고리로 작용했음을 조선, 중국, 제국 일본의 ‘이등신민’에 대한 서로 다른 시선을 통해 구성했다. 이등신민은 東亞의 지정학적 상상 안에서 구성되고 작동했으며 아시아 민족들의 분열과 적대 를 점화하는 제국의 장치였다. 이 식민주의 역사 안에서 ‘이등신민’ 또한 사회적 정체성의 한 유형으로 규정될 수 있음을 제시하였다. This research reflects on the ruptured and antagonistic histories of Asian ethnics concomitant in Manchuria or the East-Northern area of China to where Koreans have been migrating since the mid-19th Century. I argue that signification of ‘second class subject’ of the Koreans in Manchuria was made possible at the intersectional site of imperialism, racism, anti-Japanese hostility of the Chinese and opportunistic attitudes of Korean migrants. Antagonism and discord between settler natives and migrants was, in effect, the consequence of imperial governance. Korean migrants as colonized subjects of Japan in Manchuria was not only mobilized as an avant-guard for imperial penetration into China and but also exploited as frontiers cultivating wasted land of Manchuria into arable land for Japanese migrants. In a geopolitical space of East Asian New Order designated and persecuted by Japan, signification of second-class subject of Koreans, meaning inferior to Japanese but superior to Chinese, precisely betrayed the imagined regional idea of East Asia Order. The second-class subject was circulated as a narrative, presumed assumption, and motivated code for migrant Koreans in Manchuria. It is clear that the code was emblematic of how co-existing multiple ethnicities built social relationships and distinguished themselves from each other within political, economic and social space of Manchuria. For the same reason, Korean migrants as second-class subject render a social type. In this regard, the Korean migrants served for both Asianism and counter-Asian motives while embodying the racism inherent within the Asianist discourse. There were binary oppositions at work apart from that of Japan vs. China or Japan vs. Korea. Ethnic confrontations within the colonized-i.e. between Koreans and Chinese or Koreans and Manchus, criss-crossed with the assumed binary of the colonizer and the colonized. At this intersections, the Japanese geopolitical vision of East Asia or “Dong-A” was the final instance that has traumatized those people who lived there by haunting them with past experiences and memories of discrimination, violence, antagonism, hatred, suspicion, distrust, terror, and unstable condition of living in the unfamiliar environment to which they newly migrated. This stems from the fact that their native country was a colony. In addition, the trajectory of colonialism/imperialism that had mobilized them overlapped with their national and social identity. In this sense, Manchuria is the site of traumatic memory, composed of respective temporality and spatiality whether of the Empire or the colonies.

      • KCI등재

        시각기술로서 환등과 식민지의 시각성

        유선영(Sunyoung, Yoo) 사단법인 언론과 사회 2016 언론과 사회 Vol.24 No.2

        20세기 전환기에 활동사진과 거의 동시에 도입된 환등은 19세기 서구의 시각문화를 주도했던 마술환등(magic lantern), 그리고 오락으로서 판타스마고리아의 경험을 건너 뛴 광학적이고 과학적인 환등, 교육과 계몽 용도의 환등이었다. 과학적 환등은 루쉰과 이광수가 그랬듯이 폭력적일 만큼 투명한 제국의 응시에 노출되게 하였고 그것의 압도적 재현역량에 순응하게 하였다. 말(연설)이 억압되고, 문자에 대한 검열이 일상화된 식민지에서 시각미디어의 패권적 우위가 확립된 것이다. 식민지민에게 시각기술은 타자화된 피사체의 경험에서 시작되며 이타자적 시선은 식민지 주체성에 폭력적 상흔을 남긴다. 1920년대 초 민족주의는 수동적이고 타자화된 식민지의 시각성에 균열을 내고 근대적 시각주체로서 재구성되게 하는 계기였다. 피사체에서 시각주체로 재구성되는 과정을 1921∼22년간 화부회의 환등과 백두산환등을 통해 해석했고 ‘환등처럼’의 시각성을 통해 식민지에서는 필연적인 시각테크놀로지의 고립성과 그것의 한계를 제시했다. Magic lantern as a technology of vision was introduced almost simultaneously with motion picture in Korea in the era of turning toward the 20<SUP>th</SUP> Century. In the West, magic lantern had led the modern visual culture of the 19<SUP>th</SUP> Century in a form of commercial amusements such as ghost show, panorama, diorama and phantasmagoria that presented visual technology itself as magical and mysterious experiences. In Korea, magic lantern was introduced and used as optical and scientific technology of vision which shows off its overwhelmingly accurate, detailed, and transparent representative power. The representative ability of visual technology turns out to be violence against subjects who were used to be taken under a gaze of imperial eyes as men of primitivities, that is, as object-being-seen. Under colonial occupation which oppressed free political addresses and writings by police enforcement, visual technology of photography, magic lantern and silence cinema established its hegemonic supremacy in Korea. Writers and journalists in 1910s learned and practiced modernist realism and objectivism by imitating camera’s way of seeing. The colonized people gazed themselves as primitive native and found their own primitivity in order to deconstruct and reconstruct ethnic identity as like Lu Hsun did in China. I argue that such kind of visual experiences constitute colonial visuality of the weak people in Korea. During years of 1921∼1923, three magic lantern exhibition tours of Baekdu-Mountain, Washington Conference and Comfort Tour for Overseas Korean organized, produced and carried out by Dong-A Daily marked the turning points of colonial visuality. Nationalism and nationalist mobilization of slide lantern shows were the moments of repositioning the colonial visuality from the objectified other to a modern subject of eye beholder. The modern technology of vision in colony is forced to be an isolated technology which has not developed other related technologies and mechanic facilities that needed in proper operation of the technology. Under such circumstance, modern visuality of colonial society has been constituted.

