청대(淸代) 후기(後期) 일본(日本) 다시마 소비(所費)

민경준 ( Min Kyong Joon ),김동철 ( Kim Dong Chul ) 중국사학회 2017 中國史硏究 Vol.107 No.-

China imported about 2 million geun(斤) of sea tangles from Japan per year in 18th and 19th centuries. Why did China suddenly import a lot of sea tangles on which had been set a poor value as trade goods for low price? Japanese reports were written after the Opening of a Port revealed that sea tangles were widely used as ingredients of the lower classes because they had high salt and used less fuel in cooking. That was the common account. However, in results of my survey on consumption of sea tangles before the Opening of a Port, sea tangles were used as medicines to prevent and cure Thyroid Tumor and coal gas poisoning. In particular, they were very popular as drug treatments for coal gas poisoning. As using coal for fuel increased in China, the consumption of sea tangles increased rapidly and their price also rose. It is the reason why imports of sea tangle increased in late Ching Dynasty.

석탄중독과 다시마 소비 - 근대 중국 사회의 한 단면 -

민경준(Min, Kyong-Joon) 부산경남사학회 2021 역사와 경계 Vol.120 No.-

이 연구는 청말인 19세기 후반을 중심으로 석탄가스 중독사고의 잦은 발생과 의료 조치의 양상을 정리하는 것을 통해 석탄독 제거 효능을 가진 식재료로 새롭게 등장한 다시마에 주목하고, 그 효능을 중심으로 활용되는 다시마의 소비 실태를 정리함으로써 석탄중독과 다시마 소비로 만들어지는 중국 사회의 한 단면을 복구하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 중국에서 석탄 연료 사용이 증가함에 따라 같이 증가한 석탄중독 사고는 하나의 사회 현상이 되지만 그에 관한 연구는 아직 본격화되지 않았다. 환경생태, 연료 소비의 역사에 관심을 기울인 연구가 나오면서 석탄중독 문제가 본격 언급되기 시작했지만 아직은 석탄중독 사고의 발생 이유와 그 치료제 또는 해소제로 다시마를 섭취하는 관습이 어떤 상관성을 가지고 자리를 잡았는가에 대한 해명은 제대로 이루어지지 않았다. 본고에서는 석탄중독 사고 발생의 조건과 석탄독 제거 치료제로서의 다시마 소비라는 두 개의 키워드를 중심으로 양자가 만들어가는 상호관련성이 대량의 다시마 소비라는 현상으로 이어지는 과정을 해명할 예정이다. This study summarizes the frequent occurrence of coal gas poisoning accidents and medical responses in the late 19th century, pays attention to the newly emerged kelp as a food ingredient with the function of removing coal poison, and summarizes the actual consumption of kelp. And through this, we want to restore one aspect of Chinese society created by coal poisoning and kelp consumption. The three culprits in coal poisoning accidents in China are a traditional heating facility with an indoor furnace and no chimney, and the structure of a closed traditional house without a chimney and a stove without a chimney. Moreover, it was noted that the working class and the lower class, who had only poor heating facilities and heating equipment, were much more exposed to coal poisoning accidents. Medical response to this situation appeared with the advent of medical books and herbal medicines containing first aid measures for coal poisoning. Among them, the first aid that stood out was to feed them one of cold water, radish juice, or pickled vegetable broth after supplying fresh air. Regardless of scientific rationality or not, in the late 19th century, at the end of the Qing period, most common people practiced this method. In particular, since the early 19th century, kelp, which appeared as a coal detoxifier, has increased in consumption due to the unique refreshing feeling emitted by iodine. The purpose of consuming kelp by the Chinese was varied, such as a substitute food in times of famine, a substitute when vegetables were poor crops, and the advantage of saving salt and cooking fuel. However, it was confirmed that the efficacy of removing coal poison was the most important reason for expanding consumption.

