『신증동국여지승람』 토산 항목의 구성과 특징

소순규 ( Soon Kyu So ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2014 동방학지 Vol.165 No.-

The Revised and Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea (Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam), published in the sixteenth century, is considered one of the two most important geographical texts of the early Joseon Dynasty, alongside the Geographical Appendix to the Annals of King Sejong (Sejong sillok jiriji), written a century earlier. Although they share the same subject, the two texts differ significantly in their purpose and organization. The primary difference is in the way they document local products. For instance, the Geographical Appendix to the Annals of King Sejong covers four or five local product categories for each do (道) and for the smaller administrative districts known as gun (郡) and hyeon (縣). The section on local products was essentially a categorized record of items collected from each region as a form of tax. However, the comparable section in the Revised and Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea discusses items under the comprehensive category of tosan (土産) or ``local goods.`` In addition, the preface and usage guide that precede the main text do not mention which specific local goods are included. This paper examines the items listed in the Revised and Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea and seeks to assess the accuracy of the documentation. To this end, information about the local products in this text were compared to those in the Geographical Appendix to the Annals of King Sejong as well as later geographical literature covering the whole of Korea, such as the Geography of Korea (Dongguk yeojiji) and Cultural Geography of Korea (Yeoji doseo). Other local publications (eupji, 邑誌) from the sixteenth to seventeenth centuries with a limited geographical scope were also compared to gain a wider perspective. It was found that the Revised and Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea focused only on products associated with specific regions, while excluding commodities that were more widely grown, such as grains. In addition, it recorded only goods that were actually produced in each region rather than all of the goods a local community was required to deliver as tribute to the royal court and the central government. Notably, the Revised and Augmented Survey only documents raw commodities and not their derivatives in the form of intermediate or finished goods. The items mentioned in this text overlap significantly with those in other geographical texts published one or two centuries later. This indicates that the Revised and Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea was precise in its account of what was being produced in the various regions of the Joseon Dynasty in the sixteenth century. This differs from the Annals of King Sejong, in which goods are organized according to the system of tribute tax; this document was written for a distinct purpose, and the practice of tribute collection had evolved over time.

