中國共産化運動의 歷史的 背景에 관한 硏究

金麟坤,申仁恒 慶北大學校 1984 論文集 Vol.38 No.-

The Chinese Communistic Revolution showed the transformation from the period of chaos to that of rule; the former is generally said to continue for about 80 years from the end of the Ch'ing dynasty, 1939. Then the Ch'ing dynasty got so extremely weakened in its national power because of the sudden increase of population, the inveterate corruption of the government officials, the absence of the new industrial technique and science, and the prevalence of comprador capital that it became to be under the Western Imperialistic Force and to undergo the great conflict between the innovative force and the conservative one. Though succeeding to establish the republican from of government for the moment in 1912, the innovative force failed to carry out the reform because of the reaction-warlord force, and another period of chaos came to exist. In this period, the New Cultural Movement and the Peking May Fourth Movement (1919) were developed by the nationalistic innovative force who had the aspect of antiimperialism and of anti-feudalism. Some of this force were much interested in Communism prevailed in China with the Russian Revolution, and they were divided into the Western Democratic innovative force and the Communistic one to be opposed to and to struggle each other. The conclusion of this study is that the object of the revolution in China was not the destruction of the existing authority but the establishment of the new government. The democratic revolution in the Western was the struggle for the individual's freedom and equality, while the revolution in China emphasized the national power and the racial solidarity, which shows the oriental aspect.

蠶室4동의 家庭廢棄物處理에 對한 認知調査

김인곤 건국대학교 1989 장안지리 Vol.4 No.6

The main purpose of this study is to clarify the perception of domestic wastes with 200 households on the center of Chamsil 4 dong, Seoul city. (The population of the study region is 40,999, and 10,369 households). The results of the survey are summarized as the followings. First, They attack importance to the environmental problems. Second, The taking type is by the cleaning cars. Third, The components of domestic wastes consist of briquette ashes (Housing public Corporation's Apartment) and food wastes (private Apartment). Forth, The main information sources on the environment are TV and newspaper. Fifth, It does not relate the perception of the environment and the discharge of domestic wastes to education years and their income.

新羅의 政治制度 硏究(Ⅲ) : 和白會義·上大等·王·執事部에 關하여 On the Hwabaikk Council, Sangdaedung, King and Jipsabu

金麟坤 慶北大學校 1975 論文集 Vol.20 No.-

日本의 淸日戰爭 挑發의 國際的 要因

金麟坤,劉明喆 경북대학교 1985 論文集 Vol.40 No.-

1. As the Trans-Siberian Railroad Project became a serious threat to the Japanese interests in Korean Peninsula and Manchuria, Japan felt an urgent necessity to provoke the SinoJapanese War before the completion of the Siberian Railroad. 2. Just then the Tonghak Movement broke out in Korea. Japan, to use this opportunity as a excuse for opening the war, dispatched its troops in the peninsula and raised a question in the Korean domestic reform. 3. Since such great powers as Great Britain, Russia, and the United States interfered in the withdrawal of both Chinese and Japanese troops from Korea and in the Korean domestic reform by Japan, Japan could not easily provoke the war. But the excessive mutual mistrust between Great Britain and Russia and American non-interventionism finally made Japan provoke the war. 4. China's inaccurate judgement on Japanese domestic affairs, Chinese internal conflicts, and the pacifism of Li Hung-Chang can also be pointed out one of the international factors of the origins of the Sino-Japanese War.

新羅의 政治制度 硏究(Ⅱ) : 和白會議·上大等·王·執事部에 關하여 On the Hwabaikcouncil, Sangdaedung, King and Jipsabu

金麟坤 慶北大學校 1985 論文集 Vol.19 No.-

subject, the author has reached the following conclusions about the structures and function of the four institutions.

