몽골제국에서 賦稅의 시행과 그 帝國的 체계

설배환 동양사학회 2017 동양사학회 학술대회 발표논문집 Vol.2017 No.4

동아시아 물질문화의 생산과 유통 이해를 향한 신선한 도전-이강한, 『고려의 자기, 원제국과 만나다』 (한국학중앙연구원출판부, 2016)-

설배환 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 2017 한국문화연구 Vol.32 No.-

몽골제국 大都의 탄생과 발전 - “사람과 말의 궁정(人馬之宮)”, 그리고 不在의 권력 -

설배환 역사교육연구회 2022 역사교육 Vol.163 No.-

본고는 兩京之制 아래에서 大都, 곧 칸발릭(Khanbaliq)의 역사상과 개방성을 분석했다. 몽골인의 계절 이동 풍속은 쿠빌라이 카안의 상도와 대도, 곧 여름과겨울 수도를 탄생시켰다. 두 수도는 몽골제국 정치·경제·문화의 중심을 카라코룸에서 兩都로 옮겼다. 대도는 정치·경제·문화·생태에서 반드시 상도와 동일한 지위나 역할에 있지않았다. 하영지 상도가 몽골의 전통과 유산을 기억, 재현하는 여름 쿠릴타이의 장소로서 몽골인에게 중요했던 반면, 동영지 대도에서의 조회는 한자 문화권의 사람들에게 중시되었다. 이들의 관점은 행정적 관점의 양도론이나 몽골 시각의 상도중심론을 외면하며 대도 “定都”論을 강화했다. 양도 관계에서 “京師” 혹은 “帝都”로서 대도(칸발릭)의 중심성을 강조하는 논자의 인식과 달리, 대도는 상도의 최대 물자공급지였다. 상도의 물자는 연경 帑藏을그대로 옮겨 온 것이나 다름없었다. 대도는 몽골 황실의 정치·경제 상황에 따라겨울에 諸王 등에게 쿠릴타이 금·은·鈔·金段을 하사하는 歲例賜與의 장소로 기능했다. 아유바르와다 카안 등 일부 군주는 대도에서 즉위했다. 대칸의 상도 순행은 대도에서 留守 재상과 관원의 巡山과 巡倉이라는 새로운 여름 문화―“대도에서 여름 나기”[大都住夏; 京都住夏]―를 창조했다. 여름 대도는 ‘상도의 거울’이라 칭할 만하다. 대도의 지리와 역사는 주례 「고공기」의 도성 모델로 온전히 설명되지 못한다. 대도 지리의 중심은 황궁이 아닌, 中心臺와 鼓樓였다. 대도성과 그 구조물은몽골·‘중국’·이슬람 등의 복합 설계와 다원적 구성의 산물이었다. 대칸은 황궁에거의 머물지 않았다. 황궁과 대도성에서 대칸의 부재는 계절 순행과 쿠릴타이, 사냥 등 스포츠를 즐기는 유목 전통인 동시에, 대도를 잠재적 반란과 불신의 장소로간주한 대칸의 주술적·정치적 의식에서 기인했다. 카안은 반란을 불식하고자 재산이 많고 관직을 보유한 이를 新城의 이주민으로 우선 선발했고 행정기구와 군사조직과 법령으로 신민을 통제했다. 카안의 부재는 여름 대도를 유수와 종교인, 상인이 연출하는 경제와 문화의 장소로 만들었다. 매년 가을 신민은 대도로 귀환하는 대칸을 환영했다. 대칸을 향한 신민의 순응과 환호는 장관(splendor)의 정치·의례 행위이자, 경제적 기대였다. 대칸의 부재와 귀환이 대도 주민의 일상과 경제 질서를 가동하는 시계추였던 한편, 신민의 환호는 대도성 밖 이동 군주에게 권력을 확신시켰다. 한인 지식인은 대칸의 부재에서 “무위의 정치”를 발견했다. 대칸의 “부재의 정치(politics of absence)”와 경제는 유연한 개방적 권력과 초원 전통의 소산이었다. 요컨대 양도 체제에서 대도는 “神京” 상도의 거울이자, 제국 각지와 상도를 잇는 연결고리(node)였다. 대도는 고려인에게는 개성과 상도를 잇는 접점이었다. 대칸은 대도에서 문화·종족·생태·경제 다원성과 조화를 추구했다. 대칸의 정치 이상은 “사람과 말의 궁전” 대도의 御苑과 施水堂에 투영되었다. 대도는 동시대인에게 종종 공간·정치·경제·문화의 유토피아로 승화했다. This paper examines the historical status and flexible order of Dadu (M. Khanbaliq, modern-day Beijing) under the dual capital system of the Mongol empire. Under Qubilai Qa’an (r. 1260~1294), the Mongol custom of seasonal migration influenced the creation of their summer and winter capitals, namely, Dadu and Shangdu (or, Xanadu in modern-day Zhenglanqi, China). In this dual capital system, the two cities did not function in the same way, in terms of either status or role. The completion of Dadu and Shangdu finalized the re-orientation of the political, economic and cultural center of the empire from Qara Qorum to the dual capitals. Whereas the Mongols valued the summer camp of Shangdu as a precious place