영조대 군현지도집의 (郡縣地圖集) 편찬과 활용

배우성 ( Woo Sung Bae ) 일지사 1995 韓國學報 Vol.21 No.4

조선후기 中華 인식의 지리적 맥락

배우성(Bae Woo Sung) 한국사연구회 2012 한국사연구 Vol.158 No.-

This study describes the manner in which ‘Sinocentrism as a culture’ met ‘Sinocentrism as geography.’ The unique culture of Chos?n that originated from different areas and natural atmosphere could never be advantageous to the internalization of the Sinocentric culture. However, no one regarded Chos?n culture as being completely different or coarse. While this culture was viewed as different, it was not seen as being independent either. This was a natural difference that emerged because Chos?n was a ‘foreign land’. Sinocentrism during late Chos?n coincided with the fracture of the notion of P?ungt?o Pudongnon(風土不同論), recognition of the different natural atmosphere of China and Korea. The belief that Chos?n was a Sinocentric land located in a foreign country that was at the heart of the move to chap P?ungt?o Pudongnon(風土不同論) was rooted in the concept of a common natural atmosphere shared with China. The difference of scale provided a special status to mainland China. However, Chos?n intellectuals took to referring to themselves as the successors of sinocentric culture when they realized that the Ming dynasty could not be restored. Nevertheless, they never abandoned their belief that a ‘Sinocentric state’ would someday be established in mainland China. While the former belief was based on the logic of destiny and reality, the latter was related to the issue of the heavenly principle(天理). Efforts to connect Chos?n with the special entity that was mainland China were regarded as being natural. They produced comparisons of the Korean peninsula to an old man bowing to mainland China. In some cases, the relationship between the Korean peninsula and mainland China was said to flow through the Liaodong peninsula. The geographical traces of Sinocentrism during late Chos?n included Chos?n viewing the Qing dynasty as a hostile other and the perception of the imaginary Sinocentric state that would someday be established in mainland China as a civilization companion. If Song Siy?l. who lived during the fracture of the notion of P?ungt?o Pudongnon(風土不同論), was the starting point of this geographical vestige, then Yi Hangno stood at the center of the movement to identify the Eastern world as a ‘unit of civilization contradictory to the Western world.’ Yi Hangno’s theory originated from the Sinocentrism passed down from Song Siy?l.

조선후기 역사학과 신채호, 그리고 21세기

배우성(Bae Woo-sung) 계명대학교 한국학연구원 2011 한국학논집 Vol.0 No.43

비평논문 : 「대동여지도」 연구의 쟁점과 과제

배우성 ( Woo Sung Bae ) 한국과학사학회 2006 한국과학사학회지 Vol.28 No.1

The purpose of this article is to arrange how the studies about Daedongyeojido have been done in the academic field in terms of checking the history of research and to show what kind of tasks are still remained. As widely known, Daedongyeojido (大東輿地圖, `The Great Map of Korea`) is located at the end of the history of ancient map development. Now the studies about Daedongyeojido are going in progress to the three different directions about Kim Jung-ho, map, and geography book. During the 1920s, when Kim Jung-ho was initially studied, some stories were spread. It was about the Kim Jung-ho`s almost legendary experiences, such as Kim Jung-ho climbed Baek-du mountain many times or he died in the prison, things like that. Even though the stories are far from the truth, it has been handed down to us. Between the 1960s and the 1970s, there were many researches that tried to systemize the history of ancient map development. After entering the 1980s, the new data were found and the Daedongyeojido was reissued. And then, using the reissued one, detailed researches were conducted. So under this situation, we were facing a new phase to study about Daedongyeojido. For that time, not a few point of disputes were floated, such as there are what kind of relations between the map and the geography book which were drown by Kim Jung-ho and how the genealogy was composed that was passed to Daedongyeojido and what kind of mapping style was used for Daedongyeojido and how much reduced scale was used for Daedongyeojido. For the researching process, we got some confusion. For a long time the scholars who have been researching mapping style guessed the western science affected to Daedongyeojido, but between Daedongyeojido and western science, literally there is no relations. Nowadays, geographers are producing meaningful outcomes of study that were related to genealogy of map, but the analysis did not consider the other related variables. Now, the questions about Kim Jung-ho and Daedongyeojido, will be solved by understanding him and his map among the period and the context that he lived.

