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- 저자 : 박선령 ( Sun Ryung Park ) (검색결과 4 건)
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Centralization through Consolidation
Sun Ryung Park(박선령),Joo-Youn Jung(정주연) 고려대학교 평화와민주주의연구소 2017 평화연구 Vol.25 No.1
이 논문은 중국이 독점적 지위를 누리는 핵심 전략자원인 희토류 산업에서 지난 십여 년 동안 일어난 정책변화를 분석함으로써, WTO시대 중국의 전략산업 정책전환을 조명하고자 한다. 2000년대 후반 이후, 중국 중앙정부는 기존의 수출통제 중심의 희토류 산업정책에서 크게 선회, 산업구조의 합리화와 수출통제 폐지를 추진해왔다. 이 논문은 이러한 정책변화가 기실 자유화나 탈규제와는 거리가 먼 것으로, 파편적인 희토류산업을 통합과 중앙집중화를 통해 대규모 국유기업 중심으로 재편하고 산업전반을 보다 효율적인 중앙정부 통제 하에 두는 것을 목적으로 함을 보여준다. 이러한 희토류 산업정책은 중국이 전략적으로 중요한 국가 자원산업에 있어 중앙정부의 감독과 통제권을 강화하고 대형 국유기업의 독점체제를 만드는 형태로 정책을 전환하고 있음을 시사한다. This paper focuses on recent industrial policy changes in the Chinese rare earth industry, and attempts to show how the Chinese central government is shifting strategies for this important resource industry. Since the late 2000s, the Chinese central government has pursued consolidation of the highly fragmented rare earth industry into one dominated by large state-owned enterprise (SOE) groups under the control of the central government. This is far from liberalization and marketization as most media coverage and scholars have suggested. The Chinese central government is pursuing the centralization of the industry through nation-wide consolidation, which can make its intervention more effective and enhance the predominance of large SOEs under the name of efficiency.
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Between the Local Governments and Producers
Sun Ryung Park(박선령),Joo-Youn Jung(정주연) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2015 국제관계연구 Vol.20 No.2
This paper analyzes the reason why the Chinese central government has not been able to eradicate the smuggling problem that is prevalent in its rare earth industry and hinders its attempts to protect its scarce resources, which is of great strategic importance and economic value. Since 2006 when the Chinese government officially recognized the gravity of the smuggling problem, export restriction policies and consolidation measures have been implemented to root out smuggling; however, illegal practices seem to have been little affected. This paper focuses not on the Chinese rare earth policies per se but on the incentives of two key actors: the local governments and the local small-scale producers of rare earth elements (REEs). The local governments of the rare earth abundant inland regions with few other resource advantages have an incentive to maximize tax revenues by protecting small-scale REEs producers in their jurisdictions. Given the connivance or acquiescence of the local governments and the domestic and international price gap, small-scale producers with overcapacity continue illegal mining and smuggling. This finding suggests that, despite the Chinese central government’s recent attempts to restructure the REEs industry based on central state-owned conglomerates, it would be difficult for it to eradicate rare earth smuggling within the near future, possibly hindering China’s resource strategy to utilize rare earths as a strategic leverage.
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박선령 ( Park Sun Ryung ) 서울대학교 국제문제연구소 2017 세계정치 Vol.27 No.-
This chapter analyzes the hypocricy of China’s hegemony over Rare Earths. As one of the strategic minerals, Rare Earths are irreplaceable and indispensable materials used in a wide range of industries. China enjoys its hegemony by producing more than 90 percent of the world’s demands. Given that China’s monopoly in the Rare Earths production, the international community has continuously worried about the possibility that China may weaponize its Rare Earths hegemony at any time. During the 2010 Sino-Japanese ter- ritorial disputes over the Senkaku-Diaoyu Island, the concerns of the international community were validated. China imposed an embargo on its Rare Earths exports to Japan, and Japan had no choice but to release the Chinese captain in question. In addition, China’s decision to slash its Rare Earths export quotas intensified international concerns, which led to the international Rare Earths prices skyrocketing by 16 times. These two cases demonstrate China’s Rare Earths hegemony and the vulnerability of the international society. However, this shows that China also reveals its vulnerability in Rare Earths. The majority of existing studies tend to focus on one-time threatening cases and fail to analyze whether China’s hegemony has continued to threaten other countries’ resource security in Rare Earths. To address this gap in research, I investigate two cases. The first reveals that Japanese consequential responses after the embargo also damaged Chinese Rare Earths industry. The second evidences how the chronic smuggling and fragmented industrial structure in Chinese Rare Earths industry have almost nullified the slashed export restrictions. While I do not deny existing arguments on China’s Rare Earths hegemony, I argue that “exclusively producing a resource” does not necessarily translate into having leverage over the resource security of others.
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네거티브 정치캠페인의 성공과 실패: 연구흐름의 정리 및 케이스 비교 분석
안종기 ( Chong Ki An ),박선령 ( Sun Ryung Park ) 인문사회 21 2016 인문사회 21 Vol.7 No.1
This paper analyzes a variety of perspectives and theoretical debates over negative political campaigns or so-called negative political advertising. It attempts comprehensive understanding over the functions, roles and effects of negative political campaigns, and discusses the possibility of their potential, positive contributions in overall political institutions and elective systems. Moreover, based on two cases, namely, negative political campaigns against presidential candidate Lee Hoi-Chang in 1997 Korean presidential election, and those against presidential candidate Lee Myung-bak in 2007 election, this paper pursues empirical analysis on the effects of the negative political campaigns. The case study will provide opportunity to fully understand regarding under which factors the negative political campaigns would influence on the actual elections in positive way. In conclusion, this paper provides further implications on how the negative political campaigns could serve as driving force for desirable competition in democracy, not as an accelerator to excessive, exhausting political strife.
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