      • KCI등재

        식민지 근대성의 사회심리학

        유선영(Yoo Sunyoung) 사단법인 언론과 사회 2012 언론과 사회 Vol.20 No.3

        이 연구는 슈츠(A. Schuetz)의 이방인론이 현상학적 지식이론이기도 하다는 점에 착안하여 19세기 후반~20세기 전반기 초기 근대성을 구성했던 식민지 조선의 근대주체들을 이방인으로 개념화하고 이들이 구성한 근대에 대한 텍스트들을 레시피 개념을 통해 해석하였다. 문화패턴, 자연적태도, 레시피적 지식, 위기, 혼종과 경계, 문화위기 등의 이방인론의 주요 개념들은 식민지의 현실조건과 문화적 위기국면에서 근대화 근대성이 어떻게 구성되었으며 그 과정에서 생성된 문화적 속성은 무엇인 지를 성찰하는데 유용함을 논증하였다. 이방인의 서구근대에 대한 레시피적 지식들을 전형성과 그 전형성을 작동시키는 자기모멸의 감정구조를 배태하고 있었다. 이런 점에서 이 연구는 갑자기 근대세계의 이방인으로 위치가 전환된 식민지 근대주체의 우울한 사회심리에 대한 보고다. This study attempts to inquire into the process of constitution of modernity in colonial Korea in terms of Schuetz’s phenomenology of the stranger that has been acknowledged as a theory of knowledge. I argue that Korean who desperately sought for the Western modernity in colonial times can be recognized as a stranger. The term stranger, as Schutz defined, means an adult individual of our times and civilization who tries to be permanently accepted or at least tolerated by the group which he approaches. Following the definition, I suggest, the Koreans of the times as stranger who tries to get modernized and acknowledged by the West. Schuetz suggested concepts like cultural pattern, natural attitude and cultural recipes that are peculiar to a social group and function for its members as an unquestioned scheme of reference. In sum, cultural recipe is’a knowledge of acquaintance’ formed by natural attitude generated in ‘a cultural pattern. The opposite form of ‘Knowledge of acquaintance’ is a knowledge about’ that is described, explained and organized with focused observation. In this perspective, stranger is a man of without natural attitude of the approaching society. It means stranger is standing in a alien world in a state of genuine vacancy of cultural recipe of knowledge for making and keeping relations with members of the society he approaches. Koreans under scrutiny were living on the margin between two worlds and indeed strangers to the West, modernity and modern world at the time. They had questioned everything modern and tried to know it by constituting their own recipes for modernity. I mean, Koreans attempted to constitute natural attitude of the approaching society as a knowledge to learn of know. Newspapers and magazines are the main source of the recipe for modernization. They produced test of modernity in various forms such as news and commentary, editorial, traveler’s journal, reportage, observatory report, illustration and comics, satire, short stories, comte, critic, interview, memoirs and story of one’s experiences. I argue that those written modernities by intellectuals were not only that of inaccuracy, inconsistence, contradictions, opaqueness, ambiguity, and biases, but that of irrelevant to their colonial context. And there appeared some tendency of reproducing recipes of pseudo-typicality in Schuetz’s term. Modernity that is working effective in the context of the Western culture had been imagined and reconstituted as ‘a knowledge about’ in colonial Korea. In the Process of that kind of modernization happened. Cynicism on their own modernity that was constituted in suspicion emerged and developed like as a kind of natural attitude of colonial society of Korea.

