[취임사] 국가 기관에서 주민까지 아우르는 정책 절실 외

노재봉,유승우,이찬열,채수일,세영,이형권,이봉희,전성원,차장원,이계호,이광재,임경수,전상직 한국자치학회 2013 월간 주민자치 Vol.25 No.-

資源問題 : 그 政策的 考廬 Policy Considerations

盧在鳳 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1980 論文集 Vol.- No.6

세계적으로 자원문제가 관심의 대상이 되었던 1973년의 석유파동에서부터, 한국에 있어서도 자원문제는 현재와 미래에 있어서 심각한 문제로 인식되기에 이르렀다. 자원이 부족한 한국으로서는 이 문제가 단순히 경제생활의 한 부분의 문제가 아니라, 경제생활 자체의 의식과 구조의 전면적인 재조정을 요하는 전반적 문제라는 성격을 띠고 있다.

韓國戰爭 연구의 재조명 - 序論

盧在鳳 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1984 論文集 Vol.- No.8

An offshoot of the Cold War, the Korean War has recently drawn renewed interest from both historians and political scientists along with increasing availability of new source materials mainly of American origin. Some vague points in the origin and nature of the Korean War have thus been subjected to close scrutiny in the light of new materials. In this short introductory paper, however, an extort is made to refute both the ideological and revisionist perspectives.

中·소의 韓半島政策展望과 그 對策 : 韓國의 對中·소關係設定 方案모색을 中心으로 A Search for Some Possible Korean Relations with China and the Soviet Union

盧在鳳 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1978 論文集 Vol.- No.5

南北韓間의 平和定着에 關한 論理 : 思想的 視角에서

盧在鳳 경북대학교 평화문제연구소 1978 평화연구 Vol.4 No.-

이상의 분석에서 보건데 한반도의 사상적 현실은 의식적으로나 무의식적으로나 민족주의에의 길로 나아가는 과도적처지에 놓여있다 할 것이다. 물론 사상의 움직임과 현실의 동태는 반드시 일치하는 것이 아니어서 민족주의의 길이 그리 순탄하지만 않을 것은 쉬이 짐작이 간다. 그 과정에는 많은 갈등이 따를 것이 틀림없다. 그러나 그러한 갈등에 질서를 부여하는 것이 평화라 한다면 사상적으로 민족주의는 한반도의 평화이념일 수 밖에 없고 또 통일을 위한 민족사적 상위개념을 이룬다고 할 수 있을 것이다.

國際 커뮤니케이션의 國際政治的 意義

盧在鳳 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1985 論文集 Vol.- No.9

The main objective of this paper is to examine critically the interaction between international communication and international politics. As modern technology has developed rapidly, international communication has become increasingly globalized and penetrated into every aspect of national life in the world. At the first glance, international communication appears to have contributed to the common good of mankind. However, on close examination, the real workings of international communication tend to strengthen the existing structual inequalities among nations. Sometimes it has even generated new dimension of international inequality. This study thus intends to show how the real process of international communication, the media of which are mostly controlled by the advanced nations, has actually performed the function of maintaining the existing international political and economic hierarchical order. The main effects caused by such international communication in less developed countries' may be characterized, in a phrase, as the overflow of the Western "consumption culture." The absence of a countervailing cultural control device against it seems to give rise to new problems, namely the political, economic, social, and even security matters. Although the harmful effects of influx of uncontrolled international communication are so evident as reviewed in this paper, Korea does not seem to have drawn up an adequate plan to cope with the adverse effects of international communication. What is worse, some people seem to regard the inflow of the "consumption culture" as a device for national security, in the sense that it tends to guarantee the presence of foreign powers in the Korean peninsula, This is a regrettable phenomenon in that the kind of attitude seems to be a symptom of the crisis of national identity.

外交와 Prudence

盧在鳳 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1984 論文集 Vol.- No.8

As the logic of practical politics has rarely been the subject of study in general political so has the logic of practical diplomatic practices received scarce attention in philosophico-theoretical studies of international relations. with the advent of scientific study of politics, the long tradition of interest in prudence, which since Aristotle: through Machiavelli down to some philosophers of early 18th century continued to draw prime theoretical interest as to practical philosophy of politics, Las largely been left in oblivion. A paradox ensuing from this situation is that the more one acquires scientific knowledge of politics the less perceptive he becomes of the complexity of political reality. Prudence cannot find its place in either strict teleology or wholesome rationalism. Only when practical politics is grasped in terms of a dilemmatical human drama can the concept of prudence be comprehended with relative ease. International relations seen from the realistic stand-point is perhaps the most dilemmatical realm of human life. The guide to tactical diplomacy is therefore more demanding than in any other realms of human existence. Accordingly, an attempt is made here to restore the idea of prudence with emphasis on its philosophical dimensions and with special reference to international relations.

