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Myung-Kwan Park(박명관) 한국영어학학회 2010 영어학연구 Vol.16 No.2
This paper investigates one of the most puzzling aspects of ellipsis, MaxElide: Elide the biggest deletable constituent, and provides a better understanding of it. We first review and revise Merchant's (2001, 2008) formulation of MaxElide. We then show that the reformulated version of MaxElide can be derived from such general principles as the parallelism condition on deletion and the uniformity chain condition.
박명관(Park, Myung-Kwan),이준희(Lee, JunHee) 한국생성문법학회 2019 생성문법연구 Vol.29 No.2
This paper investigates the grammatical status of the adposition/postposition ‘-eykey’ and its multiple functions in synchronic and diachronic perspectives. We first argue, using the diagnostics employed by Urushibara (1991), that ‘-eykey’ is not a case marker but a postposition. We then examine the historical development of ‘-eykey’, finding that it is historically derived from a morphologically complex form consisting of ‘-uy (Genitive particle) + -ku(demonstrative) + -ey (adverbial particle)’. Since an animate noun cannot be directly suffixed with the adverbial particle, it has the demonstrative (pronoun) added before it. We move on to argue that though ‘-eykey’ is composed of the locative or place particle ‘–ey’, the former diverges from the latter in its functions, especially in its use as a goal or source marker. We attribute this asymmetry to the morphological complexity of ‘-eykey’, relative to ‘-ey’. But this asymmetry is not attested in its use as a recipient marker in transfer-denoting verbs like ‘cwu-’ (give) or ‘ponay-’(send). Meanwhile, we also argue that its use as an actor/effector marker in the passive construction comes from its use in the causative construction since in Korean, the former construction is derived from the latter.
통사-의미 역학의 신경언어학적 연구: L2 영어 학습자의 ``의문절 강요(question clause coercion)`` 구문 처리에 관한 ERP 기반 증거
박명관 ( Myung Kwan Park ),나윤주 ( Yoon Joo Na ) 한국외국어대학교 언어연구소 2013 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.58
This paper examined the brain responses to the question clause semantic coercion construction by Korean leaners of English. The construction at issue like The announcer guessed [the winner of the contest] is known to undergo semantic type shifting of the DP complement, which is understood as the clause like [who the winner of the contest was] rather than as it itself. We measured the neural responses by using the event-related potentials (ERP) paradigm and analyzed them in relation to the aspectual and complement semantic coercion constructions. It was found that the construction in question does not elicit N400 nor P600, unlike the other two constructions compared. We took it to show that question coercion has to be understood in the different ways from aspectual and complement coercion. In other words, for L2 learners the former type of coercion involves neither of semantic and syntactic shifts that the latter types of coercion allegedly do. In a nutshell, this study points to the finer-grained classification of different types of semantic coercion.
영어 다중 Wh-의문문에서의 통사적 중의성과 중의적 해석 구별에서의 억양의 역할
박명관(Myung-Kwan Park) 신영어영문학회 2007 신영어영문학 Vol.38 No.-
This paper has explored how the two single and multiple pair interpretations are derived in multiple wh-constructions in English. We have proposed that the locality requirement for the latter interpretation is attributed to the fact that the wh-phrase-in-situ is quantificational. As a usual quantificational element takes scope in the clause where it appears, so does the quantificational wh-in-situ. However, when the single pair interpretation obtains, the wh-phrase-in-situ takes scope not by Quantifier Raising but by means of choice function proposed by Reinhart (1998). It has also been shown in the paper that the two interpretations are distinguished by another property that a sentence can capitalize on: intonation. On the one hand, when the multiple pair interpretation obtains, the wh-phrase-in-situ receives a falling intonation. On the other hand, when the single pair interpretation holds, the wh-phrase-in-situ receives rising intonation followed by falling intonation. In conclusion, the syntactic, semantic and phonetic properties of multiple wh-constructions in English provide a good example that sheds light on how they interact with each other in grammar.
A Null Argument as pro : Evidence from Recovery of a Focus Particle
박명관(Myung-Kwan Park) 한국생성문법학회 2021 생성문법연구 Vol.31 No.1
This paper investigates a null argument in Korean that cannot take as its antecedent a nominal marked with a focus particle like –man ‘only’. Although trivial in appearance, this peculiar behavior of the null argument in this language renders compelling evidence against a PF deletion and LF reconstruction-based ellipsis analysis and a V-stranding cum VP ellipsis analysis of the Korean null argument. Thus, it is suggested that we go back to the traditional analysis of the null argument as a pronoun or, more exactly, pro. Since a pronoun is a feature complex composed of phi-features (such as person, number, gender, Case), the focus marker-inclusive construal of the null argument even when it takes a –man marked nominal as its antecedent is not allowed. But such a construal is apparently allowed when the VP anaphor recovers a –man marked nominal inside it, which in turn flies in the face of deriving the null argument via V-stranding cum VP ellipsis.