조선전기 요역(徭役)의 종목 구분과 차정(差定) 방식에 대한 검토

소순규 ( So Soon Kyu ) 고려대학교 역사연구소(구 역사학연구회) 2019 사총 Vol.96 No.-

본 연구는 조선초기 요역의 종목 구분과 요역 차정 방식에 대한 기존의 연구 성과를 검토하고, 기존 연구에서 발생하는 문제점을 새로운 입론으로 정리하였다. 조선초기 요역에 대해서는 有井智德의 선행 연구를 통해 본격적인 연구가 진행되었다. 그는 요역을 전결을 근거로 부과하는 소경요역과 인정수를 고려하여 부과하는 잡역으로 구분하였으며, 요역의 차정 방식은 조선초 계정법에서 토지와 인구를 모두 고려하는 절충법으로, 다시 절충법에서 전결만을 고려하는 계전법으로 이행해 간다고 보았다. 이후 한국인연구자들의 후속 연구가 이루어졌는데, 차정 방식의 변화 추이는 대체적으로 인정된 반면, 요역의 종목 구분은 받아들여지지 않았다. 필자는 이와 다르게 有井智德의 연구에서 요역의 종목 구분에 대해서는 타당성을 인정해야 한다고 보았으며, 오히려 요역의 차정 방식에는 재검토의 여지가 있다고 보았다. 유정지덕이 잡역이라고 구분한 범주는 호역이란 용어로 대체 가능하며, 그럴 경우 그의 연구에 대한 비판의 논거를 소거할 수 있게 된다. 아울러 요역이 소경요역과 호역으로 이원적으로 이루어질 경우 차정 방식 역시 이원적이어야 하며, 따라서 요역 차정에서도 계전법과 절충법이 공존하고 있다고 보았다. 요역 차정 방식에서 주요하게 검토할 문제가 호등제인데, 호등제 역시 사실상 이원적으로 운영되었으며, 이후 성종대 도입된 역민식 역시 호등제 규정과의 깊은 관련성에서 만들어진 법제였다. In this study, previous studies of the categorization and method of division of labor services owned to the nation (this type of labor services was termed ‘Yoyuk’) in the early Chosun Dynasty were reviewed and analyzed, and based on the findings, this study has made an argument. As for labor services owned to the nation in the early Chosun Dynasty, this study primarily focused on the review of a pervious study by Ari Tomonori(有井智德). In his study, Sogyungyoyuk (所耕徭役), Labor services owned to the nation were categorized into Sogyungyoyuk assigned arbitrarily and miscellaneous services (this type of labor services was termed ‘Japyuk’(雜役)), assigned in consideration of the no. of People(人丁), and the method of division of labor services owned to the nation was eclectic at first, considering both no. of population and land areas and then, changed to a relay method in which only arbitration decisions were considered. His study was followed by Korean researchers, and although his claim on such changes in the method of division of labor services owned to the nation was generally accepted, not the categorization. On the other hand, the author has found his claim for the categorization reasonable, but not the changes in the method of division. The miscellaneous labor services, categorized by Ari Tomonori(有井智德), could be expressed using a term ‘Hoyuk (戶役)’ and in this case, it would be possible to remove the ground for an argument for his research. In addition, if labor services owned to the nation were made in the dualistic fashion: Sogyungyoyuk and Hoyuk, the division of labor services owned to the nation should have been made in the dualistic fashion as well. Therefore, it would be reasonable to believe that the division of labor services was made through two methods: an eclectic method and a relay method. One of critical topics in the research of division of labor services owned to the nation is Hodeungjae(戶等制) and in fact, it was also operated in the dualistic manner and Yeokminsik(役民式)’ introduced in the reign of King Sung-Jong was also closely related with Hodeungjae(戶等制).

16세기 공납제(貢納制) 운영 변화의 구조적 원인과 배경

蘇淳圭 ( So Soon-kyu ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2022 大東文化硏究 Vol.117 No.-