만주에 관한 지식과 조선후기 사회

裵祐晟(Bae Woo-sung) 역사학회 2010 역사학보 Vol.0 No.208

地圖와 記憶

배우성(Bae Woo Sung) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2007 역사문화연구 Vol.26 No.-

같은 지식과 정보는 서로 다른 지역에서 공유될 때 어떻게 다르게 해석될 수 있을까. 그 서로 다른 해석에는 어떤 역사적·문화적 경험들이 반영되어 있을까. 이 연구가 주된 분석의 대상으로 삼은 것은 17세기의 유구이다. 동아시아 역사에서 17세기는 역사적 전환점이기도 했다. 중국대륙의 지배자가 명에서 청으로 바뀌었을 뿐만 아니라, 그로 인해 동북아시아에 많은 변화가 생겼기 때문이다. 전통적 중화질서가 해체되면서 생겨난 가장 의미 있는 변화는 동아시아 삼국이 각각 자신을 중심으로 세계를 바라보기 시작했다는 점이다. 청은 명의 문화를 흡수하고 새로운 국제질서를 수립해 나갔다. 조선은 청을 중심으로 한 새로운 국제질서에 편입되었으나, 사상적으로는 조선이 중화 문화의 유일한 계승자임을 자처했다. 일본은 자신을 중심으로 한 새로운 질서에 눈을 돌리기 시작했다. 동북아시아 삼국은 서로 다른 방식으로 세계를 바라보았다. 이 세계관들이 충돌하는 지점에 유구가 있었다. 15세기만 하더라도 유구는 동아시아 해상 무역의 중심지 역할을 하던 독자적인 왕국이었다. 유구는 중국에 조공하고 조선이나 일본과는 활발하게 교류했다. 그 뒤 유구와 조선의 관계는 단절되었다. 1609년 사쓰마에 정벌당한 유구는 그 뒤 일본의 정치적·경제적인 영향을 받았다. 이런 상황에서 유구를 그린 한 장의 도면이 동아시아 삼국에 유통되었다. 이 지도는 각 나라들의 역사적 문화적 경험들을 반영하면서 다르게 읽혔다. 청은 유구를 책봉국가의 하나로 여겼다. 유구의 문화를 야만적인 것으로 보는 편견은 서서히 극복되어 갔지만, 청은 유구를 정치·외교적 맥락에서 이해했다. 일본이 국제질서의 중심에 있다는 점을 민중들에게 각인시키고 싶어 했던 에도 막부는 유구의 사절에게 이국풍, 곧 중화풍을 강요했다. 조선은 중화문화적인 정체성을 기준으로 세계를 바라보았다. 조선이 유구에 대해 중화문화국가라는 점을 주목한 것은 그런 이유 때문이다. 어떤 이들에게 유구는 책봉국가였으며, 다른 이에게는 중화문화국가였으며, 또 다른 이에게는 여전히 해양국가였다. 한 장의 도면은 동아시아 삼국에서 서로 다른 방식으로 읽혔다 If the same knowledge and information is flowed to different countries, how can they explain it in different ways? What historical and cultural experiences are in that explanation? The main target of this research is “Ryukyu” in the 17th century. In the east asian history, the 17th century is a historical transition period that the ruler of the Chinese continent, “Ming” was changed into “Ching”. The most meaningful change that the dismantlement of traditional Chinese rule happened is that each of the three east asian countries regarded itself as the middle of world. There was “Ryukyu”, in this world views' clash point. In this period, the relationship between Ryukyu and each of the three countries was adjusted. Especially the diplomatic relation between “Chosun” and “Ryukyu” was broken. After “Ryukyu” was conquered by “Satsuma” in 1609, it was influenced by not only “China” but also “Japan”. In this situation, the one map which “Ryukyu” was drawn, was flowed around the three countries. This map, which reflects historical, and cultural experiences until now, was read in different ways, in different countries. “Ching” usually regarded “Ryukyu” as one of the invested countries. Even the Ching's bias that “Ryukyu” is the barbarious country, was slowly tide over, “Ching” understanded “Ryukyu” in a political, and diplomatic way. “Edo” Bakuhu that means Japan feudal government, which wanted to make Japanese people that Japan is the middle of the international rule, forced the envoys from “Ryukyu” to make foreign mood. It directly means Chinese mood. But, “Chosun” understanded the world by their standard which “Chosun” is the only one that can accede the Chinese culture. That's the reason why “Chosun” paid attention to “Ryukyu”. “Ryukyu” was a part of the invested countries to some people, it was the country that acceded Chinese culture to the another people, and it is the ocean country as usual to the others. The one map, was read in different ways in the “three different east asian countries”

