'텬로력뎡' 揷圖와 箕山風俗圖

박효은 숭실사학회 2008 숭실사학 Vol.21 No.-

기독교 선교사와의 관계, 1890년대 김준근 회화의 변화 양상과의 관련성은 텬로력뎡 삽도와 기산풍속도가 공유하고 있는 흥미로운 쟁점이다. 1880년대부터 시작된 기산풍속도의 화풍이 1890년대에 변모하게 된 계기는 미국 북장로교의 선교활동 중의 The Pilgrim's Progress 한글본 간행과 관련되어 있었다. 텬로력뎡을 간행하면서 게일이 한국, 한국인, 한국문화를 소재로 한 풍속화를 잘 그렸던 箕山 金俊根에게 삽도 제작을 의뢰함에 따라 김준근은 19세기 영국 삽화가가 제시한 서양화법의 시각체계와 기산풍속도의 기존 도상을 활용해서 朝鮮風 크리스천의 천국에의 여정과 구원을 42장면으로 시각화하게 되었다. 이 작업에서 김준근은 서양화법을 접할 수 있었지만, 원문의 맥락에 충실하게 등장인물을 그리고 원본 그림을 복제하기 위해 활용하지는 않았다. 대신 자신의 ‘일반화된 조선 풍속 도상’을 끌어다 썼고, 마침내 17세기 영국 청교도 문학서에 담긴 영혼 구원에 관한 주제의식을 신분상승에 의한 상향평준화로 번안시켰다. 영국 시민혁명과 미국 건립의 기초가 된 청교도 의식이 그와 전혀 다른 시공간인 19세기 말 한국에서 시각화될 때는, 김준근의 상상력과 화풍에 의해, 지극히 현실적이고 세속적이면서 이상적인 욕망과 관념이 투사된 세계로 전환되었던 것이다.한편 김준근이 텬로력뎡 삽도 제작시에 접했던 서양화법은 1894년 이후의 화풍 변화에 영향을 미쳤다. 김준근 회화 발전 단계의 제2기 후반에 일어난 이 변화는 서울역박본, 덴마크본에 반영되었고, 스왈른본을 비롯한 제3기 작업으로 이어졌다. 반면 제1기의 칼스본, 묄렌도르프본, 스미소니언본, 기메본, 라이덴본과, 제2기 전반의 매산본, 캐븐디쉬본, 함부르크-마이어본은 서양화법의 세례를 상대적으로 덜 받았고, 전통적인 시각체계에 가깝다. 이러한 구분은 동일 주제를 그린 다른 시기의 작품 간에 특정 도상의 계승과 변형이 진행된 양상, 텬로력뎡 삽도 이후에 두드러진 서양화법 활용 여부를 동시에 관찰할 때 파악할 수 있다. 확실히 김준근은 서양화법을 의식한 일점투시, 명암[음영], 다양한 색채를 1894년 이후의 기산풍속도에 적용시켜, 이전시기 김준근 회화에 비해 훨씬 풍부한 회화적 효과를 거두었다. 하지만 기산풍속도의 이해에 있어 핵심적인 관건은 20년 이상 이어진 ‘조선 풍속 도상’의 형성, 정립, 변형의 과정과 그 흐름을 독해하는 것이다. 때문에 김준근 회화의 3단계 발전설은 여전히 유효하다. One of the interesting issues that the illustrations of The Pilgrim's Progress and Gisan genre paintings share is the relations with the Christian missionaries and the relevance to the changing features of Kim Joon-Geun(pen name: Gisan)'s art work in 1890s. Started in 1880s, Gisan genre paintings began to change its style in 1890s, and the turning point is related to the publication of Korean version of The Pilgrim's Progress in accordance with the North American Presbyterian missionary work. Publishing the translated version of The Pilgrim's Progress, James Scarth Gale(1863-1937) is considered to ask Kim Joon-Geun to draw the illustrations of the book, who was proficient in depicting the scenes from Korea, Korean people, and Korean culture. Accepting Gale's offer, Kim Joon-Geun visualized a journey to heaven and salvation into 42 scenes in Joseon dynasty manners, using the icons of previous Gisan genre paintings and the perspective of Western painting presented by the British illustrators in the 19th century. Although Kim Joon-Geun could learn the Western painting techniques during his work, he did not use them to draw the protagonists faithful to the original text and reproduce the original paintings. Instead, Kim Joon-Geun used his own ‘generalized Joseon