for summer quriltai to remember and reenact Mongol traditions, the winter settlement of Dadu mattered more to people from Sinitic ultures. Contrary to the perception emphasizing Khanbaliq’s centrality as “the capital of an emperor,” the winter capital of Khanbaliq received the largest supply of goods for the summer capital. Dadu functioned as a venue for the annual grant 歲例賜與 of gold, silver, paper money and silk to Mongol princes and high officials during the winter. Some monarchs, like Ayurbarwada Qa’an (r. 1311–1320), were even crowned there. The seasonal migration to Shangdu created a mirroring culture that alternated between its mountain patrols of winter and Dadu’s warehouses of summer. The city model of the Zhouli 周禮, or The Rites of Zhou does not fully reflect the historicity and culture of Dadu. Spatially, the center of the capital was the zhongxin tai 中心臺 and gulou 鼓樓, and the imperial palace did not lie at the center of the city’s castle. Great Qans hardly ever stayed in the imperial palace. The absence of the great Qan (or, Qa’an) in the imperial palace and Dadu stemmed from nomadic customs such as seasonal migration and hunting, as well as the shamanistic and political consciousness of the Qa’an, who regarded Dadu as a site of potential rebellion and therefore distrust. In order to dispel such a rebellion, Qa’an first selected new castle inhabitants who possessed wealth and had held government posts, and who controlled his subjects by mobilizing administrative organizations, military organizations and laws. The great Qan’s absence made Dadu a new place where liushou 留守, or, officials who stayed behind, Buddhists, Daoists and merchants operated. Every autumn, the inhabitants of Dadu welcomed their great Qan on his return. The conformity and cheers of the subjects toward him was an economic expectation as well as an expression of political and ritual activities. While the absence and return of the great Qan was a newly added cycle to the lives of Dadu’s people, the compliance and cheer of subjects assured the power of the mobile monarch outside Dadu Castle. Confucian scholars discovered “the politics of wuwei” 無爲 (the Daoist principle of non-action) in the absence of a great Qan. His power could truly shine through his absence. In brief, Dadu functioned as a mirror of Shangdu, the “godly capital,” and as a node connecting Shangdu to other cities. Dadu also symbolized a utopia for the “court of people and horses” embracing a sublime royal garden and pavilions of wells.