正祖의 留守府경영과 華城인식

배우성(Bae. Woo-Sung) 한국사연구회 2004 한국사연구 Vol.127 No.-

King Ch6ngjo’s decision to construct the Suwon Hwasong was a<br/> landmark event because it came at a time when the power of a centralized<br/> Seoul, as the vortex of the nation towards which everything flowed, was at<br/> its zenith, This paper strives, based on examples taken from Chinese<br/> history, to analyze the construction of the Suwon Hwasong as well as<br/> Ch6ngjo’s Yusubu (administrative districts outside of the provincial<br/> governor‘s jurisdiction) related policies, This paper also strives to search<br/> for the significance of the Suwon Hwasδng in terms of the relationship<br/> between Seoul and Kyonggi province.<br/> lmmediately upon his ascension to the throne King Chongjo began to<br/> reform the military system. He transformed the Tongoyong into the<br/> Kanghwabu and the Kwangjubu into the Yusubu. ln addition, he also<br/> abolished the Suδchδ~g Chδ~gch ’δ~g. The Hwasong Yusubu was<br/> considered to be the most important such body established during the<br/> regime of King Ch6ngjo. The decision to grant Hwasong the status of<br/> Yusubu came hot on the heels of other pertinent decisions made by<br/> Ch6ngjo affecting that area, which included the establishment of the<br/> ChangyongYIδing (palatial guards): the transfer of the Hyδ, Iflryungwlδn<br/> (Prince Sado’s grave): the development of a new city and encouragement<br/> of migration to that city: as well as the establishment of the<br/> Changyongoeyδ~g (King Ch6ngjo’s private guard in charge of the defense<br/> of the Kyonggi area>. King Ch6ngjo’s decision to transfer Prince Sado’s<br/> grave: his selection of the location for the grave and construction of the<br/> necessary Rungup (a city which would be in charge of overseeing Prince<br/> Sado's royal tomb): his decision to have urban residents migrate to this new city; and the means through which the necessary financial support for<br/> all these endeavors could be secured. was in large part based on the<br/> Rung디ip and Sambo systems employed during the Former Han dynasty.<br/> Chongjo also decided upon Suwon as the military headquarters for the<br/> ChangyongYIδIJ1g; a decision that was made in response to the prevailing<br/> military conditions. but also to justify his claim that Suwon was the<br/> original seat of power of the royal family.<br/> While he remained adverse to the complete relocation of the capital.<br/> King Chongjo showed himself more receptive to the notion of a dual<br/> capital system. As such. he regarded Suwon Hwasong as the second largest<br/> city. and as one which should be granted the same status as Seoul.<br/> Given the fact that the development of this new city was carried out on<br/> an incremental basis and according to detailed plans. there has been much<br/> speculation about King Chongjo’s inspiration for the project. As it was the<br/> only study mentioned by King Chongjo in relation to the construction of<br/> the Suwon Hwasong. there is a very real possibility that an essay written<br/> by Tang dynasty era scholar Lu-zhi was in fact the king’s main source of<br/> inspiration for undertaking this project. Lu-zhi argued that the Kyonggi<br/> area was an ideal one in which to establish a Rungup in that it could be<br/> used to educate human resources. as well as to facilitate war preparations<br/> by concentrating military power and finances in one area. In this regards.<br/> Lu-zhi’s essay must have served as a helpful guide for King Chongjo. who<br/> intended to develop the Suwon Hwasong in keeping with the dual capital<br/> system which he planned to bring about.