genre icons’, and finally the subject matter of spiritual salvation contented in the 17th century Puritan literature was adapted for upward equalization by rising social status. When the Puritan spirit, the foundation of English Civil War and the United States establishment, visualized in a totally different time and place-at the end of the 19th century in Korea-by Kim Joon-Geun's imagination and style, it transformed to the ideal world reflecting an extremely realistic, mundane desire.On the other hand, the Western painting techniques that Kim Joon-Geun experienced during his work on The Pilgrim's Progress influenced on the style change of his paintings drawn after 1894. Appearing at the end of the second stage of development in Kim Joon-Geun's painting, this change influenced on the collections of Seoul Museum of History and National Museum of Denmark;it was continued to the third stage of his work including W. L. Swallen(1865-1954) collection. On the contrary, the collections in the first stage and the early second stage of his art work were relatively less influenced by Western painting techniques, rather closer to the traditional perspective. The collections in the first stage of Kim Joon-Geun's paintings includes W. R. Carles(1849-1929), P. G. von Möllendorf(1848-1901), Smithonian Museum in US, National Museum of Asian Art Guimet in France, and National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, Netherland;the collections in the early second stage are Kim Yang-Seon(pen name: Maesan, 1907-1970), A. F. J. Cavendish, and Hamburg-Meyer(Museum of Ethology in Hamburg collected by Edward Meyer). This classification can be figured out through observing the distinguished use of Western painting techniques after the illustrations of The Pilgrim's Progress as well as the transformation and succession aspects of the specific icons used in other paintings describing same subject but drawn at different times. It is quite certain that Kim Joon-Geun applied the techniques influenced by Western paintings such as one-point perspective, value(lightness), and various colors to the Gisan genre paintings drawn after 1894, and this enriched his paintings with painterly effect in comparison to his earlier paintings. However, a key to understand Gisan genre paintings is to read a flow and procedure of formation, development, and transformation of the ‘Joseon genre icons’ lasted over 20 years. For this reason, the theory of the three stages of development in Kim Joon-Geun's paintings is still valid.