16세기 공납제는 민호의 부담을 가중시키고, 국가시스템의 존속을 위협하는 대표적인 ‘폐단’으로 언급되었다. 때문에 많은 연구가 16세기 공납제를 다루었으며, 공납제 운영의 다양한 양상들이 규명되었다. 그러나 기존연구에서 다루고 있는 16세기 공납제 운영의 변화 모습이 왜, 어떻게 발생하였는지에 대해서는 몇 가지 점에서 재검토의 여지가 있다. 우선 기존연구에서는 16세기 공납제 운영의 모습을 15세기 제도의 연장에서 찾지 않고, 뒷 시기인 17세기와의 상호관련성 하에서 고찰하였다. 그리고 이러한 공납제 운영 양상을 17세기 후반의 대동법 성립의 하나의 배경으로서 서술하였다. 이러한 시각은 결국 16세기 공납제 운영의 모습이 왜 그렇게 변화하였는지를 계기적으로 이해하는데 큰 어려움으로 작용하였다. 본고는 이러한 점에 착안하여 15세기 이루어진 재정구조의 정착과 정비의 결과로서 16세기 공납제 운영의 변화상을 구명해 보고자 하였다. 또 기존연구에서는 16세기 이후 재정적 위기, 연산군에 의한 폐정 등이 공납제 운영상의 모순을 증가시켰다고 언급하였다. 그러나 15세기 제도정비의 결과와 16세기 상황을 함께 염두에 둘 때, ‘재정적 위기’란 것이 무엇인지 명확하지 않으며 그것이 실재하는지도 의문이다. 아울러 연산군에 의한 폐정이 존재한 것은 사실이지만, 4~5년에 불과한 연산군대 정치적 유산이 한 세기에 걸쳐 영향을 미친다고 볼 수는 없다. 본고는 기존 연구에서 이미 충실히 밝혀진 내용을 바탕으로, 16세기 공납제 운영 변화의 원인과 배경을 보다 구조적으로 파악해 보고자 하였다. 논의의 층위를 중앙, 지방, 왕실로 구분하여 이들의 상호관계 속에서 공납제 운영이 변화하는 모습을 추적해 보도록 하겠다. Tributary system was regarded as a representative ‘malady’ that increased the burden of individual households and threatened the survival of the national system in the 16th century. Therefore, many studies dealt with the tribute system of the 16th century, and as a result, various aspects of the tribute system operation were identified. However, there is room for reexamination in some respects as to why and how the tribute system operation was changed in the 16th century, which was investigated in previous studies. First of all, previous studies examined the operation of the tribute system in the 16th century by taking into account the correlation with the later 17th century, rather than considering it as an extension of the 15th century system. In addition, they described the aspect of the tribute system operation as a background to the establishment of Daedongbeop(大同法) in the late 17th century. This view eventually acted as a great difficulty in understanding why the operation of the tribute system was changed in the 16th century. Accordingly, this study aimed to investigate the changes of the tribute system in the 16th century as a result of the settlement and reformation of the financial structure established in the 15th century. Besides, according to previous studies, the financial crisis after the 16th century and misgovernment by King Yeonsan(燕山君) increased the contradiction in the operation of the tribute system. However, it is not clear what the financial crisis was and it is questionable whether it existed, in view of the results of institutional reform in the 15th century and the situation in the 16th century. Although it is true that there was misgovernment by King Yeonsan, it cannot be said that the political legacy in the reign of King Yeonsan, which was only 4~5 years old, had an impact over a century. This study aimed to more structurally understand the causes and background to the changes of tribute system operation in the 16th century, based on the findings faithfully revealed in previous studies. This study will trace the changes in the operation of the tribute system in their relationship by dividing the discussion into central, regional, and royal court.

조선 세조대 공물 대납 공인(公認)의 정책적 맥락

소순규 ( So Soon-kyu ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2018 역사학연구 Vol.72 No.-

