18세기 후반 金萬德의 경제활동 再考察

양정필(YANG Jeongpil) 한국사학회 2017 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.125

김만덕(1739~1812)은 濟州의 妓女였다. 1796년 제주도에 대흉년이 들어 굶어주는 사람들이 있었다. 김만덕은 많은 쌀을 관청에 무상으로 제공하여 굶주린 이들을 도왔다. 제주 牧使는 이 사실은 조정에 보고하였다. 국왕 正祖는 김만덕의 소원을 들어주도록 하였다. 김만덕은 免賤되기를 원하지 않고 서울과 금강산을 구경하고 싶다고 했다. 정조는 그 소원은 받아들여서 김만덕은 서울은 물론 금강산까지 유람할 수 있었다. 김만덕이 서울에 와서 머물 때, 官人유학자들은 김만덕의 慈善을 칭송하는 글들을 지었다. 그것이 지금까지 남아 있어서 김만덕을 역사적 위인으로 만들고 있다. 최근 김만덕은 제주도를 대표하는 인물이 됨은 물론이고 전국적으로 유명한 인물이 되었다. 그녀의 자선 활동을 생각하면 이러한 평가는 정당한 것이다. 다만 역사적 인물이 될수록 그녀의 삶에 대한 올바른 이해가 더욱 요구된다. 김만덕의 자선 활동, 서울 및 금강산 나들이에 대해서는 기록이 있어서 논란이 거의 없다. 그러나 그녀가 어떻게 부자가 될 수 있었는가 하는 문제, 즉 경제활동에 대해서는 관련 기록이 거의 없어서 구체적인 실상을 확인하기 어렵다. 그런데 최근에 그녀가 20여 세에 免賤하여 양인이 되었고, 이후 상업활동을 통해 부를 쌓아 巨商이 되었다는 주장이 널리 받아들여지고 있다. 본고에서는 이러한 이해가 당시의 시대적 조건과 부합하는 지를 살펴보았다. 당시 제주도의 상업발달 수준을 감안했을 때 그녀가 상업으로 큰 돈을 모았다는 기존의 주장은 재고의 여지가 많다. 당시 제주도와 본토를 왕래하는 船商들이 있었다. 그 선상들은 거의 대부분 제주도 출신이었다. 즉 제주도와 본토와의 교역은 제주 출신 상인들이 주도하였다. 간혹 본토 상인이 제주도를 찾아서 상업활동을 하였지만, 주된 경향이었다고 보기 어렵다. 그런데 최근에 김만덕을 巨商으로 이해하는 주장에서는 그녀가 본토에서 온 선상 혹은 상인들을 파트너로 삼아 상업에 종사하였다고 한다. 제주도를 찾아오는 본토 상인이 매우 적은 조건에서 이러한 상업 방식으로 거상이 된다는 주장은 설득력이 떨어지는 것이다. 또 김만덕은 20여 세에 면천되었다는 주장이 널리 받아들여지고 있다. 그러나 당시 官妓의 면천에는 막대한 경제적 부담이 있었다는 점, 관찬 사서에 김만덕이 기녀로 기록된 점 등으로 보아 그녀가 면천했다는 주장 역시 재고의 여지가 매우 많다. 그렇다면 김만덕은 어떻게 하여서 부자가 되었을까. 필자는 그녀가 기녀였다는 사실에 주목하였다. 조선후기에 크게 이름 난 기녀는 짧은 기간에 큰돈을 모을 수 있었다. 김만덕이 제주도 내에서 이름난 부자가 될 수 있었던 결정적 계기는 그녀의 기녀 활동이었다고 주장하고 싶다. 이러한 주장은 통설과는 많이 다르다. 비록 사료에 근거하지 못하고 당시의 시대적 조건을 감안한 주장이라는 한계가 있지만, 기존과는 다른 새로운 관점 제시로 김만덕 연구가 좀더 풍성해지는 데 조그마한 도움이라도 되기를 바란다. Kim Man-duk(1739~1812) was originally a female courtesan in Jeju island. In 1796, great famine struck the island and left many starved to death. Kim Man-duk helped these people by providing vast amounts of rice to the government for free. Impressed by her sacrifice, Jeju governor reported such deed to the court. King Jungjo was also grateful to her, granting any of Kim’s wishes. Kim surprisingly did not ask for status elevation, but merely wished to tour Seoul and Mount. Kumkang, which the king fully accepted. During Kim Man-duk’s visit to Seoul, many court Confucian literati composed writings to praise her charity. Those works still survive to this day to make her a great historical figure. Recenty, Kim Man-duk became a symbolic individual to represent Jeju island and her reputation