淸代 중국의 해산물 소비와 무역 - 제비집과 상어지느러미를 중심으로 -

민경준(Min, Kyong-Joon) 효원사학회 2019 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.56

이 논문에서는 청대 중국에서 해산물, 그것도 고급해산물인 제비집과 상어지느러미가 어떻게 각광 받았던가를 먼저 규명하고, 이것이 만들어 낸 수요가 동남아시아산 제비집과 상어지느러미의 중국으로의 수출로 이어지는 점을 연결하여 정리하고, 마지막으로 수입무역의 양상을 정리하였다. 제비집과 상어지느러미는 확실히 특이한 무역상품이지만 현재까지도 고급요리의 재료로 각광받고 있다. 이 논문에서는 제비집과 상어지느러미의 수요 확산에 대하여, 그것들이 가진 약효에 주목하여 논지를 전개하였다. 즉 허약한 사람의 부족한 양기를 채운다는 보신, 자양의 개념을 담고 있는 약효를 찬양하고 선전한 것이 지식인 대중에게 수용된 것과 밀접한 관계가 있었던 것으로 보인다. 그 약효에 대한 인식은 원대부터 청대까지 줄곧 세분화되고 심화되어 왔다. 청대가 되면 많은 본초서와 의서에도 제비집과 상어지느러미의 약효는 실린다. 이에 맞추어 이들을 소비하는 부류도 점점 늘어나 황실ㆍ귀족에서 관료사회로, 다시 지식인 사대부 사회로, 부상대고로 확산되었다. 제비집과 상어지느러미를 소비하는 지역도 대도시에서 소도시로, 연해지역에서 점점 내지로 확산되어 갔다. 이와 같은 소비의 증대에 대하여 중국 국내산 제비집과 상어지느러미는 그 공급을 충당할 수 없었지만, 대신에 동남아산 제비집과 상어지느러미의 생산과 무역을 자극하고 이끌게 되었다. 제비집과 상어지느러미를 포함한 고급해산물(해삼, 전복)의 중국 내 소비 확대와 동남아 화교와의 관련성은 없을까, 이 무역을 주도하던 상인은 누구였을까, 자바와 술루 외에 다른 무역 중심은 없었을까, 서양 상인은 무역의 어디까지 개입하였을까, 약효 외에 소비를 확대시킨 중국 내의 다른 요인은 무엇일까 등등은 앞으로 해결해야 할 과제이다. This paper proceeds in the following order. First, we summarize why the high-end seafood nest was welcomed in China. Second, the increase in Chinese consumption of bird’s nest and shark’s fin encouraged the export of them from Southeast Asia to China. Third, the aspects of the bird’s nest and shark’s fin import trade are summarized. The bird’s nest and shark’s fin are very unique trade products. However, they are still in the spotlight as a premium seafood dish. In this paper, the following logic was developed, noting that one of the reasons for the increase in bird’s nest and shark’s fin demand was their efficacy. The drug mentioned above is the function of nourishment as seen. People were fascinated by the ability of the body to strengthen the weak man’s energy, which led to increased consumption of the bird’s nest and shark’s fin. Information on the effectiveness of the bird’s nest and shark’s fin continued to differentiate and deepen from the Yuan dynasty to the Qing dynasty. Since the Qing dynasty, the functions of bird’s nest and shark’s fin have been recorded in the book of medicine. As a result, the number of consuming bird’s nest and shark’s fin was increased. First, the imperial and nobles, then the bureaucrats, then the intellectuals, and the wealthy merchants enjoyed the bird’s nest or shark’s fin. The areas that consume bird’s nest and shark’s fin were also spreading from large cities to small cities, and from inshore to inland. This increase in consumption first stimulated the supply of domestic bird’s nest and shark’s fin. However, the shortage of domestic bird’s nest and shark’s fin stimulated the production and trade of them in Southeast Asia. The period is from the late Ming Dynasty. Bird’s nest and shark’s fin produced in each region of Southeast Asia have been imported into China. The largest sources were Sulu and Java, Singapore, Siam, Vietnam. Is the expansion of consumption and trade of high-end seafood, including the bird’s nest and shark’s fin, unrelated to Southeast Asian Chinese? Who was the trader who led this trade? Was there any trade center other than Java and Sulu? How far did Western merchants intervene in this trade? Is there another reason for the increase in bird’s nest and shark’s fin consumption? This is a challenge to be solved.