社會民主主義者의 階級意識 比較

金麟坤,劉明喆 경북대학교 교육대학원 1986 논문집 Vol.18 No.-

1. Bernstein's elimination of class struggle as the method for attaining socialism undermined the status of class consciousness. If the transition from capitalism to socialism is made by extending democratic political forms rather than by radically transforming them, the class consciousness is replaced by organizational mechanisms. Bernstein denied that there was such a thing as an objective class consciousness, or, for that matter, that there was even a definable proletariat class. For him there were only groups of individuals, and the "class consciousness" of these groups, if the term may be applied here at all, consisted of the combined psychological state of the individuals in the group. 2. Lenin believed that in the course of the class struggle within capitalist society it is not possible for the workers to attain a socialist class consciousness. By themselves and from their own experience it is possible only for them to acquire trade union consciousness. Lenin maintained that correct class consciousness is the possession of a revolutionary elite, which is vested with the authority necessary to direct the revolution. Only the party elite can inject class consciourness into the working class. Presumably this class consciousness is consisted of the experience with marxist theoretical matters. 3. The union experience is an important contributory factor in developing the class consciousness of the proletariat in Luxemburg;s scheme, while in Bernstein's approach, union activity is an end in itself. Luxemburg saw democratic institutions as agent through which the class consciousness of the proletariat, the key to the establishment of socialism, can be developed. Because the objective situation which obtains during the struggle for democratic political forms contributes to the developing class consciousness of the proletariat. This class consciousness can be formed in the process of the constant struggle within the existing order, in the context of both the day-to-day struggle and the movement toward the final goal. The more closely the proletariat engaged the elements of bourgeoisie society on all fronts-political, industrial, social, intellectual-the more friction was generated and the greater and more rapid was the growth of class consciousness among the workers. And Luxemburg rejected Lenin's revolutionary elite as the vehicle for defining class consciousness because of her fundamental convictions concerning the mass character of revolutionary action. Class consciousness would gain through experiencing the revolutionary process and analyzing it "objectively," that is, through Marxist eyes. She seems to posit class consciousness as a moral force, an objective knowledge which is available to all. The role of the party elite, she maintained, is only to clarify and articulate this consciousness as it develops in the working class. The party elites are the interpreters of class consciousness; the proletariat is its source. Luxemburg in many ways united the alternatives presented by Bernstein and Lenin into higher dialectical synthesis.

英國勞動黨과 日本社會黨의 過激化 傾向

金麟坤,劉明喆 경북대학교 교육대학원 1986 논문집 Vol.18 No.-

Radicalization of the British Labour Party formally coincided with the still continuing period of economic downturn, but it was a matter of internal changes of 1981 within the party which its activist strata had wanted all along. The labour Party might be viewed as an instance of radicalization as a result of a power shift from the parliament Labour Party to Labour conference (constituency activists). And the single ascertainable cause of quick radicalization of the Japanese Socialist Party(JSP) was the convention rule change of 1959, at the very time when the nation had achieved such recovery from the devastation of war and was about to enter a period of even more astonishing growth toward international economic superstardom. The principal cause of the JSP's radicalization was the shift of power of leadership selection from the parliamentary JSP t its extraparliamentary organizations, that is, the constituency JSP. Therefore, it does seem that the most crucial and immediate cause of radicalization of the British Labour Party and the Japanese Socialist Party is internal to the party concerned (Intraparty Democracy)

二大政黨制의 效能에 關한 硏究

金麟坤 경북대학교 법정대학 1971 法大論叢 Vol.9 No.-

It is possible to classify the political parties into the one party system, the two-part system and the multi-party system. The Two-party system is difined as the party system that has two big parties which are able to hold more than half the number of the parliament seats and some small parties. When viewed in terms of the influence of political parties, under the two-party system there is usually one party which holds more than the half seats of the parliament. There is a tendency that the power of the two parties is almost balanced. Small parties are unable to join in the cabinet, while they do some functions as small parties. In the light of the social representation functions, the two big parties are characterized as national parties. Each of the two big parties is not enough in social representation function. There is a tendency for the two parties to come close with each other in the direction of moderate policy. In the view of the political functions, under the two-party system, the people are able to directly select both the government and the policy through the general elections. Under the two-party system the cabinetism prevails, while under the multi-party system the parliamentalism does. There are many differences between the one-party cabinet under the two party system and the coalition cabinet under the multi-party system. In the view of party organization, each of the two big parties under the two-parity system often involves various sects in it.