      • KCI등재

        식민지 ‘미디어 효과론’의 구성

        유선영(Sunyoung Yoo) 한국언론정보학회 2016 한국언론정보학보 Vol.77 No.3

        사진, 환등, 영화는 20세기 전반기의 경이롭고 마술적인 시각 기술, 1910년대 중반 상업적 가능성을 확인시킨 시기를 거쳐, 1920∼1930년대 내내 문화적 패권을 향유한 유일한 미디어였다. 처음부터 근대적 오락으로 소비된 시각 미디어들에 대한 담론은 1920년대 초반까지 영화보다는 관객이 집합하는 공간인 극장 통제, 즉 군중 통제에 역점을 두고 구성되었다. 그러다 영화 자체가 현대적 문화와 미학의 표준이 된 1920년대 중반 이후 무성영화시대에는 당대의 지배적 학문 분야들인 심리학, 사회학, 대중심리학의 개념과 이론을 적용하여 영화가 대중에게 미치는 강력한 도덕, 심리, 정신면의 부정적 영향을 강조하게 된다. 이데올로기 도구이자 동시에 근대 리얼리즘의 재현 매체로서 가능성을 지닌 시각 기술과 그것의 정점에 있는 영화의 영향을 부정적으로 규정해 간 것이다. 이 연구는 이러한 ‘식민적 미디어 영향 담론’이 처음부터 통치의 문제였으며 상업적 소비대중과 저항적 군중 통제를 위한 담론이었음을 주장하였다. 주목해야 할 사실은 이를 통해 일제의 식민지 통치성이 부단히 세계적, 보편적 사유와 지적흐름을 수용하면서 구성되어 갔지만 식민지 대중의 동의를 얻는 데는 실패한 담론이었다는 점이다. In the early 1900, photography, magic lantern and cinema were simultaneously introduced and experienced until the mid-1910s as mysterious and magical symbol of modern science and technology. The technology of vision, cinema in particular demonstrated its commercially expandable potentials through serial films in the mid-1910s, silent cinema in the 1920s and talkies in 1930s. I argue that a metaphor ‘like a movie’ which was would be spoken out by peoples as a cliche ever since the late 1910s whenever they encountered something uncanny, mysterious, and looking wholly new phenomena informs how cinematic technology worked in colonial society at the turning point to the early 20th century. Mass in colonial society accepted cinema and other visual technologies not only as an advanced science of the times but as texts of modernity that is the reason why cinema had so quickly taken cultural hegemony over the colony. Until the mid-1920s, discourse on cinema focused not on cinema itself, rather more on the theatre matters such as hygiene, facilities for public use, disturbance, quarrels and fights, theft, and etc. Since the mid-1920s and especially in wartime 1930s, discourses about negative influences and effects of cinema on behavior, mind and spirit of masses, bodily health, morality and crime were articulated and delivered by Japanese authorities and agencies like as police, newspapers and magazines, and collaborate Korean intellectuals. Theories and research reports stemming from disciplines of psychology, sociology, and mass-psychology that emphasized vulnerability and susceptibility of the crowd and mass consumers who would be exposed to visual images, spectacles and strong toxic stimulus in everyday lives. Those negative discourse on influences and effects of cinema was intimately associated with fear of the crowd and mass as well as new technology which does not allow clear understanding about how it works in future. The fact that cinema as a technology of vision could be used as an apparatus of ideology and propaganda stirred up doubts and pessimistic perspectives on cinema influence. Discourse on visual technology cinema constructed under colonial governance is doomed to be technology of mass control for empire"s own sake.

      • KCI등재

        '성주류화' 정책과 여성 미디어워치의 새로운 모색

        백미숙(Misook Baek),유선영(Sunyoung Yoo) 한국여성커뮤니케이션학회 2005 미디어, 젠더 & 문화 Vol.4 No.-

        이 글은 1995년 UN 북경세계여성대회가 채택한 성주류화 정책의 주요 전략의 하나 인 여성 미디어워치 활동에 초점을 맞추어 다음의 세 가지를 다루고 있다. 첫째, 글로벌 거버넌스의 수준에서 UN이 여성의 지위와 권리 향상을 위해 추진해온 정책의 변화를 검토했다. 성평등 정책의 기획과 실행이라는 거시적 맥락에서 여성 미디어워치가 가지는 실천적 의미와 필요성을 귀납적으로 보여주기 위해서이다 다음으로 성주류화 개념의 이론적 실천적 쟁점을 논의했다. 이를 바탕으로 셋째, 해외 여성 미디어워치 단체의 모니터링 사례를 실천적 맥락에서 검토했다. 분석결과로는 모니터링 과정에서 성 차별 분석에 중점을 두는 여성주의 관점이 여성들의 불평등한 지위를 개선하기 위한 보상적 목적을 넘어, 젠더 관계의 개혁을 통한 남녀평등 주류화로의 질서전환 과정에서 상호보완적으로 작동하고 있음을 제시했다. 이로부터 이 글은 전 지구적 미디어 모니터링 프로젝트와 미디어 개혁운동과의 연대활동의 중요성과 필요성을 제시하고 있다. This paper discusses women's media watch, which is employed as one of crucial strategies for 'gender mainstreaming' policy. UN Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995 adopted gender mainstreaming as a new paradigm for gender equality. This paper deals with three major points following. First, in terms of global governance, this paper examines UN's policy development, which promotes the empowerment of women's status and rights. This reveals inductively the meaning and necessity of women's media watch in the broad view of planning and practicing the project of gender equality. Second, this paper discusses theoretical and practical controversies concerning the concept of gender mainstreaming. This intends to inquire the changes of viewpoints and focuses in monitoring gender description of media when the critical discourse on sexual discrimination and patriarchy has been trans formed to the discourse of gender equality mainstreaming. Third, oversea women's media watch organizations and their activities are reviewed for the purpose of gaining practical seconded¬experiences and seeking for possibilities of global solidarities to achieve the goal of the Beiing project. Based on these three points, this paper presents the tasks of participating in global media monitoring projects and organizing activities at both domestic and global level.