spread nationwide. Such assessment is indeed justified as proven by her virtuous philanthropy. However, as Kim emerges more into history from myth, her life requires more accurate understanding from the public. Kim Man-duk’s charitable activities and her visit to Seoul and Kumkang mountains demand almost no controversy as they are strongly documented. But the facts of how she acquired her immense wealth or economic operations are still not clear by documents. Lately, a theory that Kim became a peasant at 20 and subsequently was involved in commerce to eventually become a business magnate is widely held. This study therefore has examined whether such understanding corresponds to the contemporary situations. Based on 18th century commercial development of Jeju island, previous opinion that Kim Man-duk became rich because of trade needs much to be reconsidered. During that time, there were ship merchants who did business between Jeju island and mainland and who were mostly of Jeju origin. This fact implies that they led such trade. However, recent study that recognizes Kim Man-duk as the merchant princess insists that she had a joint partnership with mainland merchants. This opinion lacks credibility since it was impossible for Kim to accumulate her riches by transacting with mainland traders when there were very few of them coming to the island. Another common theory that Kim Man-duk was freed of slavery around the age 20 could also be disputed. In order for government courtesans to be released of their status, vast economic costs were needed. Moreover, official records clearly recorded Kim as state-owned courtesan. Hence, aforementioned theory requires further verifications. Then, the question arises as to how Kim Man-duk rose herself to be a business powerwoman in Jeju island. Some clues can be found from the fact that she was a courtesan. A famous courtesan in late Joseon period was able to make a fortune in a short time, thus it could be said that this was the exact route that Kim took to her rise to riches. The new theory raised in this study is quite different from the established one. Although newly suggested theory has few recorded grounds and rather based on the conditions of the time, this study hopes to contribute to the deepening research of Kim Man-duk by approaching it from a fresh perspective.