특성화고등학교 교사의 교수능력과개인 및 조직특성 변인의 위계적 관계

김인곤,방미란 한국교육개발원 2018 한국교육 Vol.45 No.3

이 연구의 목적은 특성화고등학교 교사의 교수능력과 개인 및 조직특성의 관계를 구명하는 데 있었다. 연구의 모집단은 전국 473개 특성화고등학교에 재직하고 있는 26,138명의 교사이며, 표집은 위계적 선형모형 분석에서 요구되는 최소 조직수준 집단 수(30개 이상)와 개인수준 교사 수(학교당 5명 이상)를 고려하여 무선표집된 50개 특성화고등학교 450명의 교사였다. 측정도구는 교수능력, 개인특성, 조직특성으로 구성된 질문지를 사용하였다. 자료분석은 SPSS 21.0 for Windows와 HLM 6.06 for Windows 프로그램을 이용하여 위계적 선형모형의 다층분석을 실시하였다. 이 연구의 결과는 첫째, 특성화고등학교 교사의 교수능력 전체 변량 중 조직(학교)간 차이로 설명되는 변량은 7.5%로 나타났으며, 개인(교사) 간 차이로 설명되는 변량은 92.5%로 나타났다. 둘째, 특성화고등학교의 조직특성 변인인 학교장수업지도성(β=0.268), 수업환경(β=0.207), 지속적 학습기회(β=0.291)는 교수능력에 정적인 영향을 미치지만, 설립유형, 수업환경, 소재지는 유의미한 영향을 미치지 않았다. 셋째, 특성화고등학교 교사의 개인특성 변인 중 교직경력(β=0.236), 학력(β=0.195), 교수효능감(β=0.106) 및 학습민첩성(β=2.86)은 교수능력에 정적인 영향을 미치지만, 성별, 직위는 유의미한 영향을 미치지 않았다. 넷째, 상호작용 효과를 분석한 결과, 교수능력과 교수효능감의 관계에 있어 학교장수업지도성(t=1.354, p<0.01)은 조절효과를 보이는 것으로 나타났다. 또한, 교수능력과 학습민첩성의 관계에 있어서 지속적 학습기회(t=2.901, p<0.05)는 조절효과를 보이는 것으로 나타났다. Purpose: The purpose of this study was to analyze the hierarchical relationship of the individual and organizational characteristics variables of the teaching competency of specialized vocational high school teachers. Methodology/Data: The population for this study was 26,138 teachers in 473 specialized vocational high schools. Using random sampling method considering the organizational level(more than 30) and individual level(more than 5 members within group), 450 teachers of 50 specialized vocational high schools were sampled for the study. Data analysis was performed using SPSS 21.0 for descriptive statistics, and HLM 6.06 for multi-level analysis of 2 level hierarchical linear modeling. Findings/Results: The results of this study were as follows: First, the variance explained by the difference between the organizations (schools) in the total variances was 7.5%, and the variance explained by the difference between the individual (teachers) was 92.5%. Second, the organizational variables, such as the school principals' instructional leadership (β=0.268), teaching environment (β=0.207) and continuous learning opportunities (β=0.291), had a statistically significant effect on the teaching competency, but the establishment type and the location didn't have a significant effect. Third, the individual variables, such as teachers' career (β=0.236), academic background (β=0.195), teaching efficacy (β=0.106) and learning agility (β=2.86), had a statistically significant effect on the teaching competency, but gender and job title didn't have a significant effect. Fourth, as a result of analyzing the interaction effect, school principals' instructional leadership (t=1.354, p<0.05) showed a moderating effect on the relationship between teaching competency and teaching efficacy. In addition, continuous learning opportunities (t=2.901, p<0.05) showed a moderating effect on the relationship between teaching competency and learning agility.

사염기 황산납의 첨가에 의한 밀폐형 납축전지의 노화 억제

김인곤,오상협,강홍렬 한국화학공학회 1992 화학공업과 기술 Vol.10 No.3