종로 시전 뒷길의 능성구씨들

배우성(Bae, Woo-Sung) 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2017 서울학연구 Vol.- No.67

이 연구는 능성구씨의 종가가 저자거리 뒷골목에 자리잡은 특이한 상황을 해명하기 위해 구씨들의 이야기를 복원한 뒤, 구씨의 집터(태화정가와 잠룡지가), 그들을 위한 문(이문)과 길(중로), 그들의 영역범위(청진동,공평동,인사동 일대)라는 장소적 조건들의 의미를 그 이야기와의 연관 속에서 논증한 것이다. 19세기 이후 순화궁, 김흥근, 이완용 등 정치적 유력자들이 이 집을 탐냈던 것은 이곳이 “북촌의 갑제”로, 북촌의 다른 내노라 하는 저택들을 압도하는 넓은 조망권을 가지고 있었기 때문이다. 구씨와 태화정의 이야기는 조선초기로 거슬러 올라간다. 永膺大君은 세종의 총애를 한 몸에 받던 왕자였다. 세조는 동생 영응대군의 사위감으로 구수영이라는 인물을 정해 주었다. 세월이 흘러 구수영의 증손인 구사안이 구씨의 종가 역할을 하게 되었다. 구사안은 동생 구사맹을 위해 자기가 살던 곳의 서쪽 땅을 떼어준 뒤 집을 지어 살게 했다. 인조는 외가인 구사맹의 집터에서 어린 시절을 보냈다. 대종가와 소종가의 집터는 각각 태화정가, 잠룡지가로 불리게 되었다. 공평동 좌우로 다른 구씨들의 집자리가 확인되는 것은 대종가와 소종가로부터 구씨 후손들이 갈라져 나갔기 때문이다. 서로 양자를 주고받고 의지하면서 지내던 대종가와 소종가는 소종가가 가세를 유지할 수 없을 정도로 몰락하면서 벌어지기 시작했다. 여기에 산송 문제가 얽히면서 상황은 더 복잡해졌다. 소종가의 방계인 구선복이 옥사로 죽은 뒤 그 직계가 족보에서 제외되기도 했다. 이후 새로운 족보 편찬을 두고 대종과 소종의 대립은 더욱 악화되었다. 그 여파 때문인지 대종도 소종도 결국 몰락의 길을 걸었다. 구수영 이후 삼백년간 이어온 태화정가는 결국 안동김씨의 손에 넘어가게 되었다. 구씨 종가 터에서 종로의 어물전으로 이어지는 길이 피맛길과 만나는 지점에는 里門이라 불리는 시설이 있었다. 이문은 치안이나 교화 등 민중들의 일상생활을 규제하기 위한 것도 있었지만, 특수 집단이나 관아 시설을 보호하기 위한 것들도 있었다. 어물전 뒤의 이문은 말할 것도 없이 특권집단 구씨들을 보호하기 위해 세워진 것이었다. 이 이문의 안쪽으로는 심지어 국가의 행정력조차 진입하기 어려웠다. 잠룡지가와 태화정가를 가진다는 것은 경관이 좋은 곳을 소유한다는 것만을 의미하지는 않았다. 이곳을 가진 자들은 비공식, 불법, 탈법을 포함한 사적인 방법으로 시전의 일부 또는 전체에 영향력을 행사할 수 있었던 것이다. 몰락하기 전의 구씨들 역시 그런 사람들이었던 것이다. 구씨의 하인들조차 이문 밖으로 나와 어물전 상인들에게 행패를 부리기 일쑤였다. 그들은 시전상인을 관리감독할 공식적 지위에 있지 않았지만, 시전상인을 수탈하기에는 오히려 다른 왈짜들보다 더 좋은 위치에 있었다. 그들에게는 이문이 있었고, 이문 뒤에는 구씨의 종택이 있었기 때문이다. 그들은 마음만 먹으면 얼마든지 야금 위반을 일삼는 ‘무뢰배’, 즉 왈짜가 될 수 있었다. Choson alleyways excavated in downtown Seoul last year has been the focus of the public attention. Seoul metropolitan government decided to preserve this ruins located behind the public market in a form of on-site museum. Near the lower right-hand corner of the site lies an alleyway that leads to a dwelling site which was called Taehwajeong(THJ). The owner of this site has belonged to Ku family. But the problem is that this site doesn’t seem suitable to the influential families like Ku. The connection of Ku family and THJ area dates back to the Early Choson Dynasty. After becoming the son-in-law of King’s brother, Ku, Su-yong received the very site from the King. His great-grandchildren Ku, Sa-an succeeded the rights and duties as the master of main house, and allocated the small amount of the real estate to his younger brother Ku, Sa-maeng. The descendants of these two brothers got along with each other until 17th century, but the disagreement arose between them over usage of their family gravesites and compilation of the family genealogy. As time went by, the relation went steadily downhill. Finally most of Ku families who had lived in the very site for about 300 years could not maintain their houses any more. The neighboring site of THJ, which was called Jamryongjiga( JRJG) afterward, was such an important place for the King Injo. His mother was a daughter of Ku family, and a wife of a royal prince. Accordingly Injo was no more than one of the royal family, who was raised and educated by the Ku family in the JRJG. After succeeding in military coup with the help of Ku family, Injo managed to hold political authority. Of many things that he wanted to do, it was important to guarantee the privilege of Ku family. The gate erected in front of THJ and JRJG was an iconic one. The servants of Ku family, well knowing that their masters were protected by the king and even the governmental authorities could not enter the special gate, exploited the gate. They used to go outside the gate and extorted the market merchandises. Considering that market area was not preferred for the high-ranking bureaucrat and influential families of the Choson dynasty, it was a rare case for Ku families to maintain their main houses there. But the crucial point is that THJ and JRJG commanded a magnificent view, and the members of Ku family enjoyed the privileges by utilizing the special road and gate.