      • SSCISCIESCOPUSKCI등재
      • KCI등재

        젠더화된 주체의 일차원적 그리고 다중적 타자인식 : 성차별관념의 젠더차이에 대한 이론적 탐색

        유선영 한국여성커뮤니케이션학회 2004 미디어, 젠더 & 문화 Vol.1 No.-

        언론계에 종사하는 남성과 여성의 異性타자에 대한 인식과 태도를 조사한 바에 따르면 남성은 직급, 연령, 부서에 관계없이 여성에 대해 획일적이고 동질적인 태도를 나타냈으나 여성은 남성에 대해 상대적으로 사안에 따라, 직급별로 차별적인 평가와 태도를 보였다. 이 연구는 이러한 남녀간의 이성타자에 대한 인식의 차이를 후기구조주의, 탈식민주의, 페미니즘의 주요 개념과 이론을 통해 분석, 설명하는데 주안을 둔 것이다. 근대 이래 남성을 세계의 주인이자 인식의 주체로 설정한 남근이성주의는 남성으로 하여금 여성타자에 대한 자신의 주인 됨을 의심하지 않는, 고도로 중심화, 체계화, 구조화된 남성정체성과 주체성을 갖게 한다. 남성의 젠더관념이 여성보다 고착적이고 지속적인 것은 그 때문이다. 반면 여성은 남근이성주의적 가치체계의 주변인이자 소수자로서 주체구성의 축인 중심과의 거리가 멀고 가변적이며 불안정하기 때문에 젠데 주체성 또한 유동적이고 양가적이며 다중적인데 이 때문에 남성타자에 대한 평가와 태도에서 남성보다 유동적이고 양가적인 경향을 보인다. 언론계 남녀 종사자 177명에 대한 설문조사 결과는 이러한 남녀간의 젠더화된 주체성의 차이를 검증하고 확인하는 방증자료로 사용되었다. This paper aims to reveal deep mechanisms of male and female sexual discrimination that shows some differences from each other in media organization in Korea. Male shows a sort of consistence in negatively skewed evaluation toward women's job performance no matter what it is, while female gives credit on men's performance depending on what the matter is. Overall, average score of male and female evaluation on colleagues of other sex is quite statistically and significantly different from each other as being proved by T-test. This study inquires not into how much differ in scores of evaluation appreciated by two sexes toward each other, but into what is the characteristic patterns of evaluation on other sex. A survey result whose sample is 169 male and female journalists working for media organizations shows that male respondents is remarkably persistent in evaluation toward capabilities and achievements of women colleague. I define this kind of negatively biased skewdness of male's gender perception as an one-dimensionality of sexual discrimination. Meanwhile, female shows some variation in evaluation on male colleague's performance. Especially, females on supervisor level is tend to appreciate male's achievement better than laymen females did. And females on supervisor level also are tend to agree with male's evaluation on some aspects of female performances. Hence, I define this kind of fluctuation that female group shows as a multiplicity of sexual discrimination. I discuss male's one-dimensionality and female's multiplicity in a radical feminist perspective constructed under post-colonialism and post-structuralism. According to post-colonial and structural perspective, male and female subjectivity and identity has been constituted by phallogocentrism since modern era began. Within phallogocentric regime, men has never questioned about a presumption that he is a master of the world and to others. It means he is a man of the centered identity and never consider about the history of male domination and colonization against others. His subjectivity/identity has no memories of the domination and then, no contents. This emptiness of subjectivity works for men to be obsolete, consistent and solid in executing sexual discrimination on women who takes part in territories assumed to be their own. I define this kind of consistency and simplicity of male's gender discrimination as one-dimensionality. Meanwhile, women who has formed identities and subjectivities as a subaltern and the margin applies relatively diverse and multiple norms to measure the other sex. It is because that she has been socialized and gendered in a distance from the center of the world. That is, female's gender discriminating practice is less consistent and solid than that of male's. I discuss that this variation and fluctuation characteristic in female's gender related practices is rooted in ambivalence within women subjectivity.

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