몽골제국에서 賦稅의 시행과 그 帝國的 체계

설배환 동양사학회 2017 동양사학회 학술대회 발표논문집 Vol.2017 No.4

몽골제국 자르구(ǰarɤu)와 그 지역적 변주

설배환 동양사학회 2022 東洋史學硏究 Vol.160 No.-

This study explores Mongol legal culture and its method of realizing justice by reconstructing the operation of the ǰarɤu as “a trial” in the Mongol state in the 13th and 14th centuries and identifying the institution’s effects on the empire. Despite its historical importance, the Mongol ǰarɤu has not been given sufficient attention by historians. The ǰarɤu, both a bench trial and a joint trial, inherited the universal legal culture of the Mongol steppe. The ǰarɤuči, civil officials, envoys, or community-leaders conducted joint hearings and trials endorsed by joint signature or sealing. The advent of both the name and practice of ǰarɤu thus heralded a new pluralistic legal culture in East Asia. The ǰarɤu consisted of three elements: appointment (yuehui 約會), joint discussion and settlement (gongyi 共議 and 斷事 duanshi), and ǰarɤuči and envoys (chailai guan 差來官). These elements acted either independently or collectively as they spread throughout the empire and, as a consequence, evolved diversely. For example, the ǰarɤu found broad acceptance as the yārghū in the Persian culture. In Islamic society, the yārghū functioned as a joint trial in which the yārghūchīs of the great amirs, shaikhs, and qāḍīs gathered to decide cases. The three elements of the ǰarɤu translated into Chinese culture and transformed the institution in various ways. The ǰarɤu was interpreted and transformed into six different vocabularies in Chinese culture beyond its transliteration of the zhaerhu 札兒忽: liwen 理問, huiwen 會問, yuewen 約問, juwen 聚問, zawen 雜問, and zazhi 雜治. As the ǰarɤu’s translations and variants continued the practice of joint or group discussion, Mongol-style justice penetrated the whole territory of the great Qan. In the wake of imperial expansion, ǰarɤu began to appear not only to China, Korea, Uyghuristan, Central Asia, and Persia, places far beyond the Mongolian steppes, to peoples of various religions and ethnicities. In short, the ǰarɤu constituted the legal culture of the steppe tradition and the universal litigation and trial system of the Mongol empire. It could achieve unity within the empire while instituting “open” justice through a mobile network under the principles of the yuehui (appointment), joint discussion, and the mobility of judges. It also introduced an innovative form of pluralism thanks to its system of joint interrogation and trial. The ǰarɤu continued to play a role in East Asian legal culture, in such forms as the huishen 會審 in Ming China and the jabchi 雜治 (zazhi in Chinese) of Joseon Korea. Accordingly, it helped to dismantle the traditional legal system of the lüling 律令 that prevailed since after the Tang dynasty.