『新鍥纂輯皇明一統紀要』의 지리 · 상업 정보

민경준(Min, Kyong-Joon) 부산경남사학회 2018 역사와 경계 Vol.107 No.-

명 만력 연간 섭근산(葉近山)이란 서적상이 간행한 『신계찬집황명일통기요(新鍥纂輯皇明一統紀要)』는 지리서의 외형을 가진 사상필휴서이다. 여기에 실린 고충(顧充)의 황명일통기요(皇明一統紀要)는 지리서에 변화가 보이기 시작하는 명 후기에 출현하였다. 이 책은 『대명일통지(大明一統志)』의 축약본이라는 틀을 갖고 있지만 부분적으로 『광여도(廣輿圖)』의 실용성과 현실성이 반영되었고,『대명관제(大明官制)』와도 결합하였다. 노정정보를 담고 있는 『천하노정』은 사찬 노정서인 황변(黃汴)의 『일통노정도기(一統路程圖記)』와 상당 부분 겹쳐있고, 복건(福建)의 복주(福州)에서 출발하여 북경으로 가는 역로 〈福建往北京驛路〉는 복건인의 자의식을 보여주는 매우 독특한 노정이다. 상업지침서인 〈辯論客商規略要覽〉은 상업과 물자 전반에 관한 기초 정보와 갖추어야 할 심득을 담고 있다. 노정 정보를 포함한 지리정보와 상업정보는 당시 대중적 수요를 만났다.『신계찬집황명일통기요』는 출판업자 섭근산이 위와 같은 사회적 수요에 대응하여 『황명일통기요』의 지리 정보를 기반으로, 최신 노정서, 상업서 등을 더하여 만든 사상필휴서(士商必携書)의 첫 출발이라 할 수 있다. Publisher Ye-Jin-Shan(葉近山) published Xiinjie-Zuanji-Huangming -Yitong-Jiyao(新鍥纂輯皇明一統紀要). This book has the appearance of a geography, but in fact it is an elite-merchang handbook. The original of this book is Huangming-Yitong-Jiyao(皇明一統紀要) of Go-Chong(顧充). This book appeared in the late Ming(明) period when changes in geography began to be seen. This book has a limitation that it is an abbreviation of Daming-Yitong-Zhi (大明一統志). However, part of it succeeded to practicality and reality of Guangyutu(廣輿圖). This book also combined with Daming-Guanzhi(大明官制). The travel guide, Tianxia-Lucheng(天下路程) has a lot of overlap with Yitong-Lucheng-Tuji(一統路程圖記) of Huang-Bian(黃汴), a private publication tour guide. The post road from Fuzhou(福州) in Fujian(福建) to Beijing(北京) is a very unique journey to show the Fujian people`s self-consciousness. A commercial guide, Bianlun-Keshang-Guilue- Yaolan(辯論客商規略要覽) contains basic information and attitudes about commerce and distribution as a whole. Travel information, geographic information, and commercial information met popular demand at the time. Xiinjie-Zuanji-Huangming-Yitong-Jiyao(新鍥纂輯皇明一統紀要) is the first departure of elite-merchant guide produced by the publisher Ye-Jin -Shan. He anticipated the demand for this book.

복수(複數)의 노정(路程) -明代 후기의 교통로

민경준 ( Kyong Joon Min ) 대구사학회 2012 대구사학 Vol.107 No.-

In this article, it is intended to clarify the aspect of private transportation through review of roads appearing in the travel guide books in late Ming dynasty. First of all, it was summarized which road was used to the capital of every Sheng(省) from Nanjing. Specially, an attention was paid to the point that there were multiple routes in the same interval. In the multiple routes the followings could be verified. The travel guide books basically relied on the postal relay routes, but also added to private travel informations. In the selection of private travel routes, the postal relay routes were not the subject for primary consideration any more. The major roads such as Yangtze River and Grand Canal also had persistent dangers in seasonal and geographical aspects, and thus another roads were used to avoid such danger. One of the standards of selecting water routes was not the rate of speed increase or the reduction of the time but the safety of navigation travel. The merchants noticed the routes of to circumventing customs and bottleneck points. The routes of connecting Zhejiang with Jiangxi and Han-River route were actively used to circumvent Grand Canan and Yangtze River. The selling of the traver guide books shows that existing professional knowledge about the routes were utilized on a daily basis.

