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      • KCI등재

        한국과 일본 여성의 근대적 자각에 관한 비교연구

        소정(文昭丁) 동북아시아문화학회 2017 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.53

        This research makes a comparative study of women"s modern awakening in Korea and Japan centering around the documents on women"s rights, that is Yeo Kewon Tong Mun and “In the Beginning, Woman Was the Sun”. Yeo Kewon Tong Mun, as an feminist activism to change the feudal system and to transform into a modern society, was promulgated on September 1st, 1898. “In the Beginning, Woman Was the Sun”, as an feminist activism to change the good mother and housewife of the Meiji modernization that is the transformation of premodern ideology of the wise mother and good wife, was promulgated on September 11th, 1911. This research has four purposes to understand the similarities and differences of women"s modern awakening in Korea and Japan. Firstly, the research aims to explain the various meanings and brings awareness of issues of Yeo Kewon Tong Mun, which was the origin of current feminist movement in Korea. Secondly, it examines the various meanings and brings awareness of issues of “In the Beginning, Woman Was the Sun”, which was the beginning of current feminist movement in Japan. The third, it clarifies distinct characteristics of women’s modern awakening connected with the problems of nation-state and gender between Korea and Japan. Finally, from the contents discussed above it makes a comparative study of women"s modern awakening in Korea and Japan. In brief, Modern Korean women’s awakening became prominent under the condition where people tried to overcome feudalism and colonialization and sought enlightenment. While Japanese women’s awakening was formed and developed during the Daisho period, this time was generally known as the heyday of the Empire of Japan.

      • KCI등재

        일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제와 글로벌 페미니즘의 정치학

        소정(文昭丁) 동북아시아문화학회 2014 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.39

        The purpose of this research was to explore the implication of global feminist politics of Japanese women’s movement weighed through their solidarity experiences in ‘Asian Solidarity Conference for the Issue of Military Sexual Slavery by Japan’. For the object of the research, this research used the oral materials conducted depth interviews with Japanese women activists acted in ‘Asian Solidarity Conference for the Issue of Military Sexual Slavery by Japan’. An important result of this research showed that the global feminist politics of Japanese women’s activism practiced in ‘Asian Solidarity Conference for the Issue of Military Sexual Slavery by Japan’ worked in intermixed ways with nationalism. Namely global feminist activism of Japanese Women embedded in the ‘progressive’ nationalism, but separated with Korean feminist nationalism tried to clarify the nature of ‘victimihood’ in the context of colonialism and Japanese nationalism of right-wing conservatives. Finally, this research allowed us to highlight its interconnectedness of nationalism and global feminism. That was nationalism did not disappear under global feminist politics in the era of globalization. Therefore a new kind of women’s transnational solidarity activism, called ‘global feminist politics’ was a hard project in East-Asia although the different participants shared compatible value system that could cut across differences in positioning and identities of colonized state and colonial ruling state.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        아시아 여성에 대한 히라쓰카 라이초의 모성주의 영향에 관한 연구

        소정 동북아시아문화학회 2022 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.73

        Hiratsuka Raicho, the well-known new woman in modern Japan who constructed maternalism through ‘the debate on maternity protection’ in Daisho period. This article is to research Hiratsuka's maternalism composed in ‘the debate on maternity protection’ from the Asian women's perspective. As a result of research, Hiratsuka's maternalism combined all the three major conceps of ‘the debate on maternity protection’. Namely, her maternalism combined with Ellen Key‘s theory of motherhood, motherhood of ethnic/nation state and protection of maternity. Generally speaking, Ellen Key‘s theory of motherhood must have based on eugenics and social-darwinism that was abused by imperialism and fascism. And the idea of motherhood of ethnic/nation state was converted into the state's ideology of genetic superiority, in which the children should be considered as social or national resources rather than as personal belongings and that the number and quality of children gave a strong influence to the development and destiny of the nation. As a result of motherhood of ethnic/nation state could not transcend the rule of the emperor system of Japan. Also Hiratsuka who emphasized the state's guarantee of maternity proposed many plans for the maternity protection toward the state. Among them, there were plans of the maternity protection that had dangerous influence on Asian women. For example, Hiratsuka highlighted the tragic calamity that a series of wars and venereal diseases inflicted upon maternity, family, children and ethic Japanese people. This also led Hiratsuka to demand the programs of venereal disease prevention for Japanese mothers. Her claims also had influence to make ‘comfort women’ mobilization policy from the Japanese occupied colonies and other Asian countries during the Asia Pacific War. In this way, Hiratsuka's maternalism composed through ‘the debate on maternity protection’ had dangerous ripple effects on Asian women.