홍성하 소장본 김광국의 『석농화원』 에 관한 고찰

박효은 온지학회 1999 溫知論叢 Vol.5 No.1

「조선후기 한양의 명승명소도와 國都 명승의 재인식」에 대한 질의문

박효은 숭실대학교 한국문학과예술연구소 2012 한국문학과 예술 Vol.10 No.-

南京을 재현한 明末淸初 山水版畵와 繪畫

박효은 명청사학회 2015 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.43

This study examines the appearance and meaning of landscape paintings and woodblock prints depicting scenic spots in Nanjing in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. Numerous pictorial representations of various views of dynastic capitals were produced in East Asia from the seventeenth century onwards, such as Nanjing and Beijing in Ming-Qing China, Tokyo and Kyoto in Edo Japan, and Seoul in late-Joseon Korea. These include paintings and prints portraying not only rural landscapes around cities but also everyday city life and prosperous urban markets. Previous studies have suggested that the development of Chinese, Japanese, and Korean landscape paintings was merely the product of evolving art history in each country. But we know that all three states produced great local artists who transformed Chinese literati painting styles with their own unique idioms when depicting famous local scenic spots such as Mt. Huang in China, Mt. Fuji in Japan, and Mt. Geumgang in Korea. Similarly, the landscape paintings and prints depicting scenes from dynastic capital cities in the three countries at this time can be taken as evidence of a similar phenomenon. In this paper, I focus on two collections of printed illustrations of forty scenes from Nanjing and attempt to describe their characteristics, functions, viewers and so on. I also compare the relationship between landscape paintings and prints by Nanjing school painters and those of others. Through this approach, I attempt to explain the reasons for their prevalence and their uniqueness, and to highlight the significance of fact that they were produced for public consumption. One of the collections is Jinling tuyong (Illustrated Odes on Nanjing, 金陵圖詠), compiled by Zhu Zhifan (朱之蕃) of Nanjing in 1623. Jingling tuyong was accompanied by forty illustrations by Lu Shoubo (陸壽柏), who may have been a minor professional artist in Nanjing. The other is Jiangning fuzhi (Gazetteer of Jiangning Prefecture, 江寧府志), compiled by Chen Kaiyu (陳開虞) in 1668 and accompanied by an inscription by Zhou Lianggong (周亮工) and forty illustrations by Gao Cen (高岑). Chen and Zhou were influential Nanjing officials, while Gao was a professional artist from Hangzhou who became one of the Eight Masters of Nanjing (金陵八家). Though the two gazetteers were published at different times, and the titles of each of their forty scenes do not match literally, there is correspondence between all of the places they depict. They also share certain characteristics and functions: they portray Nanjing as a cultured city full of poetic images and traces of ancient history as well as notable beauty spots. The choices of sites and approaches taken to them marked the arrival of a native paradigm in the imaging of Nanjing. There are also several interesting points that extend beyond the works' regional significance, however. Firstly, it is proposed that these prints of Nanjing and their relationship to other paintings constitute a Chinese case that paralleled the trend for real scenery landscape painting during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries throughout East Asia. The painters of the Wu and Huangshan schools began to depict notable scenes from Nanjing. The styles and practices of both schools were based on literati tastes that originated with the Wu and Songjiang schools. They changed the Che School style that had prevailed in Nanjing since the fifteenth century into a new formative composition concerned with poetic feeling and concepts from ancient classics, as well as the actual world at the time. In addition, many Nanjing school painters were influenced by Western painting techniques introduced by visiting Jesuit missionaries and in Western publications. Gao Cen’s notion of framed space reveals Western influence, even though this was diminished in the process of publication. Most importantly, in terms of public exposure to visual media, the forty illustrations in each ga...