淸代 江南의 염색업과 외지상인

민경준(Min, Kyong-Joon) 효원사학회 2015 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.47

강남 지방 직물 - 견직물과 면직물 - 의 우수한 명성은 직조 전 또는 후의 숙련과 염색 가공에 기반을 두고 있었다. 염색가공공장은 일반적으로 染坊이라 불렀다. 명대까지만 해도 외지인은 객상으로 활동하는 외에는 대부분 완성품의 유통 조직이나 상점 경영에만 참여할 수 있었다. 그러나 청대가 시작되면서부터 이들 외지 출신 상인들이 직접 염색업에 투자하고 경영하는 사례가 증가하기 시작하고, 염색 노동자 중에도 외지 출신이 증가한다. 강남의 염색업에서 청대는 객상의 자본이 염색업에 직접 투자하는 방식을 통해 생산에 대한 지배력을 강화하던 시대였다. During the Ming(明) and the Qing(淸) Period, the outstanding fame of fabrics such as silk and cotton from the southern region of Jiangnan(江南) was based on the dyeing processing as well as the skill involved before and after weaving. Silk dyeing developed in few small cities in the region of Jiaxing(嘉興) and Huzhou(湖州),including three main cities such as Nanjing(南京), Suzhou(蘇州) and Hangzhou(杭州). Cotton dyeing developed in Songjiang(松江) and Suzhou, and also in small cities around them. Each city was particularly famous for dyeing certain color. Nanjing was famous for dark black; Suzhou for deep blue; Zhenjiang(鎭江) for deep red, and Hangzhou for jade green. Dyeing processing factories were usually called ranfang(染坊). It is difficult to grasp the scale or internal organization of the dyeing business due to lack of historical sources. Workers at a dyeing processing factory in a large city ranged from scores to hundreds. Even a factory in a small city had dozens of workers. In the Ming Period, most of the founders and workers of dyeing factories in each city of Jiangnan were natives. Occasionally, there were people from other regions like Nanjing and Zhenjiang among the dyeing laborers. Besides working as traveling traders, merchants from other regions, in general, were allowed to participate only in organizing distribution of finished products of managing stores. However, beginning from the Qing Period, cases of merchants from other regions getting directly involved in investing and managing dyeing business increased, so did the number of dyeing laborers from other regions. The increase of non-native workers in the silk dyeing business was more prominent in the large cities compared to small cities. For example, a native of Huizhou(徽州) established a dyeing factory in Shuanglinzhen (雙林鎭),when a native of Nanjing, Zhenjiang, or Jining(濟寧) found factories in Chengzezhen(盛澤鎭), and a native of Shaoxing(紹興) in Puyuanzhen(?院鎭). These founders reinforced their trade with stores to which they were related and expanded their control over manufacturing and distribution. Since the middle of Qing Period, Suzhou, in particular, started to obtain the competitive edge over its neighboring Songjiang, which had been the center of cotton textile industry until then, and became the new center of cotton textile distribution and dyeing processing. However, it was none other than the merchants from Huizhou who increased their investments in the dyeing business in Suzhou and came to dominate the distribution organization and dyeing processing of cotton textiles in the region. Thus, dyeing business in the Jiangnan during the Qing Period developed with the traveling traders who strengthened their control over the production by making direct investments to the dyeing business.

청대 중국의 해삼 소비와 무역 - 동남아산을 중심으로 -

민경준(Min, Kyong-Joon) 효원사학회 2021 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.60