몽골제국 倉庫制와 대칸의 재정 지리

설배환 한국몽골학회 2024 몽골학 Vol.- No.76

This study explores when and how the warehousing system 倉庫制 in the Mongol Empire (1206~1370) had been established, developed, and administered. The warehouse, as an administrative service to accumulate and redistribute treasures, shows the relationship between the procurement of imperial materials and the circulation of commodities as well as the great Qan’s financial geography. The study examines the way in which the Mongol Emperor of Qa’an procured and controlled materials and treasures, and therefore to characterize the Mongol’s development of its own, especially in the fiscal finance. The first Mongol warehouses, balaqat in Mongol, were set up by Ögödei Qa’an in Mongolia in 1229. They consist of grain-houses (倉 cang in Chinese, anbār in Persian) and treasuries (庫 ku in Chinese, khazāna in Persian). Since Qubilai Qa’an sat on the throne in 1260, warehouses were increasingly built up. The number of grain-houses increased with the consolidation of the Southern Song in 1279. While land taxes 稅糧 traveled from Jiangnan provinces on the sea route to a capital city of Dadu 大都, the main base of grain supply was moved from Qiansicang 千斯倉 in the northeast to Wansinancang 萬斯南倉 in the south. Four Imperial Treasuries of Trillion 萬億四庫 beside Jishuitan 積水潭 storing valuables such as paper money, jade wares and others, served as the leading treasuries of the Empire. The warehouses were located along the middle and lower part of the Yellow River, the streams in Jianghui 江淮, as well as next to the canal in Huabei 華北 area. Geopolitically speaking, they mostly belonged to the central domain of Fuli 腹裏 (qol-un ulus in Mongol), supervised by the Central Secretariat 中書省. The fact that Large grain-houses and state treasuries were intensively stationed in the capital cities of Qara Qorum 和林, Dadu and Shangdu 上都, and their vicinities demonstrates their relevance to the Qa’an’s seasonal journey sites. The Qa’an stood in the center of collection, control, and consumption of imperial materials and treasures. In staffing, warehouse officials 倉庫官 (khazāna-chī in Persian) were originated from balaqači 八剌哈赤 and sangči 倉赤 in Mongol respectively. They came from keshig 怯薛, the Mongol imperial guards. Balaqači was appointed as a treasury official 庫官 or a gatekeeper general 封門官員, and sangči as an official of treasuries or grain-houses by the Qa’an in person to the warehouses in Dadu and nearby. This is called belge selection 別里哥選, or imperial appointment 宣授. The expansion of warehouses caused shortage of staffing in the Mongols. Considering staff’s personality and richness, the Yüan Dynasty appointed officials such as directors of collection 監納 or commissioners 大使 among Central Asians 色目人 and Chinese 漢人 through the selection process of the Secretarial or Presidential Councils 尙書省, called general selection 常選, or imperial decree appointment 勅授. And Bureau clerks 司吏 with richness, working career, governmental salaries, and mature age could be advanced to lower staffs in charge, or deputies 副使 in district warehouses 各路倉庫. Warehouse officials from the Mongols, Central Asians and Chinese show a ratio of 1 to 3 to 6. While more Mongols and Central Asians worked in Qara Qorum, the Chinese staffing grew larger particularly in grain-houses as time went by to the late period of the Empire.