      • KCI등재

        히라츠카 라이초(平塚らいてう)의 섹슈얼리티 담론과 일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제

        소정 동북아시아문화학회 2019 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.61

        This research traces the root and background of a discourse that conflates “comfort women” with sex workers and/ or Japanese Prostitutes(醜業婦,fallen women) back to the history of Japanese women's movement. Drawing from The Complete Works of Hiratsuka Raicho, this research focuses on the case of maternal feminism and related discourses of sexuality which was founded by Hiratsuka, a symbolic and representative figure of Japanese women’s movement. This research finds that the discourse of sexuality which was constructed by Hiratsuka’s maternal feminism entailed discursive suturing of internally contradictory values. To put it in other terms, though Hiratsuka did not acknowledge human rights for sex workers, she at the same time retained moralistic paradigm that perceived sex workers as ‘trouble makers’. In so doing, Hiratsuka also put sex workers back into the stigmatized cateory of ‘fallen women’. The basic assumption that underlies Hiratsuka’s understanding of sex workers was that they were ‘the enemy of maternity, a venereal disease’, those who spoiled maternity and family. Accordingly, Hiratsuka highlighted the tragic calamity that a series of wars and venereal diseases inflicted upon maternity, family, children and race. This also led Hiratsuka to practically undo the difference between ‘comfort women’ who were from the Japanese occupied colonies and other Asian countries, those who were forced into this position, and other sex workers who worked in the Japanese state-regulated-brothel. Hiratsuka’s maternal feminism and her understanding of prostitution has resonated to the Japanese women’s movement of the 1990s and after,as it has been divided over the issue of ‘comfort women’. While some assumed progressive stance and others took conservative-right-wing position, the rest simply remained silent.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        동아시아 페미니즘 시각에서 본 한국여성평화운동에 관한 연구

        소정 ( So-jeong Moon ) 한국사회사학회 2009 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.84

        이 연구는 1990년대 말에 창립된 한국여성평화운동단체인 ‘평화를 만드는 여성회(이하 평화여성회)’의 인지적 실천에 초점을 맞추어, 인지적 실천을 통해 생산된 생각, 논리, 담론 등의 정치적 성격과 그 딜렘마를 고찰한 것이다. 연구결과, ‘평화여성회’는 한국여성운동의 이념적 지형에서 ‘진보’로 명명되는 여성단체로 한국의 여성평화문제를 한반도적 맥락에 철저하며 동아시아의 글로컬 맥락에서 사유하는 인지적 실천을 구성하였다. 이러한 ‘평화여성회’의 인지적 실천에는 ‘현실과 운동담론’의 ‘불가통념’으로 경험된 딜렘마가 있었다. 그것은 ‘평화여성회’의 인지적 실천이 국가안보, 군사안보에 기초한 반평화적 역설적 한국 현실에서 굴절된 경험이었다. 또한 인간안보, 적극적 평화 개념 등에 기초하여 구성된 ‘평화여성회’의 인지적 실천이 반평화적이고 역설적인 한국 현실을 비판하는 것을 넘어서서 민족과 국가의 경계를 재구성하는 탈식민주의적 대안을 제시할 수 있는 비전을 담보하지 못하는 근본적 한계를 발견하면서 갖게 된 경험이었다. 1990년대 탈냉전과 지구화에 의해 글로벌/초국적 여성운동 공간이 열리면서 서구여성평화운동의 의제와 개념, 논리, 담론의 영향에 의해 지역여성운동이 탈지역화, 식민화되는 위험이 항존하는 가운데 ‘평화여성회’가 인지적 실천과정에서 운동담론과 현실의 ‘불가통념’을 발견적으로 경험한 것은 ‘평화여성회’의 인지적 실천이 동아시아 탈식민여성주의 정치학의 단초를 갖기 때문이다. This research seeks to read the politics of cognitive praxis of Korean women’s peace movement in East-Asian context. For the purpose of this research, it focuses on the cognitive praxis of peace movement of ‘Women Making Peace’(or WMP). Women’s peace movement of WMP in Korea began in the late 1990s aiming at the peaceful reunification of Korean peninsula and the peace in East-Asia. By using the concept of cognitive praxis, this research focuses on the knowledge of WMP’s peace movement so far has been constructed. Knowledge is conceps, ideas and the intellectual activities constructed by WMP’s peace movement. Data are collected of the documents of WMP and oral data through in-depth interview with six women activists of WMP. These women are WMP staff-members. Several findings of this research have been the followings. The objective of WMP’s peace movement aims at peaceful reunification of the korean peninsula and anti-war disarmament of East-Asia. This objective is defined in the East-Asian postcolonial feminist cognitive praxis. Therefore issue-fighting of WMP’s peace movement has several dilemmas in cognitive praxis. On the one hand, there is militaristic culture embedded in Korean society, in that situation it is impossible to guestion about armed forces and weapons to keep security of Korea from the colonial period. On the other hand, the cognitive praxis of WMP’s peace movement bases on the ideas, concepts and knowledge developed in peace movement and peace studies in the West. Namely, the examples are the conceps of human- security, positive peace, structural and cultural violence and so on. there is difficulties to confirm the relevance of this concepts and discourses to Korea in the post-colonial period.