『석농화원』목록집의 정선 회화를 통해 본 목록집의 문제점

박효은 숭실사학회 2022 숭실사학 Vol.- No.48

This research aims to investigate the relationship between the painting album titled Seongnong Hwawon (“Seongnong Hwawon”) and its collection catalogue Seongnong Hwawon (“Catalogue”) by analyzing the paintings of Jeong Seon included in the album and the eponymous catalogue. The Catalogue is known as 18th century complete catalogue of the paintings in Seongnong Hwawon, created by an art collector Kim Gwang-guk (1727-1797). However a sufficient authentication of the Catalogue as a primary source has not yet taken place. Featured in the Catalogue are 267 records of Korean, Western, Eastern paintings, including 19 paintings of Jeong Seon. The aim of this research is to compare the 3 works in Seongnong Hwawon, 1 work of Hwawon Byeoljib , and the 15 new works that appear in the Catalogue with existent works of Jeong Seon in order to evaluate the characteristics of the Catalogue and validate its art historical value. First, this research will discuss the current situation of Jeong Seon’s works as they appear in Seongnong Hwawon and the Catalogue. Then, relevant attachments, criticisms, notes, and anecdote manuscripts about Jeong Seon’s works in the Catalogue will be examined to raise points of differentiation and suspicion. Also, the themes and contexts of previously unseen Jeong Seon landscapes that appear in the Catalogue will be comparatively examined with currently recognized Jeong Seon paintings, finding that the Catalogue falsely imposed an intimate relationship between Yeolsang Hwabo and Seongnong Hwawon, while examining the distorted relationship between these two painting albums. Furthermore, while investigating the factuality of records of Park Jiwon showing Yeolsang Hwabo to Yoo Manjoo, it was found that Yoo Manjoo drew a connection between Yeolsang Hwabo and Seongnong Hwawon, thus using Yeolsang Hwabo not as a specific name for the painting album, but as a general term to describe a painting album containing works from Joseon painters. Resultantly, the Catalogue is found to be a selective collection of recent Korean Art History research, and a reconstruction of painter, critic, and writer spheres, collection records and periods, and criticisms as a new creation. Above all else, the aftermath of the misreading or magnified interpretation about historical materials that emerged in 2007, as well as the 20th century concept of Yeolsang Hwabo , can be found in the Catalogue - a conclusive evidence for the case against its being an 18th century work. The Catalogue - written by a 3rd party other than Kim Gwang-guk - departs from established research in its contents and scope, in addition to collection periods, notation and provision methods of collection information, partakers, and more. The Catalogue focuses on the contents, as well as painter and painting names, of Kim Gwang-guk’s collection, based on the format and style of the 18th century Seongnong Hwawon and 19th century Hwawon Byeoljib . It can thus be concluded that the author of the Catalogue was unconcerned with actual cultural aspects of the collector. In addition, the Catalogue is made with 20th century scholarly knowledge and concepts, and deliberately claims all o f Jeong Seon’s newer 15 paintings as part o f Kim Gwangguk’s collection, which is incongruent with current understanding of 18th century art collection. Thus, it is suspected that studying the Catalogue as an item of historical fact may lead to substantial error. In this and future works, various forms of authentication of all aspects must first be conducted via a thorough criticism of the source material. 이 글은 ‘석농화원’이라는 이름을 공유한 화첩(이하 《석농화원》)과 목록집(이하 『목록』)에 실린 정선의 회화를 분석해 목록집의 문제점을 밝힌 것이다. 최근 『김광국의 석농화원』이라는 이름으로 출판된 『목록』은 18세기 중인수장가 김광국(1727~1797)이 만든 소장품의 전체 목록집으로 알려져 있다. 하지만, 1차사료로서 이 문헌의 신뢰성 여부는 아직 충분히 검토되지 않았다. 한국과 동·서양의 회화 267폭에 대한 기록을 담은 이 책에서 정선 회화는 총 19폭이다. 《석농화원》의 3폭과 《화원별집》의 1폭, 새로 출현한 15폭에 대한 그 기록을 다각도로 고찰하여 『목록』 의 사료적 가치를 논구하는 것이 이 글의 목적이다. 우선 『목록』에 담긴 김광국 소장품과 정선 회화의 현황과 쟁점을 소개한 뒤, 이 책을 순수한18세기 문헌으로 수긍하기 어려운 이유를 작자와 시대, 정보제공 방식, 주제와 맥락 및 그 기원에초점을 맞춰 살펴보았다. 또한 『목록』에 의해 강화된 《열상화보》와 김광국 소장품의 관계, 박지원이 유만주에게 《열상화보》를 보여주었다는 기록의 사실 여부, 18세기와 20세기에 있어서의 ‘열상화보’의 의미를 고찰하였다. 그 결과 『목록』은 학계의 연구를 자의적으로 취합해 소장품 내역, 화가·제평자·서자의 범위, 수집시기, 제평내용을 재구성한 신출 자료일 가능성이 큰 것으로 파악되었다. 무엇보다 2007년에 대두한 사료의 오독 내지 확대해석의 여파가 반영된 점, 20세기에야정착되는 《열상화보》 개념이 적용된 점은 이를 18세기 문헌으로 긍정할 수 없도록 만드는 결정적인 근거다. 김광국이 아닌 제3자가 작성한 『목록』은 소장품의 규모와 구성부터 수집시기, 소장품 정보 표기 및 제공방식, 관여자 등에 관한 사실이 기존 연구와 차이가 크다. 작가명·작품명 같은 소장품내용과 수집시기가 중시된 반면, 소장자가 등한시된 이 문헌은 20세기와 21세기의 학술지식을 반영하고 있다. 그런 가운데 신출 정선 회화 15점을 포함한 267폭 모두를 김광국 소장품으로 제시함으로써 18세기 중인수장가에 대한 이해를 교란하고 있다. 따라서 『목록』의 진술을 그대로 수용한 접근법은 심각한 오류를 가져올 것으로 예상된다. 철저한 사료비판과 제반사항에 대한 검증이필요하다.

문화센터 이용 고객의 의류 구매 행동과 백화점 이용 만족도에 관한 연구

박효은,여은아 한국의류학회 2008 한국의류학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2008 No.-