원대 海上 무역의 실태와 그 특징 - 쿠빌라이 카안 이후 南海를 중심으로 -

薛培煥 서울대학교 동양사학과 2004 서울大 東洋史學科 論集 Vol.28 No.-

13~14세기 카안의 부엌과 몽골 風味의 지속과 변화

설배환 한국몽골학회 2017 몽골학 Vol.0 No.49

This study examines culinary cosmopolitanism and strong continuation of Mongol flavor in the royal kitchens in the Mongol empire. This analysis reveals the Mongol elements of imperial culture. Food held a consequential status in the Qa’an’s daily life and banquets, called ṭōī in Türk. Food and feasts were so significant among the Mongols that they considered reveling as the starting point for state affairs. Thus, the Bureau for Imperial Household Provisions (宣徽院 Xuanhui yuan) under the Ministry of Rites (禮部 Li bu) was in charge of royal foods and banquets. In both Dadu 大都 (Beijing), the Winter Capital, and Shangdu 上都 (Dolon, Inner Mongolia), the Summer Capital, foods were prepared in the Rooms of Kingly Cuisine, the Pavilion of Kingly Cuisine, the Inner Kitchens, Kitchens, and the Cooks’ Rooms. Many kitchens in Dadu were stationed around the Palace of Raising Holiness (興聖宮 Xingsheng gong), the queens’ palace. Cooks prepared foods with eight recipes in small kitchens (小廚房 xiao chufang) while separately cooking lamb in the grand kitchens (大廚房 da chufang). Whenever the Qa’an travelled to Shangdu, which he did every summer, his mobile kitchens (行廚 xingchu) accompanied him. Ba’určis, or cooks in Mongolian, cooked foods and regularly plied the Qa’an with them. A ba’urči required the sovereign’s personal confidence and could be nominated as a high official. At the Qa’an’s table, a globalization of culinary culture was realized. The great Qa’ans consumed foods and drinks from Mongolia, “China,” Central Asia, West Asia, Southeast Asia and Koryŏ. They carefully scrutinized flavors and properties of foods inside and outside the empire. A meat diet was the Qa’an’s prerogative. He emphasized Mongolian sheep, gazelles, airaq (mare’s milk), wine, tea and water, among other things. Indeed, a Mongol always carried a small knife, not only for dignity and self-protection but also for eating, such was the influence of their meat culture. The Mongols’ high-calorie meat diet was complimented by the sour taste of tarag, or yogurt, in Mongolian. Their daily intake of milk products was beneficial to labor economization, since they rarely cooked food at dawn. The Mongols preferred drinking mare’s milk and wine, and particularly relished wine as a drink of festivity. Given this inclination to drink airaq and wine, they probably did not demand much grain for brewing, in contrast to the claims of previous scholarship. The Mongols regarded sheep, gazelles, and tarbaqa (marmots) from the Mongol steppe, together with milk beverage, as forming culinary harmony, notwithstanding the cosmopolitanism of their royal food culture. This proves that the appetite of the Qa’an remained firmly grounded in Mongol flavors. His preference for steppe food, however, did not exclude a variety of other tastes. In brief, ba’určis from the royal kitchens regularly served both Mongolian and alien foods at the Qa’an’s table, thanks to the Mongol court’s tenacious continuation of the nomadic palette, and despite the new internationalization of food culture that their empire had encouraged. In particular, the court’s mobile kitchens were at the center of harmonizing Mongolian flavors with exotic tastes.