13~14세기 카안의 부엌과 몽골 風味의 지속과 변화

설배환 한국몽골학회 2017 몽골학 Vol.0 No.49

This study examines culinary cosmopolitanism and strong continuation of Mongol flavor in the royal kitchens in the Mongol empire. This analysis reveals the Mongol elements of imperial culture. Food held a consequential status in the Qa’an’s daily life and banquets, called ṭōī in Türk. Food and feasts were so significant among the Mongols that they considered reveling as the starting point for state affairs. Thus, the Bureau for Imperial Household Provisions (宣徽院 Xuanhui yuan) under the Ministry of Rites (禮部 Li bu) was in charge of royal foods and banquets. In both Dadu 大都 (Beijing), the Winter Capital, and Shangdu 上都 (Dolon, Inner Mongolia), the Summer Capital, foods were prepared in the Rooms of Kingly Cuisine, the Pavilion of Kingly Cuisine, the Inner Kitchens, Kitchens, and the Cooks’ Rooms. Many kitchens in Dadu were stationed around the Palace of Raising Holiness (興聖宮 Xingsheng gong), the queens’ palace. Cooks prepared foods with eight recipes in small kitchens (小廚房 xiao chufang) while separately cooking lamb in the grand kitchens (大廚房 da chufang). Whenever the Qa’an travelled to Shangdu, which he did every summer, his mobile kitchens (行廚 xingchu) accompanied him. Ba’určis, or cooks in Mongolian, cooked foods and regularly plied the Qa’an with them. A ba’urči required the sovereign’s personal confidence and could be nominated as a high official. At the Qa’an’s table, a globalization of culinary culture was realized. The great Qa’ans consumed foods and drinks from Mongolia, “China,” Central Asia, West Asia, Southeast Asia and Koryŏ. They carefully scrutinized flavors and properties of foods inside and outside the empire. A meat diet was the Qa’an’s prerogative. He emphasized Mongolian sheep, gazelles, airaq (mare’s milk), wine, tea and water, among other things. Indeed, a Mongol always carried a small knife, not only for dignity and self-protection but also for eating, such was the influence of their meat culture. The Mongols’ high-calorie meat diet was complimented by the sour taste of tarag, or yogurt, in Mongolian. Their daily intake of milk products was beneficial to labor economization, since they rarely cooked food at dawn. The Mongols preferred drinking mare’s milk and wine, and particularly relished wine as a drink of festivity. Given this inclination to drink airaq and wine, they probably did not demand much grain for brewing, in contrast to the claims of previous scholarship. The Mongols regarded sheep, gazelles, and tarbaqa (marmots) from the Mongol steppe, together with milk beverage, as forming culinary harmony, notwithstanding the cosmopolitanism of their royal food culture. This proves that the appetite of the Qa’an remained firmly grounded in Mongol flavors. His preference for steppe food, however, did not exclude a variety of other tastes. In brief, ba’určis from the royal kitchens regularly served both Mongolian and alien foods at the Qa’an’s table, thanks to the Mongol court’s tenacious continuation of the nomadic palette, and despite the new internationalization of food culture that their empire had encouraged. In particular, the court’s mobile kitchens were at the center of harmonizing Mongolian flavors with exotic tastes.

원대 海上 무역의 실태와 그 특징 - 쿠빌라이 카안 이후 南海를 중심으로 -

薛培煥 서울대학교 동양사학과 2004 서울大 東洋史學科 論集 Vol.28 No.-

"農本" 개혁의 실체와 허상 : 德川齊昭의 水戶藩 檢地

설배환 전남대학교 인문학연구소 2010 용봉인문논총 Vol.37 No.-

This study is to examine the land survey by Tokugawa Nariaki, the 9th feudal lord of Mito Clan, and to reassess its nature. The survey is generally estimated, by contemporary intellectuals as well as modem scholars, as an example to show Tokugawa Nariaki’s benevolence to his subjects, particularly, to the poor. Such estimation is squared with the popular image of him as one of the most benevolent lords in the era of Tokugawa and an enlightened ruler to adopt physiocracy in socio-economic reforms. Despite his “people-oriented" attitude- in the Mito govermance, however, the land survey in the Tenpou era(1830~44) was far from being benevolent. Tokugawa Nariaki considered the main objective of the land survey to protect the interests of the rich on his accession to the lord of Mito Clan in 1830. Initially, he was aware of the necessity of the land surveying to provide the poor with economic security and to improve financial situations in his Clan and in the villages. But the reform was delayed for about 6 years for fear of strong opposition from wealthy landowners. During this relatively long delay, Nariaki expected an extremely bad harvest to hit Mito, while he promoted thrift in daily life and established a relief system, following the advice of Hujita Touko, one of his key men, who presented him a political strategy to win the popular sentiment through famine relief. At last, when catastrophes had devastatingly struck the rural areas in 1836, Nariaki was able to successfully relieve his famine-stricken people from the disaster and, in return, they paid ardent tribute to Nariaki and supported his land reform plan. Relying on his subjects’ support, Nariaki pushed through opposition from the rich and his bureaucrats and adopted a policy to reform their monopolized land holdings. However, since the land survey demanded a tremendous amount of man power, time and cost-16 teams with over 420,000 bushels石 in total for 4 years in pre-survey by a county, inspection by the Clan, land registering including picturesque mapping - he did not have many choices but to compromise with his bureaucrats and wealthy landowners and guaranteed their political promotion and economic benefits through the survey after all. The fruits of the land survey were not delivered to the poor and, accordingly, the assessment that the survey was planned and conducted against the interest of the rich should be reconsidered. In fact, the Tenpou land survey in the Mito Clan was closer to a harsh governance than a big-hearted measure for the poor, in that it prioritized upper class-friendly actlOns. Therefore, it seems to be just a historical myth that Nariaki considered his people as the basis of his Clan and he made peasant-shaped puppet stand beside his royal seat to keep the people's support and to concern their security. The poor were just a rhetorical tool, as peasant-shaped puppets, to get a political justification of the land survey. His benevolence did not extend beyond the spot where the justification had been secured.