문화(文華)한 장원(莊園): 1804년작 《임곡운구곡도(臨谷雲九曲圖)》의 회화사적 고찰

박효은 사단법인 한국문학과예술연구소 2021 한국문학과 예술 Vol.40 No.-

Im Gogungugokdo, exhibited in the Chuncheon National Museum Brandzone with Gogungugokdo, is referred to as either Gugokdo, the work by Kim Sujeung (1624-1701) in “Sansudo”, or referred to as an imitation of Gogungugokdo. Until now, Im Gogungugokdo, has not yet been made a subject of academic study, and the work’s scale, composition, material, commissioner, date, quality, original artist, and relation to the art world are relatively unknown. This study will examine Im Gogungugokdo’s condition, as well as the details and period of its creation, then analyze the work’s contents, composition, and style to shed light on its literary and artistic depiction of a classical utopia andits stylistic context in the late-Joseon art world, drawing on art historical meaning to illustrate the balance of perspectives in both the imitation and the original. Im Gogungugokdo, though currently existing as nineteen separate leaves, came about as an album combining poetry, calligraphy and paintings commissioned by Kim Dalsun(1760-1806), an influential member of the Andong Kim family clan, in the process of restoring the original work, Gogungugokdo. The original work is a collection of paintings and poems created by “Gogun” Kim Sujeung, who was inspired by Song scholar Zhu Xi’s Muyi Gugok (“Nine-bend Stream in Wuyi Mountain”), Muyi Doga (“Songs of Nine-bend Stream in Wuyi”), and Muyi Gugokdo (“Pictures of Nine-bend Stream in Wuyi”), and thus created his own landscape, commissioning Cho Segeol in 1682 to draw the 9 beautiful valleys of Gogungugokdo first hand. Kim would then write the accompanying poems in 1692 with his son and grandson. While Gogungugokdo– a cultural landscape comparable to the likes of Muyi Gugok, Peach Blossom Spring, and Wangchuan Villa– was a family artifact that had become aged and worn out by the early 19th century, Kim Dalsun ordered not only the preservation of the original, but also the creation of a new piece, Im Gogungugokdo, in order to commemorate the scholarly achievements and literary, artistic traces of the family clan. Even in the late Joseon dynasty, when interest in reality, physical objects, and pragmatic thought set by observations and experiences was heightened, the combination of words and images and the application of a refined Southern School painting style caused the painting to be well-recognized as highly valuable. Furthermore, the painter of Im Gogungugokdo understood well the content and meaning of the original work, and was able to embody newly narrative interpretation of the classical utopia, demonstrating Southern School style in an intellectual and well-mastered display of skill. The painter’s familiarity with various forms of Southern School style is no better displayed than in his homage to the style of Manual of the Mustard Seed Garden, as well to the Orthodox school and Hwangsan school styles. Upon further examination of the specific motifs and strokes in the painting, the influence of Yi Inmun’s artistic and visual styles can also be seen, suggesting that the painter may have been one of his students or followers. Thus, though the identity of the painter of Im Gogungugokdo is unknown, it can be seen as a major accomplishment, worthy of representing the achievements and skill of the era’s Joseon court painters. 국립춘천박물관 브랜드존 <금강산과 관동팔경>에 《곡운구곡도》와 나란히 전시된 《임곡운구곡도》는 김수증(1624-1701)이 그린 ‘산수도’ 내지 ‘구곡도’로 불리는 한편 《곡운구곡도》의 1804년 모사본으로도 알려져 있다. 지금껏 학술적 고찰의 대상이 되지 못한 이 화첩은 규모나 구성, 재질, 주문자, 제작연대, 구성과 특징, 화단과의 관계 및 작자 등이 미지의 상태다. 이 글은 화첩의 현재 상태와 제작경위, 제작시기를 검토한 뒤, 그 내용과 구성, 화풍을 분석해 고전적 이상향의 구현양상과 조선 후기 화단에서의 작업맥락을 화풍 위주로 조명함으로써 잘못 알려진 작자를 교정하고 회화사적 의의를 구명해 원본과 모사본에 대한 균형 잡힌 인식을 도모하려는 것이다. 본래 합벽첩 한 권에 속한 《임곡운구곡도》의 19폭 낱폭 서화는 1804년에 안동 김씨 김달순(1760-1806)의 주문으로 《곡운구곡도》를 수리, 재장황하는 과정에 산출된 모사본이다. 《곡운구곡도》는 1670년대를 통해 강원도 화천에 있는 장원에 별서를 조성한 곡운 김수증이 남송대 학자 주희가 행한 무이구곡 조성, 무이도가·무이구곡도 창작의 뜻을 좇아 1682년에 조세걸에게 직접 곡운구곡 실경을 그리게 하고 1692년에 아들, 손자와 더불어 시문으로 읊고 써서 완성한 서화첩이다. 김수증의 장원을 무이구곡, 도화원, 망천장에 준하는 문화한 공간으로 규정한 이 서화첩이 낡고 더러워진 19세기 초에 그 후손들은 선조의 행적과 학문, 문예를 기념하고 가문의 명성을 계승하고자 《곡운구곡도》를 보존하는 한편 《임곡운구곡도》를 새로 제작하였다. 실경·실물에 대한 관심, 관찰과 경험을 중시하는 실학적 사고가 강화된 조선 후기에도 문자언어와 형상언어의 결합, 세련된 남종화풍 구사는 회화가 가치 높은 특수한 물건으로 인정받는 데 있어 관건이었다. 그런 가운데 《임곡운구곡도》를 그린 화가는 원본의 내용과 의미를 충분히 이해하고서 고전적 이상향에 대한 새로운 서사 구현, 남종화풍의 심화된 이해를 자연스럽게 실현할 만큼 지적이었다. 그가 다양한 남종화풍을 소화한 점은 『개자원화전』 섭렵에 더해 황산파·정통파의 기법까지도 두루 구사한 사실에서 알 수 있다. 또한 특정 모티프를 그리는 방식이나 세부필치를 검토한 결과 이인문 화풍과 시각적 친연성이 강해서 그의 지도나 영향을 받은 후배나 제자급 화원화가가 그린 것으로 보인다. 19세기 초 조선 화원의 역량과 성취를 실증해줄 주요 작품 하나가 추가된 것이다.