18세기 지방 지식인 황윤석과 지방 의식

배우성(Bae Woo-Sung) 한국사연구회 2006 한국사연구 Vol.135 No.-

Research on individual figures constitutes a significant portion of the study of late Joseon Dynasty thought. However, unless it was intended to be purely abstract and speculative, these figures’ ideology cannot have been divorced from the reality in which they lived. The present study focuses on the increasing separation of the capital and the provinces in the world of late Joseon Dynasty thought and seeks to demonstrate how the regional consciousness of Hwang Yun-seok, an 18th-century regional intellectual, was reflected in his life and thought. As a student of Gim Won-haeng, Hwang naturally inherited the academic stance and political consciousness of the Old Doctrine faction. Above all, however, he was also strongly conscious of his own regionality. Having experienced the exclusion of and discrimination against provincials, Hwang was considerably interested in exhibiting the academic tradition of Jeolla Province and establishing institutions for appointing qualified scholars from the region to government posts. In the process of probing for a solution to the problem of Jeolla Province on a general and universal level, Hwang sought to elevate Gim In-hu’s performance of rites at the National Confucian Shrine to a matter of academic tradition and relationships, and found the justification for the appointment of scholars from the region to government posts in the context of promoting academics. However, Jeolla Province was always at the center of the “country” that he sought to underscore. In fact, Hwang’s view of Seoul was highly ambivalent. Although he disapproved of the misconduct of scholars from Seoul, he was keenly aware that it was impossible to obtain new knowledge and information such as Western science books unless one lived in the capital. Indeed, scholars in Seoul not only exchanged ideas regardless of their social class and political loyalties but also stressed the need to adopt Western science and Qing Chinese institutions and cultural products. From an impoverished country and without even the benefit of having visited Peking as an envoy, Hwang was by no means in a position similar to that of his counterparts in Seoul. Consequently, he was not only passive about academic exchange between the professional “middle men” and the aristocratic scholar-officials but also inflexible about the introduction of “Northern Learning” and Qing Chinese institutions and cultural products. His regional consciousness affected his view of reality and academic stance indeed.

정조시대 동아시아 인식의 새로운 경향

배우성 (Woo Sung Bae) 일지사 1999 韓國學報 Vol.25 No.1

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