      • KCI등재후보

        일본군 “위안부” 문제와 남북여성연대

        소정 ( So Jeong Moon ) 서울대학교 통일평화연구원 2015 통일과 평화 Vol.7 No.2

        이 연구는 일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제를 갖고 조직된 초국적 여성연대에서 성취된 남북여성 연대의 경험에 주목하였다. 특별히 다음과 같은 남북여성의 연대 경험에 초점을 맞추었다. 남북여성연대에서 한국과 북한의 연대 주체의 특성과 연대의 시점과 명분, 일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제의 성격과 해결 방안에 대한 남북한의 입장, ‘아시아여성기금’과 한일기본조약에 대한 남북한의 입장, 2000년 「여성국제법정」에 대한 남북한의 참여방식, 2000년 이후 일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제해결 운동의 글로벌화 등이다. 연구결과, 첫째, 일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제해결을 위한 연대 주체는 한국의 경우 1990년11월 조직된 정대협, 북한은 1992년 8월 출범한 종태위(조대위)이다. 정대협은 한국여성 운동지형에서 ‘진보적’이라고 명명되는 여성단체이다. 종태위(조대위)는 북한의 노동당과 정부의 산하, 외곽단체로서 당의 정책을 수행하는 조직이다. 둘째, 일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제의 남북여성연대는 1992년 8월, 9월에 정대협의 제안으로 시작되었다. 2000년 「여성국제법정」의 북한의 참여는 한국의 정대협의 제안에 의해 이루어졌다. 2000년 「여성국제법정」 이후 일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제해결 운동의 글로벌화와 「국제연대협의회」 조직은 북한의 종태위(조대위) 제안으로 이루어졌다. 따라서 일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제의 남북여성연대는 2000년 이전에는 한국의 정대협이 선창하고 북한이 화답하는 남창북수(南唱北隨), 2000년 이후에는 북한의 종태위(조대위)가 선창하고 한국이 화답하는 북창남수(北唱南隨) 방식으로 전개되었다. 셋째, 일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제와 관련한 사회역사적, 정치적 쟁점인 일본군 ‘위안부’의 용어문제, 일본군 ‘위안부’ 문제의 성격, 책임자처벌 요구, ‘아시아여성기금’, 한일기본조약등에서 한국과 북한의 입장과 주장은 일치하였다. 이 지점에서 한국과 북한은 탈식민주의적 인식을 함께 갖고 있었다. This paper aims to investigate the politics of solidarity between North and South Korean women about the issue of military sexual slavery by Japan since the 1990s. Several findings of this research have been the followings. First, solidarity between North and South Korean women about the issue of military sexual slavery by Japan was accomplished by Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan in 1992. Second, South Korean women joined with the North Korean women about a few issues, namely using the terms and nature of military sexual slavery by Japan, asking for “punish those who were responsible.” Further, South Korean women agreed with North Korean women on the point of the ‘Asian Women’s Fund’ and the South Korea-Japan Treaty signed in 1965. Therefore women of North and South Korea met together at postcolonial activism. And Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan invited North Korea to join The Women``s International War Crimes Tribunal in the year 2000. North Korean women had a particularly important role to globalize the issue of military sexual slavery by Japan, and demanded an official apology as well as proper legal reparation from Japan since the 2000s.

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