≪石農畵苑≫과 17-18세기 한국화단의 後援 문제

박효은 숭실사학회 2015 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.34

이 글은 18세기 한국의 감식안 중 한 사람인 石農 金光國(1727~1797)과 그의 회화소장품을 미술시장과의 관계 속에서 분석하여 中人收藏家의 후원자적 면모를 이해하려는 것이다. 대대로 御醫를 지낸 名門 中人家門에서 태어나 그 역시 醫官을 지낸 김광국은 평소 수집한 동서고금의 회화로 ≪石農畵苑≫이라는 화첩을 만들었다. 문화계에 상인층이 부상한 근세 동아시아의 변화에 조응되는 이 사례는 18세기 서울의 사회여건과 어떻게 관련되어 있을까? 그 현상은 조선 후기 회화 전개에 어떤 영향을 미쳤을까? 그간 김광국 연구가 생애와 소장품 파악에 집중해왔다면, 이 글은 소장품 입수경로로 조선 내외의 미술시장을 주목해 조선시대의 한국회화와 중국ㆍ일본ㆍ유럽의 산물까지 수집했던 개인이 후원자로서는 어떤 역할을 했는지를 새롭게 조명해보고자 하였다. 우선 ≪石農畵苑≫의 형식과 체재, 소장품의 입수경로를 분석해 김광국이 유통ㆍ매매의 공간, 직업화가―불특정 도시수요자의 공간, 화가―후원자 네트워크로 구성된 국내외의 미술시장으로부터 소장회화를 확보했음을 확인하였다. 세계적인 상업자본주의 조류에 간접 연결되었던 당시의 한국화단은 수장가ㆍ후원자와 미술시장이 중층적으로 겹쳐져 있는 상태였다. 여기서 주로 구입방식으로 소장회화를 확보한 그는 각각에 題評을 지어 서예가에게 쓰게끔 하고, 유명한 문장가의 序文과 跋文을 더해 소장품의 가치와 의의를 높였다. 중국 남종화가는 물론 남종화풍을 구사한 18세기 조선화가와 조선의 역대 문인화가를 높이 평가한 그는 소장품을 동시대 화가에게 열람시키고, 제평을 통해 높여주고, 작업의 계기를 마련한 동시대 화단의 후원자이기도 했다. 흥미로운 사실은 ≪石農畵苑≫에 상품단계에 접어든 문인화가와 직업화가(畵師ㆍ畵員)의 작업이나 상품으로서의 회화를 논의하기에 좋은 증거가 비교적 풍부하다는 것이다. 특히 조세걸ㆍ심사정ㆍ김홍도 작품은 명말청초 남경화단과의 관계, 축적된 畵本ㆍ畵稿를 활용한 직업화가의 작업, 불특정 도시수요자로 상정되는 고객을 위해 자기 회화를 상품화시킨 화가 등 이제껏 주목된 바 없는 18세기 조선화단의 새로운 면모를 노출시키고 있다. 그런 가운데 양반층ㆍ중인층의 후원자 네트워크에 관여했던 김광국은 유통ㆍ매매의 공간, 불특정 도시민의 공간 모두를 넘나들면서 자기 소장품 확보에 주력했다. 그 결과 소유한 작품이 각 화가의 진면목을 담은 명품이 아닌 점은 아쉽지만, 이를 체계적으로 보존하고자 애쓴 노력은 새로운 차원의 후원영역에 진입한 중인수장가의 기여를 주목케 하기에 충분하다. 특별히 좋아하는 화원화가의 작품에 내재된 예술적 경지를 인정하고 높이 평가해준 그의 면모는 18세기에 대두된 창작주체/화가의 의식 성장과 자율영역 확보를 뒷받침해준 근대지향적인 변화의 단초로 파악되는 것이다. This study is an attempt to understand the role of jungin (a middle class of educated professionals in the Joseon period) art collectors as patrons of the arts by analyzing 18th century jungin art connoisseur Seongnong Kim Gwang-guk (1727~1797) and his painting collection in the context of their relationship to the art market at the time. Born into a prestigious jungin family that had produced several generations of court physicians, Kim followed the same profession while collecting a diverse range of paintings and compiling them into a multi-volume album titled Seongnong hwawon (Seongnong's Garden of Paintings; Seongnong was Kim's pen-name). How did Kim's case, which corresponded to changes in early-modern East Asia that saw the entrance of the merchant class into the cultural realm, relate to social conditions in 18th-century Seoul? And how, as a phenomenon, did it affect the development of late-Joseon painting? While previous studies of Kim have concentrated on his life and art collection, this one focuses on the art markets, in Joseon and overseas, through which Kim acquired his works, casting new light on the role of an individual who collected Korean, Chinese, Japanese and even European works as a patron of the arts in 18th-century