본 연구는 세종대에서 시작된 공물대납의 부분적 허용이 세조대 전면적인 공인에 이르기까지의 과정을 살펴보고, 그 과정에서 공물 대납 정책이 어떠한 맥락 안에서 이루어진 것인지를 고찰하였다. 기존 연구에서는 대납을 주로 불교계와의 관련성 하에서 다루어왔다. 그러나 필자의 검토에 따르면 공물 대납은 공납제 본연의 모순 해결이란 측면과 불교 승려에 대한 후원이란 두 가지 맥락에서 이루어졌다. 당시 대납에 부정적이었던 신료들은, 승려들이 대납에 개입되어 있는 상황을 빌미로 대납 전체를 비정상적인 것 또는 불교에 대한 후원으로 간주하여 비판하였다. 그러나 세종과 문종 그리고 세조는 이러한 비판에 대응할 때 본래 대납을 허용한 취지, 대납이 필요한 상황을 충분히 인지하고 있었다. 세종대 최초 도입된 공물 대납은 본래 공납제가 가진 자체적 모순을 해결하기 위한 것이다. 그러나 세종 말년에 이르러 세종이 친불성향으로 돌아서고, 이후 불교계에 대납권을 광범위하게 인정해주면서 공물 대납이 불교 문제와 깊은 연관을 맺게 되었다. 세종 사후 문종대에 이르러 관료들은 대납의 폐지를 강하게 주장하였지만, 문종은 대납 정책의 정책적 의도를 파악하고 있었기에 폐지에 대해 신중한 입장을 표명하였다. 세조 역시 집권 초반 문종과 마찬가지였으나, 집권 중반기에 이르러 오히려 대납을 전면적으로 공인하면서 이전과는 확연히 다른 대납정책을 시행하였다. 세조의 대납 전면 공인에는 대납가 산정, 대납 시행 절차의 정비 등 여러 가지 부수적인 정책들이 필요하였다. 아울러 세조 집권 후반기에 이루어진 공안의 개정에도 대납정책이 영향을 미치게 되어, 불산공물의 존재를 인정한 상태에서 각 군현의 공물을 분정하기에 이르렀다. 그러나 세조대 대납의 전면 공인에서도 여전히 불교계 인사들의 대납 개입은 막을 수 없었고, 이와 더불어 공물 납입이 지체되는 등의 문제가 발생하기에 이르렀다. 이리하여 세조의 대납 전면 공인 정책은 다음 국왕인 예종의 즉위와 함께 백지화되기에 이르렀다. This research aimed at investigating the process that partial permission for proxy payment of tribute, which began from King Sejong, became the full-scale permission during King Sejo, and determining the context of the policy of proxy payment of proxy in the process. Previous researches have treated proxy payment based on the correlation with Buddhism. However, according to the researcher’s investigation, proxy payment of tribute was conducted in two contexts, the aspect of settlement of the natural contradiction of tribute system and the aspect of support for Buddhist monks. The officers, who were negative about tribute during that time, criticized the whole tribute as an abnormal system or support for Buddhism, based on the situation where Buddhist monks intervened in proxy payment. Nevertheless, Sejong, Munjong, and Sejo fully perceived the purpose of permitting proxy payment and the situation which required proxy payment, when they responded to such criticism. Tribute proxy payment, firstly applied during Sejong, originally intended to settle the contradiction of tribute system itself. However, as Sejong became pro-Buddhism during his latter years, accordingly, as proxy payment right in Buddhism was extensively permitted, tribute proxy payment became deeply associated with the matter of Buddhism. The government officials strongly insisted on abolition of proxy payment during Munjong, after Sejong’s death, however since Munjong comprehended the political intention of proxy payment, he expressed a careful position on the abolition of it. Sejo was also in the same position as Munjong during his initial years, however he fully adopted proxy payment in his middle stages, all the more, implementing definitely different proxy payment policy. Sejo’s full-scale permission for proxy payment required several subordinate policies, such as calculation of proxy payment value, organization of proxy payment procedure, etc. Also, proxy payment policy also influenced revision of tribute system during the latter stages of Sejo’s reign, tribute of each Gun Hyeon was arranged(分定) as the existence of Buddhistic tribute. Nevertheless Sejo’s full-scale permission for proxy payment, Buddhist persons’ intervention in proxy payment was not prevented, and problems such as delay of tribute payment occurred. Accordingly, Sejo’s full-scale permission for proxy payment was eliminated along with enthronement of Yejong after Sejo.

조선 초기 경제사 연구와 그 역사상에 대한 비판적 검토

소순규(So Soon-kyu) 역사비평사 2023 역사비평 Vol.- No.145

여말선초 제주도 수취체제 정비과정과 특징

소순규 ( So Soon-kyu ) 한국중세사학회 2023 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.73

This study aimed to examine the reorganization and characteristics of collection system in Jeju Island in the late Goryeo and the early Joseon Dynasty. Jeju Island was incorporated into the provinces of Goryeo from the Goryeo Dynasty, but it was difficult to establish a stable collection system during the Goryeo period due to the complicated politics thereafter, and the full-scale reorganizatuion of Jeju’s collection system began in earnest after the founding of the Joseon Dynasty. The agricultural environment in Jeju Island was poor due to the soil quality unsuitable for farming and the narrow cultivation area. Therefore, its family composition and residence type were also different from those on lands. In addition, transportation conditions were very poor due to the nature of an island. Jeju’s collection system was created based on these characteristics. Land tax or yeok was not paid to Seoul, but instead the burden was not large. On the contrary, tributes and presents paid to the central government accounted for most of the burden of taxation. The biggest burden of presents was horses, and seafood such as abalone and tangerines were also the major items. Besides, the maintenance and operation of these tax items reflected Jeju’s unique characteristics different from lands, including the organization of present units and the long-term continuation of governmental tribute production system.