대칸의 정의와 사법 환경: 몽골제국 자르구(ǰarγu)에서의 마법, 요행, 혹은 몽롱

설배환 호서사학회 2024 역사와 담론 Vol.- No.110

This paper examines the magical, legal, and human elements that factored into interrogation and judgment within the ǰarγu, the institution of inquisition within the Mongol empire (1206–1370). Moreover, it analyzes the ambiguity in its practices—in its legal application, judicial and political authority, and backlashes. In the 13th and 14th centuries, the great Qans ideologically pursued public affairs and litigation with a sense of unreserved righteousness. Justice in the ǰarγu was applied quite unevenly, in both its methods and organization, in its perceptions of its ability to apply justice uniformly without blame, among members of the imperial court, and among subjects according to legal standing, ethnicity, religion, ethics, status, and even cultural behavior and languages. Clarity of judgment has many variables. The great Qan’s ǰarγu received its legitimacy through the divine authority of Tengri, the Sky God. The great Qan was believed to inherit Tengri’s holy authority in mundane politics, while at the same time being bound by it in the form of the ǰarγu. The fear of wrongful punishment by Tengri or vengeful spirits set the cultural and psychological background surrounding the ǰarγu and its Mongol mode of justice. Like Chinese legal perceptions evident in the Tang Code, “strict” laws and punishment were governing ideals shared among Mongols. The ǰasaq, or (great) code of Chinggis Qan and his scions, was legislated to reflect such ideas. The great Qan’s justice, underpinned by “firm and strict codes” and “good judicial administration,” shaped a new legal culture in the Mongol grasslands, conceived during the process of bloody conflicts and unification among nomadic peoples during the 12th century. Along with the strict execution of the ǰasaq, amnesty and distribution of shares became an important instrument of governance and justice for the great Qan. Meanwhile, his grace was seen as an unjustified form of luck, leading to constant challenges against the “luck” of amnesty. In the Mongol empire, condemned criminals usually waived their punishment by participating in wars or envoy missions, in thanks to the Qan’s grace. The ǰarγu was implemented in a complex reality where a variety of interests of differing power sought variously to both harmonize and compete. Ambivalence toward the truth of cases and legal interpretations and application—beyond divine magic and sheer luck—advantaged some to pursue personal interests, even as it respected the empire’s complex structure of rights and interests. This was why some interrogations and judgments of the ǰarγu were sometimes settled in an instant, while others languished under delays as neglected cases piled into backlogs of several years. Therefore, the numerous precedents and diversity of laws and customs in the ǰarγu express, in a sense, just one perspective. At the same time, ambiguity in speech, behavior, and legal interpretation opened other “doors to luck.”

13~14세기 몽골초원의 물적 기반과 유목경제의 지속성 고찰

설배환 중앙아시아학회 2015 中央아시아硏究 Vol.20 No.2

This paper examines long-term continuity of pastoral nomadism and its impetus on the Mongol Empire from the thirteenth to the fourteenth centuries by using new quantitative data of livestock from scattered sources. Pastoral nomadism served as the nexus that connected various types of production in the Mongol steppe societies. Despite long-term belief that nomadic economy is vulnerable to climate changes and other natural limits, the new evidence demonstrates that it was superior in labor economization and productivity per capita to sedentary economy. For example, a shepherd boy or ulaqchi (herdsman) could raise two thousand (2000) sheep or one hundred (100) to two hundred fifty (250) horses. Shepherd boys would even play shagai, ankle bone shooting during their stock breeding. An average Mongol nomad consumed one sheep of thirty (30) jin 斤 per month in a standard. He could well survive with six sheep for one year with the help of six-month animal hunting. These data inform that a shepherd might feed forty (40) to three hundred thirty (330) persons per year aside from various variables. Low labor intensity and simple legal system was a source of long-lasting continuity of nomadism and a catalyst to induce Chinese borderers to the Mongol steppe to the north. While nomadism was outperformed by farming in total output, the former was more efficient than the latter in labor economization and productivity per capita. However, gaps between the rich and the poor among nomads were huge. The Mongols counterbalanced the gaps with reciprocity among individuals or in their communities. Arguments that nomads in the steppe were poor because of unstable economy do not have firm grounds. Though partly accepted, those claims were not based on insufficient productivity of nomadism but on unevenness of wealth. Alleged primitiveness of nomadism does not necessarily suggest that nomadic economy is weak. On the contrary, but historical examples demonstrate that pastoral nomadism produced high labor efficiency in the steppe environment and still persist. Therefore, image of nomadism’s fragility resulted from enduring prejudice by sedentary people.