Joseon. Firstly, by analyzing the format of Seongnong hwawon and the channels by which Kim acquired the works in it, this study confirms that Kim acquired the works in his collection via the realm of distribution and trade, the realm of professional artists and random urban owners, and networks of artists and patrons. The Korean art world at the time, indirectly connected to trends in global commercial capitalism, was characterized by a multi-leveled overlapping of collectors, patrons and the art market. Kim, who may have purchased the majority of paintings in his collection, composed inscriptions of his own for each work and had them written out by numerous calligraphers, then further increased the value and significance of the album with forewords and postscripts by famous writers. Kim rated highly not only Chinese painters of the Southern School but also 18th-century Joseon artists who mastered the Southern School style and early-mid-Joseon literati painters. As a patron, he showed his collection to contemporary painters, elevated their artistic value to that of the great Chinese masters through his inscriptions, and provided them with opportunities to create new works. One interesting aspect of Seongnong hwawon is its relative abundance of works by literati artists and professional painters as commercial products, and of useful evidence when it comes to discussing artworks as commercial goods. The works of Jo Se-geol, Sim Sa-jeong and Kim Hong-do, in particular, expose new and previously unnoticed sides to 17th-18th-century Joseon art: its relationship to late-Ming and early-Qing Nanjing School painters; works by professional artists produced on accumulated extracts or sketches from their working processes; and artists commercializing their works for customers assumed to be random urban owners. Kim Gwang-guk, with connections to yangban (Joseon's upper class of scholar-officials) and jungin patron networks, moved between realms of distribution and trade and of anonymous urbanites while working to expand his collection. As a result, and despite the regrettable fact that the paintings in his collection are not masterpieces of the time that demonstrate the true natures of their creators, Kim's efforts to systematically preserve his works are enough to make him a representative example of a jungin collector who had entered a new dimension in art patronage. Kim's recognition and positive critiques of the artistic quality of the works by court painters of which he was particularly fond is regarded as a hint of modernity-oriented changes that supported the growth in awareness and broadened expanded autonomy of creators and painters that occurred in the eighteenth century.