동아시아 물질문화의 생산과 유통 이해를 향한 신선한 도전-이강한, 『고려의 자기, 원제국과 만나다』 (한국학중앙연구원출판부, 2016)-

설배환 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 2017 한국문화연구 Vol.32 No.-

13~14세기 몽골초원의 물적 기반과 유목경제의 지속성 고찰

설배환 중앙아시아학회 2015 中央아시아硏究 Vol.20 No.2

This paper examines long-term continuity of pastoral nomadism and its impetus on the Mongol Empire from the thirteenth to the fourteenth centuries by using new quantitative data of livestock from scattered sources. Pastoral nomadism served as the nexus that connected various types of production in the Mongol steppe societies. Despite long-term belief that nomadic economy is vulnerable to climate changes and other natural limits, the new evidence demonstrates that it was superior in labor economization and productivity per capita to sedentary economy. For example, a shepherd boy or ulaqchi (herdsman) could raise two thousand (2000) sheep or one hundred (100) to two hundred fifty (250) horses. Shepherd boys would even play shagai, ankle bone shooting during their stock breeding. An average Mongol nomad consumed one sheep of thirty (30) jin 斤 per month in a standard. He could well survive with six sheep for one year with the help of six-month animal hunting. These data inform that a shepherd might feed forty (40) to three hundred thirty (330) persons per year aside from various variables. Low labor intensity and simple legal system was a source of long-lasting continuity of nomadism and a catalyst to induce Chinese borderers to the Mongol steppe to the north. While nomadism was outperformed by farming in total output, the former was more efficient than the latter in labor economization and productivity per capita. However, gaps between the rich and the poor among nomads were huge. The Mongols counterbalanced the gaps with reciprocity among individuals or in their communities. Arguments that nomads in the steppe were poor because of unstable economy do not have firm grounds. Though partly accepted, those claims were not based on insufficient productivity of nomadism but on unevenness of wealth. Alleged primitiveness of nomadism does not necessarily suggest that nomadic economy is weak. On the contrary, but historical examples demonstrate that pastoral nomadism produced high labor efficiency in the steppe environment and still persist. Therefore, image of nomadism’s fragility resulted from enduring prejudice by sedentary people.