조선 태종대 저화 발행 배경에 대한 재검토 - ‘화폐정책’이 아닌 ‘재정정책’의 맥락에서

소순규(So, Soon-kyu) 호서사학회 2019 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.92

조선 전기 발행된 楮貨는 그간 많은 연구자의 주목을 받은 주제였다. 조선 태종대 국가의 주도로 저화란 화폐가 발행되었으나, 사회경제적 여건의 미숙으로 민간에 정착하지 못하고 실패에 이르렀다는 것이 그동안의 견해였다. 저화의 시도 및 실패는 조선 전기 상품 화폐경제 발전의 정도를 보여주는 것으로 평가되었으며, 이후 조선 후기에 이르러 상품 화폐 경제의 발전이 심화됨에 따라 동전, 즉, 화폐사용이 보다 광범위하게 이루어지게 되는 역사적 귀결의 前史로 자리매김하게 되었다. 그러나 당대 사료에서 나타난 저화는 화폐 도입이란 목적보다는 재정 문제 해결을 위한 재정정책으로서의 성격을 지니고 있었다. 두 차례 도입된 저화는 모두 국가의 미곡 부족 문제를 해결하기 위한 것이었다. 특히 태종 10년대부터 본격화된 2차 저화 발행의 경우, 상당한 재정적 성과를 낳기도 하였다. 이 과정에서 국가는 저화가 화폐로서 민간에 활발히 유통되는 것을 경계하는 모습을 보이기도 하였다. 요컨대 당시의 저화 발행은 화폐 정책으로서가 아니라 재정 정책으로 접근해야만 정책의 의도와 과정, 결과를 당대의 입장에서 읽어낼 수 있다. 더하여 당시 발행된 저화의 액면가 역시 두 차례 저화 발행의 목적에 따라 달리 설정되었다. 녹봉 때 나누어주는 紬布를 대체하기 위한 저화는 2종의 가치로 발행되었고, 가치 기준은 포(布)였다. 반면 미곡과 저화의 직접 교역을 통해 국가의 미곡 확보를 꾀했던 2차 발행당시에는 저화 1장의 가치를 미 1斗로 고정하여 저화와 쌀의 교환을 용이하도록 하였다. 본고는 이러한 내용을 토대로 조선전기 저화 발행의 배경을 다시 검토하고, 제도 운영의 과정과 결과까지 아울러 재검토해 보고자 한다. The Jeohwa (paper-note) issued in the early Joseon Dynasty have been an interesting subject to the researchers. It has been a opinion that the paper-note called ‘Jeohwa’ was issued led by King Taejong of Joseon Dynasty but it had failed to settle down among people due to inexperienced socioeconomic conditions. Attempts and failures of Jeohwa were evaluated as showing the degree of development of commodity-money Economy in the early Joseon Dynasty. As reached the late Joseon Dynasty later, the development of the commodity-money economy deepened, it became a historical consequence of the wider use of coins, that is currency. However, Jeohwa from the historical records of the days had a purpose as monetary policy rather than the purpose of introducing money. The two-time introduction of Jeohwa was both aimed at resolving the country"s shortage of rice. In particular, the second Jeohwa issue, which began in earnest from the 10th year of King Taejong, produced considerable financial results. In the process, the country was also wary of the active circulation of Jeohwa in the private sector as currency. In short, the issue of Jeohwa at the time should be approached as a financial policy, not as a monetary policy, so that it can be read its intention, process and outcome of the policy in the perspective of the time. In addition, the face value of Jeohwa issued at that time was also set twice differently for the purpose of issuing it. To replace the silk distributed on the stipend day, Jeohwa was issued with two kinds of values, and the value unit was ‘Po(布)’. On the other hand, at the time of the second issue, when it was intended to secure the rice of the country through direct trade between rice and Jeohwa, the value of one Jeohwa was fixed at 1 ‘du(斗)’ to be easy to exchange with rice. Based on these fundings, this article is to reexamine the background of the issue of Jeohwa (paper-note) and review the process and results of the system operation.