해방 이후 1950년대 홍삼 수출 연구

양정필(YANG, Jeongpil) 한국사학회 2022 史學硏究 Vol.- No.148

본고에서는 해방 이후 1950년대까지 홍삼 수출이 어떻게 이루어졌는지를 살펴보았다. 미군정 시기에는 미군정 자체의 소극적인 무역 정책과 중국 본토에서 홍삼 수입 금지 등 여러 요인이 복합적으로 작용해서 홍삼수출은 매우 침체되었다. 새로 수립된 정부는 미군정 시기에 제조되었지만 수출하지 못한 10만 근 이상의 홍삼을 넘겨받았다. 이 홍삼은 정부 재정에 크게 기여할 것으로 기대를 모았다. 그러나 이승만 정권은 홍삼 수출 방법을 둘러싸고 시행착오를 겪었다. 우여곡절 끝에 백낙승의 대한문화선전사에 홍삼을 불하하였다. 대한문화선전사는 3만근 이상의 홍삼을 홍콩으로 갖고 가서 판매를 시도하였지만 제대로 판매하지 못하였다. 그래서 전매청은 1952년에 그 계약을 파기하였다. 1950년대 초반 전쟁 중에는 홍삼 생산이나 수출이 힘들었다. 그러나 전쟁 말기인 1953년 6월부터 홍삼이 다시 수출되기 시작하였다. 1954년까지 두 번에 걸쳐 3만근 가까운 홍삼이 수출되었다. 그럼에도 3만5천여근의 홍삼이 남아 있었다. 정부는 이 홍삼을 판매할 업체로 설경동의 대한산업를 선정하였다. 그 과정에서 논란과 특혜 시비가 있었다. 대한산업은 3만5천근의 홍삼 중 1만여 근 이상을 판매하지 못하는 부진을 보였다. 1958년부터 수출된 홍삼은 전쟁 중에 혹은 그 직후에 제조된 것들이었다. 당시 홍삼 제조 수량은 1천근 내외로 이전과 비교하면 매우 적었다. 따라서 정부는 매해 공개 입찰에 의해서 업체를 선정하여 홍삼을 판매하였다. 한편 1950년대 말이 되면 한국 홍삼 생산량이 급감하면서 홍콩 시장에서는 경쟁 상품이 입지를 넓히고 또 한국 홍삼을 위조한 가짜 홍삼이 등장해서 큰 우려를 샀다. 이에 대해 전매청은 포장 방법을 일신하는 등의 방식으로 대응하면서 홍삼의 성가를 유지하려고 하였다. This paper examined how red ginseng exports were carried out from liberation to the 1950s. During the U.S. military administration, exports of red ginseng were very sluggish due to a combination of factors such as the U.S. military government’s passive trade policy and the ban on imports of red ginseng from mainland China. The newly established government took over more than 100,000 pounds of red ginseng that was manufactured during the U.S. military regime but failed to export. The red ginseng was expected to contribute greatly to the government’s finances. However, the Rhee Syng-man administration went through trial and error over how to export red ginseng. After many twists and turns, red ginseng was offered to Baek Nak-seung’s Korean Culture Propaganda. The Korean Culture Propaganda Company brought more than 30,000 pounds of red ginseng to Hong Kong and tried to sell it, but it failed to sell it properly. So the monopoly agency broke the contract in 1952. During the war in the early 1950s, red ginseng production and exports were difficult. However, red ginseng began to be exported again in June 1953 at the end of the war. By 1954, nearly 30,000 pounds of red ginseng were exported twice. Nevertheless, more than 35,000 pounds of red ginseng remained. The government selected Korean Industries in Seolgyeong-dong as the company to sell the red ginseng. In the process, there were controversies and disputes over preferential treatment. Korean Industrial showed a slump in sales of more than 10,000 of its 35,000-geun red ginseng. Red ginseng exported from 1958 was manufactured during or shortly after the war. At that time, the amount of red ginseng produced was around 1,000 roots, which was very small compared to the previous one. Therefore, these red ginsengs were sold by selecting companies through open bidding every year. Meanwhile, as Korean red ginseng production plunged in the late 1950s, competitive products expanded their presence in the Hong Kong market and fake red ginseng, which forged Korean red ginseng, caused great concern. In response, the resale agency tried to maintain the sacred value of red ginseng by responding to the packaging method by renewing it.

한말-일제 초 근대적 약업 환경과 한약업자의 대응

양정필(YANG Jeongpil) 대한의사학회 2006 의사학(醫史學) Vol.15 No.2

1910-20년대 개성상인의 백삼(白蔘) 상품화와 판매 확대 활동

양정필(YANG Jeongpil) 대한의사학회 2011 의사학(醫史學) Vol.20 No.1

[특집: 동아시아 상인 열전-상인(商人)의 창을 통해 역사를 보다-] : 19세기 전반 대청(對淸) 홍삼무역의 발전과 임상옥의 활동

양정필 ( Jeongpil Yang ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2015 민족문화연구 Vol.69 No.-