몽골제국 大都의 탄생과 발전 - “사람과 말의 궁정(人馬之宮)”, 그리고 不在의 권력 -

설배환 역사교육연구회 2022 역사교육 Vol.163 No.-

본고는 兩京之制 아래에서 大都, 곧 칸발릭(Khanbaliq)의 역사상과 개방성을 분석했다. 몽골인의 계절 이동 풍속은 쿠빌라이 카안의 상도와 대도, 곧 여름과겨울 수도를 탄생시켰다. 두 수도는 몽골제국 정치·경제·문화의 중심을 카라코룸에서 兩都로 옮겼다. 대도는 정치·경제·문화·생태에서 반드시 상도와 동일한 지위나 역할에 있지않았다. 하영지 상도가 몽골의 전통과 유산을 기억, 재현하는 여름 쿠릴타이의 장소로서 몽골인에게 중요했던 반면, 동영지 대도에서의 조회는 한자 문화권의 사람들에게 중시되었다. 이들의 관점은 행정적 관점의 양도론이나 몽골 시각의 상도중심론을 외면하며 대도 “定都”論을 강화했다. 양도 관계에서 “京師” 혹은 “帝都”로서 대도(칸발릭)의 중심성을 강조하는 논자의 인식과 달리, 대도는 상도의 최대 물자공급지였다. 상도의 물자는 연경 帑藏을그대로 옮겨 온 것이나 다름없었다. 대도는 몽골 황실의 정치·경제 상황에 따라겨울에 諸王 등에게 쿠릴타이 금·은·鈔·金段을 하사하는 歲例賜與의 장소로 기능했다. 아유바르와다 카안 등 일부 군주는 대도에서 즉위했다. 대칸의 상도 순행은 대도에서 留守 재상과 관원의 巡山과 巡倉이라는 새로운 여름 문화―“대도에서 여름 나기”[大都住夏; 京都住夏]―를 창조했다. 여름 대도는 ‘상도의 거울’이라 칭할 만하다. 대도의 지리와 역사는 주례 「고공기」의 도성 모델로 온전히 설명되지 못한다. 대도 지리의 중심은 황궁이 아닌, 中心臺와 鼓樓였다. 대도성과 그 구조물은몽골·‘중국’·이슬람 등의 복합 설계와 다원적 구성의 산물이었다. 대칸은 황궁에거의 머물지 않았다. 황궁과 대도성에서 대칸의 부재는 계절 순행과 쿠릴타이, 사냥 등 스포츠를 즐기는 유목 전통인 동시에, 대도를 잠재적 반란과 불신의 장소로간주한 대칸의 주술적·정치적 의식에서 기인했다. 카안은 반란을 불식하고자 재산이 많고 관직을 보유한 이를 新城의 이주민으로 우선 선발했고 행정기구와 군사조직과 법령으로 신민을 통제했다. 카안의 부재는 여름 대도를 유수와 종교인, 상인이 연출하는 경제와 문화의 장소로 만들었다. 매년 가을 신민은 대도로 귀환하는 대칸을 환영했다. 대칸을 향한 신민의 순응과 환호는 장관(splendor)의 정치·의례 행위이자, 경제적 기대였다. 대칸의 부재와 귀환이 대도 주민의 일상과 경제 질서를 가동하는 시계추였던 한편, 신민의 환호는 대도성 밖 이동 군주에게 권력을 확신시켰다. 한인 지식인은 대칸의 부재에서 “무위의 정치”를 발견했다. 대칸의 “부재의 정치(politics of absence)”와 경제는 유연한 개방적 권력과 초원 전통의 소산이었다. 요컨대 양도 체제에서 대도는 “神京” 상도의 거울이자, 제국 각지와 상도를 잇는 연결고리(node)였다. 대도는 고려인에게는 개성과 상도를 잇는 접점이었다. 대칸은 대도에서 문화·종족·생태·경제 다원성과 조화를 추구했다. 대칸의 정치 이상은 “사람과 말의 궁전” 대도의 御苑과 施水堂에 투영되었다. 대도는 동시대인에게 종종 공간·정치·경제·문화의 유토피아로 승화했다. This paper examines the historical status and flexible order of Dadu (M. Khanbaliq, modern-day Beijing) under the dual capital system of the Mongol empire. Under Qubilai Qa’an (r. 1260~1294), the Mongol custom of seasonal migration influenced the creation of their summer and winter capitals, namely, Dadu and Shangdu (or, Xanadu in modern-day Zhenglanqi, China). In this dual capital system, the two cities did not function in the same way, in terms of either status or role. The completion of Dadu and Shangdu finalized the re-orientation of the political, economic and cultural center of the empire from Qara Qorum to the dual capitals. Whereas the Mongols valued the summer camp of Shangdu as a precious place for summer quriltai to remember and reenact Mongol traditions, the winter settlement of Dadu mattered more to people from Sinitic ultures. Contrary to the perception emphasizing Khanbaliq’s centrality as “the capital of an emperor,” the winter capital of Khanbaliq received the largest supply of goods for the summer capital. Dadu functioned as a venue for the annual grant 歲例賜與 of gold, silver, paper money and silk to Mongol princes and high officials during the winter. Some monarchs, like Ayurbarwada Qa’an (r. 1311–1320), were even crowned there. The seasonal migration to Shangdu created a mirroring culture that alternated between its mountain patrols of winter and Dadu’s warehouses of summer. The city model of the Zhouli 周禮, or The Rites of Zhou does not fully reflect the historicity and culture of Dadu. Spatially, the center of the capital was the zhongxin tai 中心臺 and gulou 鼓樓, and the imperial palace did not lie at the center of the city’s castle. Great Qans hardly ever stayed in the imperial palace. The absence of the great Qan (or, Qa’an) in the imperial palace and Dadu stemmed from nomadic customs such as seasonal migration and hunting, as well as the shamanistic and political consciousness of the Qa’an, who regarded Dadu as a site of potential rebellion and therefore distrust. In order to dispel such a rebellion, Qa’an first selected new castle inhabitants who possessed wealth and had held government posts, and who controlled his subjects by mobilizing administrative organizations, military organizations and laws. The great Qan’s absence made Dadu a new place where liushou 留守, or, officials who stayed behind, Buddhists, Daoists and merchants operated. Every autumn, the inhabitants of Dadu welcomed their great Qan on his return. The conformity and cheers of the subjects toward him was an economic expectation as well as an expression of political and ritual activities. While the absence and return of the great Qan was a newly added cycle to the lives of Dadu’s people, the compliance and cheer of subjects assured the power of the mobile monarch outside Dadu Castle. Confucian scholars discovered “the politics of wuwei” 無爲 (the Daoist principle of non-action) in the absence of a great Qan. His power could truly shine through his absence. In brief, Dadu functioned as a mirror of Shangdu, the “godly capital,” and as a node connecting Shangdu to other cities. Dadu also symbolized a utopia for the “court of people and horses” embracing a sublime royal garden and pavilions of wells.