고려 말 조선 초 재정 구조의 연속성과 공납제 운영

소순규(So Soon-kyu) 역사비평사 2017 역사비평 Vol.- No.120

Studies referring to the founding of Joseon are dealing with the land system reform in a very important sense. In terms of the financial operation of the state, however, the effect of the land system reform was not significant. The reason why the national crisis did not occur even when it was not easy to secure rice was because the finance was being operated around the tribute at that time. The financial resources of the government offices responsible for various office a airs of the state were mostly based on tributes and rice secured by land tax was spent only on limited portions including bureaucrats’ stipends and royal costs, and the rest was reserved as military rice. Such financial structure seems to have been settled at least in the late Goryeo period and this structure continuously maintained after the founding of Joseon. After the reign of King Taejong, financial reforms were carried out to secure rice and military service resources. As a result, the tributary system was also restructured around tributes of each government office. However, the basic structure in which the national operating cost expenditure is provided through tributes was inherited. In short, the financial structure in the period before and after the founding of Joseon was that the aspect of continuity around tributes was accomplished more strongly than the partitionability represented by the land system reform.

조선전기 공노비의 선상(選上) 입역(入役) 규정 연구

소순규 ( So Soon-kyu ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2021 民族文化硏究 Vol.90 No.-

조선시대 노비제에 관한 연구는 상당히 축적되었지만, 중앙의 각사에 선상, 입역하는 선상 노비에 대한 연구는 상대적으로 많지 않았다. 기존 연구를 통해 조선의 공노비제 운영양상, 납공노비 및 선상입역 노비의 부담, 입역 규정의 정비 과정이 밝혀졌다. 그러나 이들 노비의 부담과 입역 규정에 대해서는 몇 가지 재고의 여지를 남기고 있다. 본고에서는 조선초 선상노비들의 입역 규정의 정비과정과 그 과정에 따른 노비들의 부담을 추적해보았고, 기존 연구와는 다소 다른 결론을 도출하였다. 태종대부터 본격적으로 정비된 선상 규정에 따르면, 선상은 지방에 거주하는 奴에게 부과하였고, 이들에게는 봉족 婢 2명이 지급되었다. 선상하는 자들은 모두 3번으로 나누어 윤차 입역하도록 하였고, 일반적으로 입역 기간은 6개월이었다. 그러나 이들 노비들의 소속된 각사의 노비보유 상황에 따라 이들 노비들의 번차는 천차만별이었고, 이에 따른 부담도 제각각이었다. 단종때 이르러 이들 선상노비들의 번차는 대폭 확대되어 지방은 11번, 경기는 13번으로 변화하였고, 이에 따라 선상노비들은 5년 내지 6년에 6개월을 입역하도록 변화하였다. 이러한 수는 성종대 이르러 다시 7번으로 축소 조정되었고, 해당 내용이 『경국대전』에 수록되었다. 중종대에 이르러서는 한 번의 입역기간을 6개월에서 3개월로 단축하였다. 한편으로 선상 입역에 대한 대립도 꾸준히 일어났다. 애초 대립을 금지하던 조정은 성종대 이후 대립을 법적으로 허용하고 이에 대한 대립가를 국가에서 공정하도록 하였다. 당시 국가의 공정가는 1개월 입역가로 면포 2필이었으나, 실제 민간에서 통용되는 입역가는 이를 상회하는 수준이었다. 그러나 16세기 후반 상황을 보여주는 자료에서 1개월 입역가는 2필로 나타나고 있는 것을 보아, 국가 공정가의 입역가가 사회적 관행으로 자리잡았던 것으로 볼 수 있다. There are many studies on the service system of the Joseon Dynasty. However, there are not relatively many studies on slaves selected and sent up to each central capital bureau and their service. Aspects of operation of the official salve system and the arrangement process of the obligation and service regulations of tribute-paying slaves, slaves selected and sent up to the capital, and service slaves in the Joseon dynasty were clarified through the existing studies. However, the obligation and service regulations of these slaves leave place for reconsidering several things. This thesis traced the arrangement process of the service regulations of slaves selected and sent up to the capital in the early Joseon Dynasty and their obligations according to the process and drew the conclusions that are somewhat different from those of the existing studies. According to the regulations of the slaves selected and sent up to the capital that were arranged in earnest since the reign of Taejong of Joseon, slaves selected and sent up to the capital were imposed on the slaves (奴) who reside in local