실크로드 문화의 모듈화와 그 변수 ― 실크로드 문화지도 DB 프로젝트의 관찰・면담 분석 ―

설배환 중앙아시아학회 2018 中央아시아硏究 Vol.23 No.2

This paper scrutinizes the methods with which researchers interact with digital mapping models and the many issues that they have encountered in the course of executing their project as they endeavor to modularize historical cultures on the Silk Roads and to formulate these modules on digital maps. To build these maps, the research team in September 2016 began to collect geographical and cultural data from historical texts for its database. At the same time, the cultural information from original analog texts were extracted and transformed into a digital XML (Extensible Markup Language) format. Some errors were made in the process of creating the database due to both digital and human errors. Digital errors resulted from the configuration process of codifying data, which was done by way of a one-to-one match regardless of cultural varieties and variability. Human errors occurred due to researchers’ negligence and insufficient knowledge of digitalization in the analysis of cultural elements, to the project’s three-year time limit, and to variations in the database in terms of areas, periods, and languages. Human and digital errors resulted from the steady interplay between researchers, texts, and digital data. The diversity of texts and personnel probably disturbed digitalization as well as stimulated the drive for new human-centered digitalization. A revolutionary digital transformation of the Silk Roads relies on the credibility and interactivity of data, and variables in history and cultures, despite any unstable deficiencies in the digitized data.

몽골제국 카안울루스에서의 말과 일상의 변화·충돌·조정 ―비싸고 짓밟고 늙고 병들고 잃고―

설배환 한국몽골학회 2020 몽골학 Vol.0 No.60

This paper examines the spread of horse riding culture, horse trade, and horse raising knowledge in the thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries and its effects and defects in the daily lives in the Qa’an ulus (or, the Yuan dynasty) of the Mongol empire. The previous works greatly contributes to our understanding the production and management of horses in Mongolia, China and Goryeo (especially, Tamla 耽羅, or present Jejudo, Korea) in the empire in terms of military and economic affairs, and comprehending the operation of horse ranches in East and West Asia. On the other hand, they paid little attention to how horses in and out of Mongolia had affected society, culture and daily life in the Mongol steppe, as well as in the rural and urban areas. Precedent studies slightly neglected the colorful variables of horses as animals, and their multifaceted ties with people. The Mongols were able to nurture and supply high-quality horses with efficient labor of pastoral nomadism. The Mongols were very good at raising and riding horses. Mongolia was rich in grass and water, so it was suitable for herding sheep and horses. The Nongsang jiyao 農桑輯要, the Essentials of Agriculture and Sericulture provides a manual of feeding horses, their diseases and prescriptions. The Jujia biyong shilei quanji 居家必用事類全集, the Complete Collection of Classified Affairs Essential for Those Living at Home, one of the encyclopedias compiled under Mongol rule in the Yuan dynasty, which contains daily obligations of living among people, also elaborates the general methods to raise horses in a chapter of the “Yangma conglun” 養馬總論 and the essential knowledge to breed and raise livestock in a chapter of the “Muyang xuzhi” 牧養須知. The existence of these manuals supports the spread of horses and knowledge of horse raising in China. However, the manual did not necessarily guarantee the stabilization of the methods to raise horses. In the 1230s, the Chinese grew horses in exactly opposite ways of horse raising of the Mongols, so horses often got sick. The Mongols established administrative offices for stable supply and management of horses in China, such as the Quanmu suo 羣牧所, or the Office of Imperial Horse Raising and Harnesses, the Taipu si 太僕寺, or the Office of Imperial Horses, and others. The imperial pasturelands of the Qa’an ulus reached from Tamla (present Jejudo, Korea) in the east to Qori Tumat 火里禿麻 (now areas from the east to the west of the lake Baikal) in the north, Gansu 甘肅 in the west and Yunnan 雲南 in the south. The continual conquest of the Mongol troops and the consequent increase in horse demand stimulated the need for knowledge of horse raising and prompted the spread of the knowledge. The imperial spread and infiltration of horses caused widespread repercussions in the multi-aspect daily lives of subjects under the Mongols. Despite the increase in horses, unlike other livestock, people could not easily eat horses and cattle. Horse riding was a privilege, so horse raising was also sometimes a prerogative. Horse raising farmers or nomads often exercised illegalities against people. The increase of horses in farming lands in China often adversely affected agriculture and crops. Horse riding could cause accidents on the streets and alleys in cities and towns. Livestock was often lost. The Mongol government took a variety of administrative measures to solve these problems. In another point of view, unlike crops, horses were a product of greater burden to people and causing state intervention.