18세기 조선 士人의 異域 인식 -『欽英』의 『同文廣考』 옮겨 적기를 통한 고찰 -

설배환 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2014 한국문화 Vol.65 No.-

This study examines Joseon literati’s understanding ways of the world by comparing the copies of Yi Donjung’s Geographic World Atlas of Dong-mun Guang-go 同文廣考 with its extract in the Heum-yeong 欽英, Yu Manju’s Diary of Admiring Heroes in the eighteenth century. The latter was a transcript that Yu Manju (1755-1788) extracted some passages from a copy of the former. Based on his knowledge on world geography, Yi Donjung excerpted from some Chinese travelogues as well as the Treatise on Barbarians 外夷傳 of the Chinese official histories such as the Song-shi 宋史 and the Ming-shi 明史, etc. The extract by Yu is a valuable historical source in that it partly transcribes the Record of the West 西洋記 by Yi, which is not survived in any remaining copy of the Atlas except its article title. The extract of the Record of the West shows that Yi copied some paragraphs from the world atlantes and world geographic books by European Jesuit priests in China. Leaving aside the fact that Yi’s work was the first world atlas in the history of Korea, the Atlas and its extract by Yu reveals Joseon literati’s world view. While some intellects actively embraced “new” world information mostly from China and partly from Japan, they were not able to digest it well enough because of their geo-intellectual and phonetic barriers. They placed the Western world in the exotic barbaric world and maintained the traditional Sino-barbarian dichotomy to support legitimacy of the Song and Ming Chinese Dynasties. They consolidated China-centric world view by not mentioning history of the “savage” Mongol Empire (1206-1368), which successfully expanded real information on world geography from Japan to Africa. This silence made the advanced geographical and cartographical knowledge of the Mongols forgotten in the intellectual circle of Joseon. Repeated reproduction and rumination of China-centric atlantes, which brought Joseon literati psychological peace and intellectual stability, eventually blinded them from scientific and objective geographic information from the West.