areas and two female slaves, the sustainers, were provided for them. The slaves selected and sent up to the capital serviced three times taking turns and generally, the service period was 6 months. However, these slaves’ turn was various according to the situations that each capital bureau had them. Accordingly, their obligations were various. The number of service of the slaves selected and sent up to the capital was changed to 11 times for the local areas and 13 times for Gyeonggi in the reign of Danjong of Joseon as it was drastically increased. Accordingly, the slaves selected and sent up to the capital serviced for 6 months per 5 or 6 years. This number was again reduced and changed to 7 times in the reign of Seongjong of Joseon and the relevant contents were recorded in National Code (Gyeongguk daejeon). A service period shortened from 6 months to 3 in the reign of Jungjong of Joseon. Meanwhile, there continued to be payment for military service substitution about service of the slaves selected and sent up to the capital. The royal court that had put a ban on payment for military service substitution at first legally allowed it since the reign of Seongjong of Joseon and made the state decide payment for corvee service on the basis of public opinions. The then official price of the state was 32 meters of cotton cloth as the service price of one month. The service price that was actually used in non-official circles was the level that exceeded this. However, seeing that the service price of one month is 32 meters of cotton cloth in the materials that show the situations of the late 16th century, it can be thought that the service price of the national official price was social custom.

특집논문 : 조선초 대열의(大閱儀)의 의례 구조와 정치적 의미

소순규 ( Soon Kyu So ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 (구 역사학연구회) 2012 사총 Vol.75 No.-

This study attempts to shed new light on the military rites of the Joseon dynasty, a topic which related studies have by and large avoided, by analyzing the royal military review ceremony conducted during early Joseon. The term daeyeol (大閱, military review) refers to a royal ceremony in which the Joseon king conducted a direct review of the military forces. This was regarded as a military training ceremony that fell under the category of the ``ritual ceremonies`` that made up the gunnye (軍禮, military rites) portion of the Orye (五禮, Five Rites), or national state rites during Joseon. The structure of the royal military review ceremony was designed to clearly highlight the fact that control over the military was the prerogative of the king and that the latter was also the main actor in such military reviews. The daeyeol (military review) was first implemented during the early reign of King Sejong. The importance of daeyrol was further emphasized during the period spanning from the reign of King Sejong to that of King Seongjeong. As such, the status of the daeyeolui (大閱儀, royal military review ceremony) was eventually upgraded to the point where it was included in the Oryeui (五禮儀, Five Rites) section of the <Sejong sillok (世宗實錄, Annals of King Sejong)>. Thereafter, military training methods underwent great changes before this particular ceremony was included in the <Gukjo oryeui (國朝五禮儀, Five Rites of State≫. The implementation of the royal military review ceremony served two purposes: while was to showcase the Icing`s supreme command over the military, the other was to rally the troops prior to a large-scale military operation. In this regard, the royal military review ceremony was implemented right before the onset of Jurchen conquest campaigns.