개항 전의 청 시기, 중국의 해산물 수입 특히 동남아로부터 수입하는 해삼의 양은 계속 증가하는 중이었다. 이 논문에서는 중국 내 해삼 소비 시장의 동향이 무역에 끼치는 영향을 파악하려고 한다. 기존의 적잖은 연구에도 불구하고 해삼 소비 시장의 구체적 모습은 뚜렷이 밝혀지지 않았다. 우리는 먼저 청대 중국인의 해삼 소비에 대한 인식과 관련하여 중국인이 선호하는 해삼을 중심으로 정리한다. 그리고 그와 같은 인식이 동남아에서 실제 수입하는 해삼의 양 및 품종과는 괴리되어 있다는 점을 부각한다. 그리고 그 괴리의 이유를 밝히기 위해 해삼요리의 조리법을 찾아내고 분석하는 순서로 논지를 전개한다. 청대 중국인들이 좋아하는 해삼은 『본초강목습유(本草綱目拾遺)』에서 말하는 ‘요삼(遼參)’과 ‘자삼(刺參)’이었다. 이들은 “요해(遼海)”에서 생산되거나 일본에서 수입하는 해삼을 말한다. 그러나 청 후기로 갈수록 중국에 수입되는 해삼 중에 ‘광삼(光參)’의 종류가 증가하였다. 이들은 원래 중국인이 선호하지 않던 해삼이다. ‘광삼’의 소비 증가는 동남아 해역의 해삼 수출을 지탱하는 주요한 요인으로 작용하였다. 그리고 그 배경에는 해삼을 삶고 고는 것에서 볶고 튀기는 것으로 조리법의 변화가 있었다. 동남아산 해삼의 소비 증가에 영향을 끼친 다른 이유를 밝히는 연구는 이후 더 진행될 예정이다. During the Qing period before the port was opened, the amount of seafood imported by China especially sea cucumber from Southeast Asia was on the rise. In this paper, we attempt to understand the impact of the sea cucumber consumption market trends on trade. Despite numerous existing studies, the specific shape of the sea cucumber consumption market was not clearly revealed. First, we summarize the types and characteristics of sea cucumbers preferred by the Qing Dynasty Chinese. In addition, it highlights the fact that such perception is different from the amount and variety of sea cucumbers actually imported from Southeast Asia. And in order to find out the reason for the disparity, it proceeds in the order of finding and analyzing a recipe for sea cucumber cuisine. The sea cucumbers that the Chinese people of the Qing Dynasty like are “Liaoshen(遼參)” and “Cishen(刺參)”, which are referred to in Bencaogangmushiwei(本草綱目拾遺). These are sea cucumbers produced in “Liaohai(遼海)” or imported from Japan. However, the type of “Guangshen(光參)” among sea cucumbers imported to China increases as it goes to the late Qing. This was originally a type of sea cucumber that the Chinese did not prefer. The increase in consumption of “Guangshen” acts as a major factor supporting sea cucumber exports in Southeast Asia. And the background of the increase in consumption of “Guangshen” is the spread of a recipe called “Hongxiao(紅燒)”. Further studies will be conducted later to reveal other reasons that have influenced the increase in consumption of sea cucumbers from Southeast Asia.

청대 강남의 면방직 생산구조 - 방,직분업과 관련하여 -

민경준 ( Kyong Joon Min ) 중국사학회 2003 中國史硏究 Vol.23 No.-

以上我們考察了淸代江南棉紡織業的紡絲、 織布分工成立的可能性, 幷以此爲前提. 考察了織布農家和商人之間的關係如何等問題, 現將考察結果整理爲如下; 淸代方志所載的以紗易棉記錄幷不是作者的誤記, 而可能反映淸代棉手工業當時的現狀. 使用脚車地區的放紗、 織布分工的一日勞動酬價各爲50文和100文以下從而放紗可以充分成爲專業化. 與此相反, 在使用手車地區的一日勞動酬價則只爲16-20文 所以放紗的分離較難. 盡管如此, 在淸代方志中乾隆至道光時期仍見有紡紗換花等記載, 這是因爲利用家族共同體(5口之家)的老幼等補助勞動, 克服了落后的紡絲技術, 提高了與脚車水平相等的放紗效率之結果. 紡絲和織布的分離現象反而在非棉産地區更爲明顯. 朱家角鎭的不紡而織者爲兌紗, 不織而紡者爲賣紗風俗則描寫了織布專業者和紡絲專業者相分離的現實狀況. 紡紗和織布的分離導致了棉紗流通的發達. 松江金山衛和嘉善魏塘鎭還有太倉州等地淪爲了松江府織布業棉紗供給産地; 周莊鎭的棉紗販賣到杭州??石鎭; 而且常熟地區的祿溪、 安定鎭以紡紗進行了專業化幷販賣到江陰、 武進等地. 特別是開設了要求質量且以刷線布生産爲基礎的嘉定縣城和羅店鎭的布經市場, 在上海和寶山等地開設了所謂布經團的經紗用極細棉紗等市場. 淸代商人資本支配棉手工業的方法, 除了商人以棉易布、 以紗易布外. 還有可視爲包買等多種形式. 朱家角鎭有花布紗莊介入棉紗棉布生産, 給生産原料--棉花, 收買産品的所謂收布折花風俗: 無錫縣的放長布之名則源于: 給原料一棉貨或者棉紗, 收買棉布的所謂放棉(紗)收布方法; 王店鎭的定布機是先給資金或者原料進行定購的生産方式.