몽골제국 倉庫制와 대칸의 재정 지리

설배환 한국몽골학회 2024 몽골학 Vol.- No.76

This study explores when and how the warehousing system 倉庫制 in the Mongol Empire (1206~1370) had been established, developed, and administered. The warehouse, as an administrative service to accumulate and redistribute treasures, shows the relationship between the procurement of imperial materials and the circulation of commodities as well as the great Qan’s financial geography. The study examines the way in which the Mongol Emperor of Qa’an procured and controlled materials and treasures, and therefore to characterize the Mongol’s development of its own, especially in the fiscal finance. The first Mongol warehouses, balaqat in Mongol, were set up by Ögödei Qa’an in Mongolia in 1229. They consist of grain-houses (倉 cang in Chinese, anbār in Persian) and treasuries (庫 ku in Chinese, khazāna in Persian). Since Qubilai Qa’an sat on the throne in 1260, warehouses were increasingly built up. The number of grain-houses increased with the consolidation of the Southern Song in 1279. While land taxes 稅糧 traveled from Jiangnan provinces on the sea route to a capital city of Dadu 大都, the main base of grain supply was moved from Qiansicang 千斯倉 in the northeast to Wansinancang 萬斯南倉 in the south. Four Imperial Treasuries of Trillion 萬億四庫 beside Jishuitan 積水潭 storing valuables such as paper money, jade wares and others, served as the leading treasuries of the Empire. The warehouses were located along the middle and lower part of the Yellow River, the streams in Jianghui 江淮, as well as next to the canal in Huabei 華北 area. Geopolitically speaking, they mostly belonged to the central domain of Fuli 腹裏 (qol-un ulus in Mongol), supervised by the Central Secretariat 中書省. The fact that Large grain-houses and state treasuries were intensively stationed in the capital cities of Qara Qorum 和林, Dadu and Shangdu 上都, and their vicinities demonstrates their relevance to the Qa’an’s seasonal journey sites. The Qa’an stood in the center of collection, control, and consumption of imperial materials and treasures. In staffing, warehouse officials 倉庫官 (khazāna-chī in Persian) were originated from balaqači 八剌哈赤 and sangči 倉赤 in Mongol respectively. They came from keshig 怯薛, the Mongol imperial guards. Balaqači was appointed as a treasury official 庫官 or a gatekeeper general 封門官員, and sangči as an official of treasuries or grain-houses by the Qa’an in person to the warehouses in Dadu and nearby. This is called belge selection 別里哥選, or imperial appointment 宣授. The expansion of warehouses caused shortage of staffing in the Mongols. Considering staff’s personality and richness, the Yüan Dynasty appointed officials such as directors of collection 監納 or commissioners 大使 among Central Asians 色目人 and Chinese 漢人 through the selection process of the Secretarial or Presidential Councils 尙書省, called general selection 常選, or imperial decree appointment 勅授. And Bureau clerks 司吏 with richness, working career, governmental salaries, and mature age could be advanced to lower staffs in charge, or deputies 副使 in district warehouses 各路倉庫. Warehouse officials from the Mongols, Central Asians and Chinese show a ratio of 1 to 3 to 6. While more Mongols and Central Asians worked in Qara Qorum, the Chinese staffing grew larger particularly in grain-houses as time went by to the late period of the Empire.