다크 아카이브 운영 효율화를 위한 정보패키지 구축

박효은,이승민 한국문헌정보학회 2020 한국문헌정보학회지 Vol.54 No.4

The importance of long-term preservation of various types of electronic records through dark archives is gradually increasing. However, the current dark archive does not have an optimized information package structure for long-term preservation of electronic records. In order to address these problems, this research proposed four element categories by re-organizing the OAIS reference model information package based on the core process of the dark archiving. The detailed descriptive items of each category consist of a total of 4 upper-level elements and 27 sub elements based on the OAIS reference model, ISO 23081, Records Management Metadata Standard, ISAD(G), ISAAR(CPF), ISDF, and ISDIAH. This structure can be used as a basis for constructing an information package optimized for dark archiving, and is expected to support the long-term preservation of electronic records more efficiently. 다크 아카이브를 통해 다양한 유형의 전자기록물을 장기적으로 보존하는 활동은 그 중요성이 점차 증대하고 있으나, 현재 다크 아카이브에서는 전자기록물 장기보존을 위한 최적화된 정보패키지 구조가 마련되어 있지 않다. 이에 본 연구에서는 다크 아카이브의 핵심적인 프로세스를 중심으로 OAIS 참조모델 정보패키지를 재구성하여 4개의 카테고리를 제안하였다. 각 카테고리의 세부 기술항목은 OAIS 참조모델, ISO 23081, 기록관리 메타데이터 표준, ISAD(G), ISAAR(CPF), ISDF, ISDIAH를 기반으로 총 4개의 상위요소와 27개의 하위요소로 구성하였다. 이는 다크 아카이빙에 최적화된 정보패키지 구성의 기반으로 활용될 수 있으며, 전자기록물의 장기 보존을 보다 효율적으로 지원할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

歸鄕: 17-18세기 중국회화와 徽商 溪南吳氏 가문의 영향

박효은 미술사학연구회 2015 美術史學報 Vol.- No.45

This study attempts to determine the significance of family and its relationship to art, by examining the growth of wandering monk Shitao (1642-1707), a member of the Ming royal house who lost his family, home and country in the turbulent transition to the Qing dynasty, into a professional literatus painter. Huizhou merchants, who supported the Individualistic trend in Chinese literati painting, exemplify the patronage of artists by merchant art collectors; the influence of the Xi’nan branch of the Wu clan began with Dong Qi-chang (1555-1636), before continuing with Hong Ren (1610- 1663) and, later, Shitao. The latter, in particular, painted Xi’nan bajing tu (“Eight Views of Xi’nan”) in 1700 for Wu Yu-qiao (1679-?), a Huizhou salt merchant living in Yangzhou. This prompts us to explore the actual meaning of Mt. Huang to Shitao and arrive at two points: firstly, that the relationships between the Xi’nan Wus and artists were a significant element of the background to the depiction of the ancestral village near Mt. Huang; and, secondly, that commissions from some merchant patrons in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries may be regarded as special favors from “friends” of the artists. This transformed type of patronage leads us to re-interpret Shitao’s paintings of Mt. Huang. To the monk-painter, who had no actual family of his own, teachers and friends were akin to family. He readily brought joy and feeling to paintings produced for these friends. It follows that, to Shitao, Mt. Huang may have been both an actual mountain and a symbol of patrons such as the Xi’nan Wus, who supported him and his art. 본고는 명청교체기에 가족・고향・나라 모두를 상실한 고아왕손이자 떠돌이 승려인 石濤(1642-1707)가 직업적 문인화가로 성장해간 과정에서 가족과 미술의 관계를 찾아본 것이다. 중국회화의 개성주의 조류를 뒷받침한 徽商은 상인수장가의 미술후원을 대표하고, 계남오씨 가문은 董其昌(1555-1636)에서부터 弘仁(1610-1663), 석도에게까지 영향을 미쳤다. 특히 석도가 1700년에 양주에 사는 휘주인이던 염상 吳與橋(1679-?)를 위해 그려준 《溪南八景圖》는 계남오씨와 화가의 교제가 황산 부근의 세거지를 그린 산수화 출현의 주요 배경인 점, 17-18세기에 특정 상인의 후원이 ‘친구’라는 특별한 고객의 주문으로 전환된 점에서 석도의 황산을 재해석케 한다. 가족이 없던 그에게 스승과 친구는 가족과 같았고, 친구를 위한 작업에서 화가는 기쁨과 감동을 주는 역할을 기꺼이 담당했던 바, 그에게 황산은 실재하는 산 자체를 의미하는 동시에 휘상, 특히 계남오씨 같은 후원자를 상징할 수 있는 것이다.