Recently, studies in late Joseon period commerce are flourishing but there are still very few researches in individual merchants or merchant families due to insufficient materials. This article has conducted a case study in a particular merchant named Ihm Sang-ok to fill in such an academic vacuum. The primary source used in the study is the biography of Ihm Sang-ok, which was written in the 1930s by a historian Mun Il-pyeong. Mun came from the same birthplace as Ihm, and he wrote Ihm`s biography based on oral traditions, records of the deceased, and the anthology. Ihm Sang-ok was born in 1779 in Uiju, Korea. It is said that he was committed to learning until 18, but there is also a possibility that Ihm had a certain grounding as a tradesman during this time. He started his merchant career since 18, but his early efforts seemed unsuccessful since he had to continue engaging in trade even when his father died when Ihm was 28. International trade circumstances were one factor because they were just beginning to escape long-time recession, so that it was not easy for anyone to succeed in merchant business due to its small scale. However, fortune turned to Ihm`s favor as he acquired red ginseng trading rights to China at the age of 29 under the support of Bak Jong-gyeong, court powerman. Ihm Sang-ok since then transformed himself into a merchant ‘prince’ by leading red ginseng trade for the next decade. Ihm was Bak`s ‘service guest’(門客) and offered a huge sum of condolence money to Bak`s father`s funeral, thereby winning his support. Moreover, after Ihm obtained the red ginseng monopoly, red ginseng trade with Qing China made big progress as its export and trade volume dramatically increased. Such trade boom comprises an important background for the emergence of international business mogul. and Ihm Sang-ok maximized his personal abilities to take advantage of the situation to clench multinational wealth and reputation. As seen above, Bak`s patronage played a vital role in Ihm`s enterprise, which evidently demonstrates that Ihm`s political inclination was conservative, content with status quo. Such tendency was well illustrated in his attitude towards the Hong Gyeong-lae`s rebellion, as Ihm not only opposed to the cause but actually led anti-rebellion militia forces to put it down. Ihm in his fifties can be characterized as a philanthropist or a bureaucrat. He donated large money for relief causes in northwestern area of the Korean peninsula, and the government rewarded him by awarding office posts. Because of this, Ihm actually governed a county for 2 years. Ihm`s involvement in officialdom made some people in the related area assess him as a literati rather than a merchant. Therefore, such colorful activities of Ihm Sang-ok are indeed an interesting case study of an entrepreneur collaborating with the political powers of the late Joseon era.

1930년대 중반 개성자본가의 만주 진출과 농업 투자 ―공진항(孔鎭恒)의 사례를 중심으로

양정필 ( Yang Jeongpil ) 역사문제연구소 2013 역사문제연구 Vol.17 No.1

Gong Jin-hang was a typical Korean capitalist who ventured outwards into Manchuria between 1934 to 1945 and operated a large-scale farming complex. The phase of Gong`s Manchurian investment can be divided into three periods. The first term was between the fall of 1934, when he initially started Manchurian farming, to 1936. The second was between 1936 to 1938, during which time Gong expanded his investment by founding a joint-stock corporation. Lastly until 1945, when he restructured his company into one-man business and engaged in reclamation of a large-scale farm. A study was conducted about the background and investment patterns during the first term in this paper. Gong Jin-hang was born as a son of a Gaesung multi-millionare. He studied in Europe for 8 years during his twenties and returned home in the spring of 1932. While helping family business for 2 years since his coming back to Korea, Gong eventually arranged family fortunes and businesses to provide a foundation for the Manchurian investment. Economic motive seems to have been the main factor for Gong Jin-hang`s venture. However, he also displayed various and unique motivations to solidify the justification for his new enterprise. For instance, Gong`s reasons included suggesting a new role model for the conservative Gaesung society, chances of more free activities in Manchuria rather than in colonial Korea, and certain anticipations to provide economic security for Korean immigrants in Manchuria. `Restoring public peace` in Manchukuo and solving the dilemma of land ownership were also prime considerations. Finally, being a devout believer in Chundogyo must also have contributed to his decision to build an utopia through running a plantation in a new land. Gong Jin-hang set off on an observation to Manchuria in the autumn of 1934 before making his final decision on the business investment. Through his journey, Gong has managed to acquire information about the realities of Korean cultivators and economic values of Manchurian investment. Successful inspection led to his subsequent venture, and the first fruition was Koryo farmstead, about the size of 100町步. The 100-町步 Koryo farmstead soon developed into over 2 million pyong by the middle of 1937. During that course, there were conflicts between Koreans over irrigation problems, as well as agreements between Korean capitalists to secure lands possible for development of paddy fields. Through such trial and error, Koryo farmstead has grown into massive plantation, with the change of name to `Koryosung` farming complex. Although Gong Jin-hang himself directly supplied more than half of the funds for his Manchurian investment, he also received certain loans from Japanese monetary organizations such as Oriental Development Company, as well as from Korean financiers.