明 후기의 對蒙通貢互市와 변경사회 : 大同과 豊州灘을 중심으로

閔耕俊(Min Kyong Joon) 효원사학회 2011 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.40

Between Ming Dynasty and Mongolia, the boundary trade(互市) was begun by Longqing Peace Treaty(隆慶和議 1671). As a result, not only a multi-ethnic society was making up, but also the downsizing military cost of two countries, bringing up economic prosperity of DaTong(大同) and Fengzhoutan(豊州灘). Furthermore, economic development inland of Ming Dynasty seemed to facilitate and it was true in a greater or less degree. However, on the view of long term, they were not positive results. The more trade increased, the more financial crisis went on. Because Ming Dynasty could not help buying horses of Mongol's chiefs for the gift fee with military chest. And soldiers of the borders, expecially the high-raking officers' competition for commercial intersts resulted in corrupting the bureau-system itself, so the military power of Ming Dynasty was proceeding to weaken.

淸代 江南 해항 劉河鎭의 성쇠와 무역상인

민경준(Min Kyong-joon) 경성대학교 인문과학연구소 2008 인문학논총 Vol.13 No.1

이 글은 청대 江南 지방의 해항 市鎭의 하나인 劉河鎭의 성쇠 과정을 정리함으로써 교통기능 중심 市鎭의 기능과 발달상의 특정을 파악하고자 한 것이다. 江南 지방의 교통기능 중심 市鎭은 大運河를 비롯한 주요 수로변의 하항이나 연해의 해항 등 교통의 중추에 위치하면서 화물 집산지로서 발달해 왔다. 이들 市鎭 가운데 일부는 특정 상품의 생산으로도 유명하지만, 일부는 그렇지 못하다. 특히 후자는 정책적, 경제적 환경 변화에 부침이 심하다는 특정을 갖는다. 劉河鎭은후자의 유형에 속한다. 劉河鎭은 長江 하구 삼각주의 海港市鎭으로서 淸 전기에는 上海와 더불어 江南 지방의 해상 무역을 분담하면서 발달하였지만, 청 후기가 되면 지형적 변화와 함께 해항기능을 상실하고 쇠퇴하게 된다. 무역항으로서의 劉河鎭의 쇠퇴는 인근 上海의 번성과 궤를 같이 하고 있다. 그러나 종래의 연구에서는 淸代 전 시기를 통하여 上海의 해상무역만을 중시 했을 劉河鎭의 것은 관심 밖이었다. 근대의 대도시 上海 중심의 시각이 淸代 연구에도 영향을 끼친 것이다. 淸代 劉河鎭의 번성은 해항으로서의 입지조건과 기능 외에도 정부의 해운, 해양 정책을 배경으로, 북양무역을 주로 하여 이루어졌다. 그렇지만 교통 기능 일변도로 전개된 劉河鎭의 도시적 기능은 해항도시 이상으로는 발휘될 수 없었다. 무역은 배후의 대도시 蘇州에 의해 조종되었고, 무역이익은 劉河鎭에 재투자되지 않았다. 또한 산업적 기반은 취약하여 특산으로 내세울 상품은 거의 없었다. 淸代 후기 劉河鎭의 쇠퇴는 뻘의 퇴적에 의한 항구기능의 정지에 있지만 무역상인의 劉河鎭 탈출과 上海로의 이전, 그리고 上海의 번성에는 또 다른 이유가 있었던 것이다. This paper have examined the rise and fall of Liuhezhen(劉河鎭), seaport city in Jiangnan(江南), and its background. Liuhezhen is a seaport in Chang river(長江) Delta. While It had taken charge of seaborne trade with Shanghai (上海) in the early period of Qing, it lost the function of a seaport in the later period of Qing. The fall of Liuhezhen as trading port has the same way of the rise of Shanghai, its neighboring port. The existing studies laid a emphasis on only seaborne trade of Shanghai but were not concerned about Liuhezhen, because the view of Shanghai, a metropolis in the Modern Age had a influence on the valuation of Shanghai in the period of Qing. A market town(市鎭) as a transport center, which was located in a river port including the Grand Canal or a seaport, has been developed as a trading center. Some ports were famous for a local specialty, but others didn't. The latter ports had ups and downs according to changes of policy and geographical conditions. Liuhezhen belongs to the second type of port. The prosperity of Liuhezhen in the period of Qing was owing to a favorable situation as a seaport, and shipping and marine policy of the government. However, Liuhezhen wasn’t developed beyond a seaport, for its main function was a transport center. Its trade was put the wire by Suzhou(蘇州), a large city at the rear, and its profit was not reinvested in Liuhezhen. It also didn’t have well-known products. The fall of Liuhezhen in the later period of Qing was caused by suspension of functions as a port because of the expansion of foreshore. However, There were also above-mentioned reasons for traders of Liuhezhen to move into Shanghai.