이문화간 의사소통관점에서 본 한국기업문화의 네거티브 사례 연구

노재봉 한국독일언어문학회 2019 독일언어문학 Vol.0 No.85

Kulturstandards und Unternehmenskultur eines Landes, die bei den Menschen im Partnerland der interkulturellen Kommunikation im globalen Zeitalter für negativ gehalten werden, sind sozial und ökonomisch sehr schädlich. Aber gerade wegen der langen Tradition genügt nicht das Festhalten an der negativen Kultur in der Ära der Spitzentechnologie. Mit der konfuzianischen Tradition, d.h. die Gruppenorientierung, die Hierachieorientierung, die Spontanität und Flexibilität, die Beziehungsorientierung, das Wahren des Gesichts usw., die als die Kulturstandard Koreas anerkannt wurden, sind für Ausländer ziemlich negativ angesehen. Dies wurde in der Vergangenheit nicht nur in der Forschung deutscher Wissenschaftler, sondern auch von den vorliegenden deutschen Unternehmensführern als ein Kulturstandard von Korea bewiesen. In dieser Untersuchung werde ich aus Sicht der interkulturellen Kommunikation versuchen, den koreanischen Kulkturstandard und die Unternehmenskultur zu untersuchen, die sich besonders bei deutschen Bevölkerungen negativ ausgewirkt hat. Um ein gutes Bild von koreanischen Unternehmen zu schaffen, stelle ich eine Alternative zu der Negativität dar, die für Ausländer im Prozess der interkulturellen Kommunikation negativ erscheinen. 글로벌시대의 이문화간 의사소통에서 상대국 사람들에게 네거티브 negativ하게 여겨지는 한 국가의 문화와 기업문화는 다른 무엇보다 사회·경제적인 폐해를 초래한다. 단지오랜 전통이라는 이유만으로 네거티브한 문화를 고수하는 것은 모든 분야에서 첨단으로치닫는 현 시대의 흐름과도 부합하지 않는다. 유교적인 전통과 맞물려 그동안 한국의 표준문화로 인식되어온 ‘집단체제’, ‘계급체제’, ‘임기응변과 유연성’, ‘관계정립’, ‘체면유지’ 등은 외국 기업인들에게 긍정적이라기보다는오히려 네거티브하게 보이는 사항들이다. 이는 과거 독일 학자들의 연구에서 뿐만 아니라 한국진출을 앞두고 있는 독일 기업인들을 위한 현재의 독일 비즈니스 지침서에서도그대로 증명되고 있다. 본 연구는 이문화간 의사소통 관점에서 유럽연합, 특히 한국과의 교역이 가장 활발한독일인의 눈에 네거티브하게 비친 한국의 표준문화 및 기업문화를 고찰해보고자 한다. 비즈니스를 위한 이문화간 의사소통 과정에서 독일인들에게 네거티브하게 보이는 한국의 표준문화와 기업문화를 재고한 후에 제시된 보완책은 한국인과 한국기업의 좋은 이미지 구축에도 도움이 될 것이다.

<안> 과 <밖> : 國際政治學의 方法論 硏究

盧在鳳 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1982 論文集 Vol.- No.7

The study of international relations in Korea has generally tended to follow the pattern of interest in the west, particularly the United States. Accordinlgy the institutional settings and contents of disciplinary divisions as well as theoretetical schemes have all been shaped with reference to those in the United States. Questioning the the adequacy of such imitation f(or a country like Korea which is different from the United States in every conceivable aspect, this paper proposes to reflect on what may be called the "international politics of international politics." The topic falls largely into the category of the sociology of knowledge, so to speak. The most important subject that political science in Korea must deal with seems to be the problem of the formation of nation- state, a subject which has been known variously in the name of modernization and development. In view of this problem, we can find that western theories are inadequate in various aspects. First of all, the internally oriented logic of western theories cannot take into account the externally exposed situation of Korean poltiical society. Second, the emphasis on cumulative effects seems ill fit to Korea where the discontinuity is sporadic. And, last, the problem of directed culture change cannot be discarded in case of Korea. All this leads to the point that what is called comparative politics must be treated as the part of the study of international politics, if ever the political science in Korea aims to be realistic. In this connection, the theory of dependence is given close attention. It seems to integrate the internal and the extenal which western theories have failed to weave into a systematic scheme. The main reason of this failure is sought in the mode of thinking underlying the theory of power politics, and the same mode seems to operate over the main stream study of comparative politics. However, dependency theory Os judged to be in a situation far from becoming a general theory. It is perhaps because of its nature as a counter-theory. In this sense, it can be detected that the dependency theory uncanningly inherits the predominant interest of western theories, which may be called the economists. Any satisfactory theory that aims to integrate the internal and the external will have to incorporate the results of anthropological studies and the studies of historical physiognomy of cultural boundary and tradition. In conclusion, the appeal is made to the sudents of international politics to broaden the academic horizen so that an adequate understanding of Korean politics can be made possible.

마르크스 "Burgerliche Gesellschaft"의 槪念에 關하여

盧在鳳 서울대학교 사회과학연구소 1983 社會科學과政策硏究 Vol.5 No.2

마르크스의 사상은 주로 경제학과의 관련에서 논의되어 오던 것이, 근래에 와서 마르크시즘을 단순히 사상으로서가 아니라 현실로서 보려는 관심이 점고하면서 그의 정치사상에 대한 연구가 활발해졌다. 이때 현실이라고 하는 것은 마르크르주의를 표방하고 있는 국가에 있어서 정치적인 실재가 마르크스가 주장한 이념과는 다르다는 것을 말하는 것이다. 이러한 차이를 두고 제기된 문제의 성격은 현실이 과연 마르크스의 사상을 잘못 적용한 데에서 초래된 것이냐 아니면 그 현실이 바로 마르크스 사상의 내재적 논리의 필연적인 귀결이냐의 물음으로 규정지워졌다. 이러한 물음에 대한 답이 있기 전에 당연히 마르크스의 정치사상에 관한 체계적인 연구가 필요한 것은 말할 것도 없다.